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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to shed some light on the paradoxes of mainstream French anti- racism regarding Islamophobia. The authors focus on the driving role played by French republican values in the recurring inability of anti-racist activism, and anti-islamophobia in particular, to act upon the structural character of racism in France.Design/methodology/approachThe authors' analysis draws on a longitudinal and qualitative investigation of the "Sud-Education 93" controversy (SE93). The authors use the analytical framework provided by controversy studies in order to focus on the aftermath, in the public sphere, of the organisation by a French labour union of a minority-only workshop designed to provide teachers with a space for expression and purposeful guidance, in order to face Islamophobia and racism issues within French public schools. The authors collected an exhaustive set of data about the comments, criticisms and debates that emerged in the public sphere as a reaction to the workshop. The authors drew on situational analysis methodology, providing controversy analysts with several power-mapping techniques, in order to conduct a discursive analysis of the statements and claims made by the protagonists of the controversy.FindingsFirst, the authors' insights point out that French Islamophobia relies on the myth of the universal republican citizen that acts as a context-specific form of colour-blindism. Second, the authors shed light on the discursive and relational mechanisms that characterise the denial of Islamophobia undertaken by political actors who use "reverse racism" arguments as a form of backlash, i.e. a strategy of "fragility" (DiAngelo, 2018) consisting in maintaining artificially a never-ending controversy over Islamophobia. Finally, the authors discuss the role played by these strategies of fragility in the recurring rejection of anti-islamophobia activism in France and the limitations and prospects they embody for future forms of anti-racist strategies.Research limitations/implicationsThe Latourian perspective adopted in the paper focuses on the implications of the controversy over Islamophobia within the public sphere. The authors' fieldwork suggests, however, that the internal dynamics of minority-only organisations embodies sites and répertoires of micro-contestation capable of bypassing on the short run, and perhaps overthrowing, the power of French hypocrisy about anti-racism and the backlash processes the authors observed in the public sphere.Originality/valueThe authors' contribution lies in the in-depth analysis of "reverse racism" rhetorics as a strategy of fragility and its implications in terms of colour-blindism and backlash.

Taking affirmative action apart / Nicholas Lemann -- To fulfill these rights: commencement address at Howard University (June 4, 1965) / Lyndon Baines Johnson -- The sweet music of equal treatment / Ward Connerly -- The DeFunis case: the right to go to law school / Ronald Dworkin -- Casualties and more casualties: surviving affirmative action (more or less) / Frederick R. Lynch -- From equal opportunity to "affirmative action" / Thomas Sowell -- Nihilism in Black America / Cornel West -- Affirmative action: the price of preference / Shelby Steele -- Reverse racism, or how the pot got to call the kettle black / Stanley Fish -- Race-neutral programs and the Democratic Coalition / William Julius Wilson -- The moral status of affirmative action / Louis P. Pojman -- A defense of programs of preferential treatment / Richard Wasserstrom -- Is racial discrimination special? / Michael E. Levin -- Goals and quotas in hiring and promotion / Tom L. Beauchamp -- Justifying reverse discrimination in employment / George Sher

Understandings of racism are produced and circulated in contemporary networked media forms, contributing new opportunities to both extend and challenge racializing discourses, images and frameworks. This study investigated how the concept of racism is used in Finnish public debate by employing a computational text analysis technique to derive topics related to racism from a large corpus of news media content and online discussion forum comments. Our findings show that discourses about racism are different in legacy media and online platform regarding both their prominence and framings. While social media produce various discourses of 'reverse racism', news media connects racism to historical and international contexts. We conclude that what racism is understood to be is not only an intensely political process but also one shaped by the type of media platform, specificities of Finnish language and national ideological battles.

AbstractIn this article, I contend that first generation of Black African Francophone immigrants in Canada regress through the three phases of immigration, which are settlement, adaptation, and integration. This plight occurs while immigrants ought to be progressing from a phase of immigration to a succeeding one. It is generated by linguicism and anti‐Black racism that afflict Black Francophones. Settlement is largely successful, adaption is largely a failure, while integration is completely a failure. This critical analysis problematizes a quandary about Canada and paves the way for implementing mechanism to improve the inclusion of Black Francophones.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface -- 1. The Unbearable Whiteness of Being: White Male Racial Immunity in Higher Education -- 2. "Race Just Doesn't Matter That Much": White Insulation, Occam's Racial Razor, and Willful Racial Ignorance -- 3. "The Only Discrimination Left Is That Against White Men": The Campus Racial Politics of "Reverse Racism" -- 4. "Why Can't Stevie Wonder Read? Because He's Black": Whiteness and the Social Performance of Racist Joking -- 5. "I Almost Lost My Spot to a Less Qualified Minority": Imagined versus Real Affirmative Action -- 6. "They'd Never Allow a White Student Union": The Racial Politics of Campus Space and Racial Arrested Development -- 7. "Because It's the Right Thing to Do": Racial Awakening and (Some) Allyship Development -- 8. Conclusion: White Guys on Campus, What Is to Be Done? -- Appendix A: Questionnaire Results, Part I -- Appendix B: Questionnaire Results, Part II -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- References -- Index -- About the Author

Skinner & Klinkner (2004) argue that attitudes reflecting racial prejudice were present in the 2003 Louisiana governor's race, & were even stronger in north Louisiana. Utilizing as did they aggregate data with an approach that better fits theory & available data, this study shows that they overstate the significance & importance of presumed racial prejudice in the election, especially statewide. Across the state, attitudes reflecting racial prejudice had no impact on the vote decision, & where they did in north Louisiana, the effects were small enough that they did not change the outcome of the contest. However, using individual-level data showed that partisan effects strongly controlled voting in this contest; in fact, non-Republicans displayed a chauvinistic tendency in their voting while a Republican partisanship negated this effect. Conflating various meanings to variables & inferior indicators explains the less-valid results & interpretations achieved by the use of aggregate data compared to the individual-level data. Adapted from the source document.

Part I: Me and You. The birth of whiteness ; Roll call: Black or African American? ; What do you see when you see me?: implicit bias ; The head start: white privilege ; Cite your sources or drop the class: cultural appropriation ; Mythical me: angry black men ; Nooooope!: the N-word -- Part II: Us and Them. The game is rigged: systemic racism ; Standing up to your bullies: reverse racism ; The fix: who's governing the government? ; Thug life: justice for some -- Part III: We. Good trouble: fighting for change ; Show up: how to be an ally ; Breaking the huddle: how to end racism.

The election of a British National Party councillor in London in September 1993 was greeted by shock and disbelief in the media, particularly because it happened during controversial preparations to celebrate the anniversary of Britain's role in Hitler's defeat in 1945. This essay sets out to examine some of the ways in which the BNP victory was reported in an attempt to understand how intricately gender and class are interwoven in discourses of racism in contemporary British politics. First, it draws attention to the dramatic images of white, working-class (or rather, non-working-class), violent, masculinity that dominated media representation of the event. In particular, the apparent invisibility of women in the photos and headlines seemed questionable, particularly when their anger and frustration about their own living conditions percolated through the lengthier written reports on the inside pages. Looking beyond superficial media coverage of the election, it was clear that gender was also a significant factor in the construction of a local, exclusively white, organic community fostered by political parties responsible for administering social housing and other public resources. While gender can articulate different forms of racism, the reverse can also be true. Ideas about what it means to be white, for example, defined against the racialized 'other', are also implicated in the social construction of gender. The violence perpetrated by those attracted to the xenophobic rhetoric of groups like the BNP is able to represent an aspect of masculinity that is both patriarchal and active in defending the 'racial' community. The third voice of beleaguered mothers summons up a version of white femininity that is passively concerned with the task of trying to reproduce the racial purity longed for by their menfolk. Finally, the specific characteristics and dynamics of the area in which the election took place also demands attention, not just because it happened in the heart of one of the most contested territories in London, but also because it was a reminder that the spatial aspects of social conflict are inseparable from the social, political and economic.

In 1971 British Home Secretary Reginald Maudling suggested that the situation in Northern Ireland amounted to 'an acceptable level of violence'. During 'the Troubles' this became the de facto security policy of successive British governments prepared to countenance a 'manageable' level of paramilitary activity. This reality supposedly changed irrevocably with the peace process and the 1997 Good Friday Agreement. Over the last fifteen years, however, Northern Ireland has been dubbed 'the race hate capital of Europe' with the 'targeting of ethnic minorities' by loyalist paramilitaries characterised as 'ethnic cleansing' by the police. The demography of Northern Ireland is changing, with eastern EU and non-white migrant workers arriving, which accentuates the reversing Protestant/Catholic differential and further undermines the 'Protestant majoritarianism' on which the state was founded. Alongside 'flags protests', racist violence has become one of the principal manifestations of unionist unease. The riposte by the state to racism has been to reach for empty models of 'hate crime' and 'good relations' alongside a criminal justice policy that appears to find acceptable a certain level of racist violence. Broadly, therefore, the author characterises the experience of people of colour and migrant workers in Northern Ireland as 'living the peace process in reverse'. He concludes that this reality has profound implications – both for the future of Northern Ireland and for the ways in which we understand the relationship between the state and new forms of British nationalism across the UK.