Suchergebnisse

The article subject is the relationship between the revolutionary action and the process of legitimation. The author demonstrates how revolutionaries acquire the right to new rationalization of history. The priority in this process belongs to narratives which are related to realization of the right to revolt. Each conscious revolutionary action anticipates the existence of some parallel structures of counterpower. These structures are mainly established as political views and imagined institutions. Within the process of revolution, this fundamental feature of political imagination is embodied in narratives of society-power relation, which is the basic component of the revolutionary legitimation. ; ***

The third instalment of this multi-volume project presents a selection of archival sources from the time of Ukraine's Revolution on Granite in October 1990. They include telegrams sent to participants of the Revolution from supporters in different parts of Ukraine, KGB documents such as internal notes and other records, as well as transcripts of parliamentary sessions from the time of the revolution. All materials included in the volume are published in two languages: the original language of the document (Ukrainian or Russian) and in English translation.

This paper analyzed the essence of the concept of revolution. For example, the research stages of revolutionary ideas based on "Dignity Revolution" formed more concrete understanding of the concepts. Through the explication of the concept formed the essence of completed and unfinished revolution. Key words : revolution , analysis , terminology, political crisis , political evolution. ; Проаналізовано суть поняття «революція». Використовуючи приклади дослідження етапів реалізації революційних ідей на основі «революції гідності», визначено конкретизованіше розуміння цього терміна. За допомогою експлікації поняття сформовано суть завершеної та незавершеної революції. Ключові слова: революція, аналіз, термінологія, політична криза, політична еволюція.

The article deals with the analysis of P. Stebnytskyi's researches that devoted to the events of the Ukrainian Revolution in 1917–1921, and considers his works as part of the national discourse. In addition to a number of well-known works by this public fi gure («The Brain of the Nation», «Nemesis», «The Logic of Life», «On the Fire», «Ukraine in the Economy of Russia», etc.), we have included researches discovered in the archive: «The Law of Evolution and the Right of the Revolution, «A terrible heritage. (Economic and fi nancial consequences of the World War)», a draft without a name «. but a temporary Russian government .». This research uses comparative-historical, historical-typological, historical-observational, historicaldescriptive methods. In addition, a critical discourse analysis was used to analyze the journalistic heritage of P. Stebnytskyi as part of the national discourse. It is proved that P. Stebnitsky's works are important part of the Ukrainian journalism at the beginning of the twentieth century and the period of the Ukrainian Revolution in 1917–1921. His researches have nation creating and anticolonial character. P. Stebnitsky's works promoted the separation idea of the Ukrainian nation, its right to self-determination and a its own way of developing a national culture; they have followed such concepts as «federation», «autonomy», «statehood», «independence», «independence». It was established that this public fi gure found out the reasons and motives of the Ukrainian Revolution in 1917–1921, described the course of political events, considered its economic, social and cultural consequences, expressing its own attitude towards national liberation struggles.

Among modern approaches to the scientific comprehension of the revolutionary events of the early twentieth century the concept of peasant revolution takes an outstanding place. The presented article tackles the problem of perceiving of the peasantry's ability for an independent revolutionary struggle. The article analyses the views of of the Bolshevik Party leader, V. I. Ulyanov (Lenin), and their influence on political practice in the process of the Soviet state creation.The article clarifies that for V. I. Lenin, the ability of the peasantry for an independent revolutionary struggle was quite obvious. As a consequence of the political behavior of the peasantry during the period of the revolution during 1905-1907, he concluded that there was a special type of bourgeois revolution – the peasant agrarian revolution. According to his views, the peasant revolution opens the way for a farmer type of agrarian capitalism.All the components of Lenin's revolutionary transformation program envisaged taking into account the fact of the peasant revolution. Thus, the possibility of the bourgeois-democratic revolution was assumed only in the form of a peasant revolution, the Bolsheviks' seizure of power was planned through the use of the peasant revolution, the restoration of the acquired power – through the resolute satisfaction of the interests of the peasant revolution, the construction of socialism – through the adaptation of the results of the peasant revolution to socialist progress. Given Lenin's correct definition of the peasant revolution nature, the claim about the bourgeois component of socio-economic transformations carried out by the Bolsheviks in October 1917 finds its confirmation. ; Among modern approaches to the scientific comprehension of the revolutionary events of the early twentieth century the concept of peasant revolution takes an outstanding place. The presented article tackles the problem of perceiving of the peasantry's ability for an independent revolutionary struggle. The article analyses the views of of the Bolshevik Party leader, V. I. Ulyanov (Lenin), and their influence on political practice in the process of the Soviet state creation.The article clarifies that for V. I. Lenin, the ability of the peasantry for an independent revolutionary struggle was quite obvious. As a consequence of the political behavior of the peasantry during the period of the revolution during 1905-1907, he concluded that there was a special type of bourgeois revolution – the peasant agrarian revolution. According to his views, the peasant revolution opens the way for a farmer type of agrarian capitalism.All the components of Lenin's revolutionary transformation program envisaged taking into account the fact of the peasant revolution. Thus, the possibility of the bourgeois-democratic revolution was assumed only in the form of a peasant revolution, the Bolsheviks' seizure of power was planned through the use of the peasant revolution, the restoration of the acquired power – through the resolute satisfaction of the interests of the peasant revolution, the construction of socialism – through the adaptation of the results of the peasant revolution to socialist progress. Given Lenin's correct definition of the peasant revolution nature, the claim about the bourgeois component of socio-economic transformations carried out by the Bolsheviks in October 1917 finds its confirmation.

This study discusses the various aspects of the definitive definition of "revolution" and its semantic meaning and interpretation. Analyzed as modes of understanding the causes and goals of revolution in the society in terms of the leading scholars of the past and present, who have developed the key problems of social theory. Key words and phrases: revolution; political revolution; social revolution. ; Розглянуто суперечливі проблеми теорії революції. У порівняльному аспекті охарактеризовано різні підходи до визначення самого поняття "революція", а також проаналізовано вплив революцій на політичну систему суспільства. Розглянуто причини та цілі революцій у суспільстві з погляду різних дослідників. Ключові слова: революція, політична революція, соціальна революція.

The paper analyzes the legislation of the Provisional Government of Russia of 1917 which ensured the democratization of the Zemstvo electoral system by introducing general, equal, direct elections by secret ballot. According to the transitional legislation of 1917, elections of county and provincial councillors were held according to the proportional electoral system. As a result of the elections, the provincial and county zemstvos were Ukrainized and democratized by involving peasants' representatives. However, given voters' low political culture and lack of political experience, this electoral system proved ineffective. Participation in the elections of mainly one public organization – the Peasants' Union, which received the right to elect provincial councillors, led to a decrease in the zemstvo governors' professional training level, which was one of the reasons for the zemstvo self-government decline.Elections of volost councillors on the resolution of county zemstvos representatives' congresses could be held under both majority and proportional electoral systems, which indicates the expansion of suffrage. On the territory of the Left Bank of Ukraine, the elections of volost councillors were held under the majority electoral system, which was quite justified, as voters were not ready for elections on the basis of tThe paper analyzes the legislation of the Provisional Government of Russia of 1917 which ensured the democratization of the Zemstvo electoral system by introducing general, equal, direct elections by secret ballot. According to the transitional legislation of 1917, elections of county and provincial councillors were held according to the proportional electoral system. As a result of the elections, the provincial and county zemstvos were Ukrainized and democratized by involving peasants' representatives. However, given voters' low political culture and lack of political experience, this electoral system proved ineffective. Participation in the elections of mainly one public organization – the ...

The paper analyses the revolutionary events of XX–XXI centuries in Ukraine, in particular, the prerequisites, causes, and consequences of social, political and economic nature, the historical, political and legal experience of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, the Orange Revolution of 2004 and the Dignity Revolution of 2014. By carrying out a comparative legal analysis the author comes to the conclusion that the above mentioned processes are characterized not only by the same goal, the basis of which is the idea of social and national liberation, but also by such concepts as human centrism, their anti-imperial, national, and state orientations. On the other hand, attention is also focused on the distinctive features of the revolutions mentioned, such as different external and internal political circumstances behind them and the international legal reaction to the revolutionary events that took place in our country.

Thus, the article outlines the challenges of today's Ukrainian humanities through the prism of an average human being's role in the revolutionary process in Soviet times, identifies the impact of these phenomena on the individual, makes an attempt to find common features of political and legal reaction to such events from both Ukrainian society and the ruling circles of some neighboring states.

The paper proves the complete scientific inability of a number of Russian imperial myths, namely the desire to present Russian-Ukrainian conflicts as "civil wars", the attempts of Russian historiography to "incorporate" the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921 into the all-Russian revolutionary process, the desire to characterize the 2014 Revolution of Dignity as a "coup d'etat", etc.

On the basis of the comparative analysis, the author explains why the Ukrainian state as a geopolitical reality could not happen during the revolution in the beginning of twentieth century, in contrast to the events of presence, when modern post-revolutionary Ukraine managed to withstand the struggle against the Russian occupation forces and once again avoided the tragic consequences that came to our land after the occupation.

Abstract. Introduction. It the need to understand how the events of November 2013 – February 2014, which entered history as a "Revolution of Dignity" influenced on the consciousness of Ukrainians and on national mentality. Purpose. The purpose of the article is to investigate manifestations of the characteristics of Ukrainian mentality during the socio-political crisis on the territory of Ukraine; to find out what positive and negative peculiarities of Ukrainian mentality happened in a natural or a logical way and which were unexpected. Methods. An analytical method is used during the study of the sources; a systematic method for the study and systematization of the received information. General scientific principles of historicism, objectivity, philosophical pluralism, unity of historical and logical are used. Results. It is grounded that latent characteristics of Ukrainian mentality are fearlessness and the desire to achieve a goal. In spite of the risks to life they were activated. The traditional Ukrainian hesitancy transformed into a rapid self-organization, an effective collaboration of the community. It is proved that the "Revolution of Dignity" refuted the dominant in society the notion of indifference of Ukrainians and a lack of national solidarity and consent. Originality. The representation and transformation of the Ukrainian mentality characteristics: freedom-loving, democracy, tolerance, patience and others are studied. The socio-philosophical phenomens of the "Ukrainian Revolution", which provided its participants with the achievement of the goal, were presented: democracy in action with the lack of individual leadership; active articulation of the desired social values and their practical application; Ukrainian citizens uniting, the awakening of national identity and pride – Ukrainians began to become proud of being Ukrainians. Conclusion. The events of November 2013 – February 2014, entered history as the "Revolution of Dignity", bring into action positive and negative Ukrainian mentality peculiarities. Even the name "Revolution of Dignity" symbolically demonstrates the Ukrainians' denial of slavery, injustice, and activation of human dignity. Philosophical comprehension of these unique events for Europe and for the whole world allows us to talk about a special Ukrainian sense of their own existence: Ukrainians support European values and ready to protect them even at the expence of their own lives.

This paper analyzes contemporary approaches to the definition of revolution taking into account the changes suffered by the theory of revolution under the impact of new social realities that appeared in the late XX – early XXI centuries, namely: the decline of large-scale revolutions as a means of social change and the emergence of new – lighter, shorter and more diverse forms of revolutionary action, in particular, the so-called "velvet" revolutions, woven into the context of "transition" as a more enduring social transformation. Key words: revolution, social revolution, political revolution, "classical revolution", "small (velvet) revolution". ; Проаналізовано сучасні підходи до визначення революції з урахуванням тих змін, котрих зазнала теорія революції під впливом нових суспільних реалій кінця ХХ – початку ХХІ ст.: відходу з історичної сцени масштабних революцій у вигляді способу суспільних змін і появи нових – легших, коротших і різноманітніших форм революційної дії, зокрема «оксамитових» революцій, уплетених у контекст «переходу» як тривалішої суспільної трансформації. Ключові слова: революція, соціальна революція, політична революція, «класична революція» «мала (оксамитова) революція».

The author analyzed events in Ukraine in the period November 2013 – February 2014. Defining them as a political revolution, he reveals its causes, characterizes stages. Based on the comparative analysis of revolutions that have occurred in the postcommunist space, he reveals its specificity. Foreign factor of political development have been given special attention. ; Анализируются события, произошедшие в Украине в период ноября 2013 г. – февраля 2014 г. Определяя их как политическую революцию, автор раскрывает её причины, характеризует этапы. На основе компаративного анализа революций, произошедших на посткоммунистическом пространстве, выявляет ее специфику. Особое внимание уделяется внешнему фактору развития политической ситуации. ; Аналізуються події, що відбулися в Україні в період листопада 2013 р. – лютого2014 р. Визначаючи їх як політичну революцію, автор розкриває її причини, характеризує етапи. На основі компаративного аналізу революцій, що відбулися на посткомуністичному просторі, виявляє її специфіку. Особлива увага приділяється зовнішньому чиннику розвитку політичної ситуації.

The author analyzed events in Ukraine in the period November 2013 – February 2014. Defining them as a political revolution, he reveals its causes, characterizes stages. Based on the comparative analysis of revolutions that have occurred in the postcommunist space, he reveals its specificity. Foreign factor of political development have been given special attention. ; Анализируются события, произошедшие в Украине в период ноября 2013 г. – февраля 2014 г. Определяя их как политическую революцию, автор раскрывает её причины, характеризует этапы. На основе компаративного анализа революций, произошедших на посткоммунистическом пространстве, выявляет ее специфику. Особое внимание уделяется внешнему фактору развития политической ситуации. ; Аналізуються події, що відбулися в Україні в період листопада 2013 р. – лютого2014 р. Визначаючи їх як політичну революцію, автор розкриває її причини, характеризує етапи. На основі компаративного аналізу революцій, що відбулися на посткомуністичному просторі, виявляє її специфіку. Особлива увага приділяється зовнішньому чиннику розвитку політичної ситуації.

The national and cultural activities of the Lusatian Serbs in the period of the revolution of 1848-1849 are one of the brightest and most controversial pages of the past of this small Slavic people ofGermany. During the revolution, the Lusatian Serbs, through their ideologues, with their locallyprovincial patriotism, were oriented towards supporting paternalistic relations with the royal authorities. To the main factors of the participation of the least numerous Slavic people in the revolutionary events of the middle of the XIX century national-cultural and ethnopolitical should be considered. During the revolution of 1848-1849, Serbs from the broad democratic program chose the path of humanization and moderate social liberalization. The first met the national and cultural needs of the people, and the second did not set the ethnic group in opposition to the monarchical power and democratic forces of Germany. In our opinion, the assumption of a possible ethnic minority of wider national rights or autonomy, subject to decisive action during the revolution, is unfounded. Already at the beginning of the XIX century the Lusatian Serbs ethnic group was a statistical minority in its ethnic region, which was divided between the two European states (Prussia and Saxony), therefore calls for more determined national requirements in ethnically mixed areas were not widespread, and the radicalization of thenational movement could lead to ethno-lateral consequences. ; Національно-культурна діяльність лужицьких слов'ян періоду революції 1848-1849 рр. – одна з найяскравіших та найсуперечливіших сторінок минулого цього малочисельного слов'янськогонароду Німеччини. Під час революції лужицькі серби через своїх ідеологів, з їхнім локальнопровінційним патріотизмом, були зорієнтовані на підтримку патерналістських відносин ізкоролівською владою. До головних чинників участі найнечисленнішого слов'янського народу у революційних подіях середини XIX ст. необхідно віднести національно-культурні та етнополітичні. Протягом революції 1848-1849 рр. серби з широкої демократичної програми обрали шлях гуманізації та поміркованої суспільної лібералізації. Перше відповідалонаціональним та культурним потребам народу, а друге не ставило етнос в опозицію до монархічної влади та демократичних сил Німеччини. Припущення щодо можливого отримання етноменшиною ширших національних прав або автономії за умови рішучіших дій під час революції, на нашу думку, є безпідставними. Вже на початку XIX ст. серболужицький етнос був статистичною меншістю у своєму етнічному районі, який поділявся між двома європейськими державами (Пруссією та Саксонією), тому заклики до рішучіших національних вимог у етнічно змішаних районах не мали поширення, а радикалізація національного руху могла призвести до етнолетальних наслідків.

The article is devoted to the issue of military construction during the Ukrainian Revolution - after the overthrow of the autocracy in Russia until 1921. The author aims to consider the decisive theme for the fate of the revolution, the creation of a national regular army, because every revolution must be able to defend the achievements of statehood. An analysis of the policy of the Central Rada, the government of P. Skoropadsky, the Directory and the government of Western Ukraine, Ukrainian parties and their leading figures on the role of the national Armed Forces in the state building of Ukraine, in defense of its sovereignty. The events connected with the performance of the Second Ukrainian Regiment named after Hetman P. Polubotko in the summer of 1917. Much attention is paid to the analysis of the difficult situation of the leadership of the Central Council in the winter of 1917-1918. The ratio of troops and their readiness for war of the armed forces of Russia and Ukraine in January 1918 is revealed. The causes and consequences of the conflict between V. Vynnychenko and S. Petliura, the latter's measures to build the Ukrainian army are analyzed. The measures of the government of Hetman P. Skoropadsky regarding the formation of the armed forces of the Ukrainian state are revealed. The advantages of military construction in the Western Ukrainian People's Republic have been studied. The methodological basis of the work is the principle of objectivity. The author used comparative and concrete-historical methods, applied chronological-problematic presentation. The scientific novelty of the work is an attempt to comprehensively study military construction as a key factor in the restoration and establishment of state sovereignty during the Ukrainian Revolution (1917-1921).As a result of the research, the author came to the conclusion that the Directory, in contrast to the Central Council, paid more attention to the issue of military construction and protection of revolutionary achievements. But due to a number of internal and external factors, the Ukrainian revolution was defeated.One of the reasons was the inability of the Ukrainian leadership to raise and organize the peasantry. Thanks to a radical solution to the agrarian question, the Bolsheviks succeeded in attracting peasants to their ranks. ; Стаття присвячена питанню військового будівництва в роки Української революції – після повалення самодержавства в Росії до 1921 р. Автор розглядає визначальну для долі революції тему створення національної регулярної армії, адже кожна революція повинна вміти захищати здобутки державотворення, аналізує політику Центральної Ради, уряду П. Скоропадського, Директорії та уряду ЗУНР, українських партій та їх чільних діячів щодо ролі національних Збройних Сил у державному будівництві України, у захисті її суверенітету та події, пов'язані з виступом Другого українського полку ім. гетьмана П. Полуботка влітку 1917 р. Зроблено аналіз тяжкого становища керівництва Центральної Ради взимку 1917-1918 рр., співвідношення військ і готовність їх до війни збройних сил Росії та України у січні 1918 р., причин та наслідків конфлікту між В. Винниченком та С. Петлюрою, заходів останнього щодо розбудови української армії. Розкрито заходи уряду гетьмана П. Скоропадського щодо формування збройних сил Української держави. Досліджено переваги військового будівництва в ЗУНР. Наукова новизна роботи – спроба комплексного дослідження військового будівництва як ключового фактору у відновленні та в утвердженні суверенітету держави в період Української революції, аналіз помилок та прорахунків українських урядів періоду революції (1917- 1921). Автор дійшла висновків, що Директорія, на відміну від Центральної Ради, приділяла більше уваги вирішенню питання військового будівництва та захисту революційних здобутків, але через ряд внутрішніх та зовнішніх чинників Українська революція зазнала поразки. Однією з причин було невміння українського керівництва підняти та організувати селянство. Більшовикам вдалося завдяки радикальному розв'язанню аграрного питання залучити селян до своїх лав.