A Durkheim Revival
In: The American journal of sociology, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 337-338
ISSN: 1537-5390
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In: The American journal of sociology, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 337-338
ISSN: 1537-5390
In: Journal of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 167
In: Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science, Band 14, S. 331-457
ISSN: 0065-0684
In: The Economic Journal, Band 36, Heft 143, S. 459
In: The Annals of the American Academy of political and social Science 193
In: American federationist: official monthly magazine of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations, Band 45, S. 593-597
ISSN: 0002-8428
In: The Economic Journal, Band 44, Heft 176, S. 616
In: Foreign affairs: an American quarterly review, Band 12, Heft 4, S. 622
ISSN: 2327-7793
In: Foreign affairs, Band 12, S. 622-628
ISSN: 0015-7120
In: Current History, Band 38, Heft 5, S. 602-606
ISSN: 1944-785X
In: Foreign affairs, Band 12, Heft 1, S. 622
ISSN: 0015-7120
In: Current History, Band 23, Heft 2, S. 287-291
ISSN: 1944-785X
In: Far Eastern survey, Band 6, Heft 20, S. 229-230
In: American political science review, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 454-459
ISSN: 1537-5943
Theories of the nature of the political community vary with conditions. Just as political pluralism was a phase of the late mellowness of liberalism, so the organic theory of the state is suited for more heroic moments. When integral nationalism was discovered in the United States after the defeat of the South, it was not inappropriate that organic theories should have been supported in order to explain the place of the American nation in history. Nor can it be surprising that today some of the leaders of the United States are looking at the nation as a kind of social organism.If one reads with attention the words of President Lincoln during the early days of the Civil War, it can be seen that the Union was more than just a voluntary association of political communities. The states had their being within the Union, and the Union itself had given birth to the states. Even the history of Texas and its relation to the Union did not impress Lincoln as simply consensual, for if there was consent it was all on the side of Texas. Whatever liberty and authority the states possessed they derived from the Union, and not from any original powers of their own. When the Union became a symbol of organicity in the mind of the North, the earlier individualistic theory of the state was remote enough. The social contract, the consent of all to government, was suitable in the American Revolution, since protest was being made against the specific, arbitrary actions of the British government, animated it would seem by a total conception of Empire. To Lincoln, states, like individuals, were a part of the Union, and the Union might be broken neither by citizens nor by states.