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Kim Stanley Robinson's The Ministry for the Future was published in 2020. The novel is the sequel to the New York 2140 science fiction dystopian novel. The conceptual continuation presents a vision of unsustainable capitalism that functions via endless expansion. The Ministry for the Future brings into focus the outcome of externalities of capitalism: climate change and its effects on societies and individuals. The study emphasis on critique of capitalism, of mass production and mass consumption, at the same time it points at the techno-optimism in The Ministry for the Future by Kim Stanley Robinson. The analysis of appearance of climate change in the novel is interdisciplinary, the study's approach is scientific and empirical.

The Columbian quincentenary is not so much a remembrance of times past as a reconstruction of times present. For, whereas Europe's medieval kings took legitimacy and authority from God's ordinance, the mesh of supra-national and super powers and transnational conglomerates who arrange our destinies today, needs a more sophisticated array of techniques to proclaim the inevitability of current hierarchies of power and the rightfulness of its versions of progress.1

"Legitimacy and European Union Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.

The purpose of commercial marketing is to sell products that satisfy customers' needs at a profit, without judging the rightfulness of those needs. Social marketing's purpose is to modify or change consumer needs when they are harmful to the person, other persons, or society. Social marketing therefore acts as a corrective to harmful commercial marketing practices. With the rise of sustainability concerns, social marketing takes on the additional objective of urging persons in advanced nations to reduce their consumption on the grounds of "less is more." Social marketers will mount more campaigns to discourage water consumption, beef consumption, heavy packaging with plastics, and so on. To preserve the planet, an emerging goal of social marketing is Degrowth.

The aim of this article is to investigate the tyrannical similarity between Antigone and Creon through Hannah Arendt's political philosophy. As Arendt claimed, tyranny firstly signals the end of the political through which men can share their natality. The very meaning of tyranny is the domination by absoluteness that ends deliberation among mortal beings. Antigone only focuses on the divine law, which is seen as absolute righteousness that precedes the law of the city, and so, she tends to ignore any other option on rightfulness. This article aims to show that not only Creon but also Antigone can be regarded as a tyrant, since Antigone tends to sublime her dedication to an infallible justice, causing her to deny any other claim on justice.

The issues touched upon in the article concern the impact of the "supernatural" element in re-defining the Ukrainians' identity during and after the Revolution of Dignity, including the merger of the events' casualties with the image of an angel hero fighting under the leadership of Archangel Michael against the Yanukovych regime. It instigated the process of the mythologizing victims, whose souls – according to collective imagination – composed the Nebesna Sotnya waging war against evil from the heavens above, while at the same time protecting the living. The community commenced the said re-definition of identity, among others, by referring the initiation hero's journey, who first fought at Maidan, then proceeded to the battlefield of war, while still remaining under the "supernatural" protection. Moreover, mystical signs only reinforced the rightfulness of taking up the challenge and the righteousness of the very idea.

We study the impact on a country's economy of sharing a direct land border with a country experiencing conflict. Through analyzing sixty-three major episodes of regional instability during the period between 1990 and 2016 by using panel data methods applied to unrestricted error correction model, the opportunity cost of such regional conflict is examined. The resulting estimates of GDP loss are most profound for countries in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. Regional turmoil resulting from conflict has been found to have significantly reduced GDP growth in Angola, China, Kuwait, Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Tanzania, with estimates ranging from over 3% to 7% average reductions in GDP growth rate using both pooled OLS and fixed effects estimations (with an international average of 0.95% and 1.18% respectively). This considerable opportunity costs of military expenditure raise an important and challenging question to the concerned governments about the economic and social rightfulness of this expenditure and whether their people ultimately pay the price for the government decisions of increasing military spending.

We study the impact on a country's economy of sharing a direct land border with a country experiencing conflict. Through analysing sixty-three major episodes of regional instability during the period between 1990 and 2016 by using panel data methods applied to unrestricted error correction model, the opportunity cots of such regional conflict is examined. The resulting estimates of GDP loss are most profound for countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Regional turmoil resulting from conflict has been found to have significantly reduced GDP growth in Angola, China, Kuwait, Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Tanzania, with estimates ranging from over 3% to 7% average reductions in GDP growth rate using both pooled OLS and fixed effects estimations (with an international average of 0.95% and 1.18% respectively). This considerable opportunity costs of military expenditure raise an important and challenging question to the concerned governments about the economic and social rightfulness of this expenditure and whether their people ultimately pay the price for the government decisions of increasing military spending.

Through the Hague convention of 1899, for the first time by a general treaty, nations in effect agreed that under certain circumstances, at least, they were morally bound, as were ordinary corporations or mere private individuals, to submit the merits of their disputes to impartial examination. The old doctrine that the king, as the representative of Deity, could do no wrong and the newer fiction that national governments were sovereign—beyond the ordinary gauges of right and wrong—and were their own courts of last resort upon the rightfulness of their actions toward other governments, subject only to the arbitrament of war, were measurably impaired, the signatory nations admitting fallibility and agreeing that, composed as they were of an aggregate of individuals, like their component parts they might err, and that the question as to whether they had erred or not could fairly be determined by other human beings, perhaps no wiser, but certainly more impartial than themselves.

The use of the 'halal' label was expanded. Label, which is originally shown on food and beverage products only, but currently also shown on non-food and beverage products, such as tissue, pan, and refrigerator. It is a phenomenon of halalization; an expansion of halal label for the product consumed by the Muslim community. Based on the qualitative method, the results of this study show that the Millennial Muslim generation's understanding of halal is varying and affected by varying sources of knowledge and internet use. Knowledge source was no longer lies on Kiai/Ustadz only, but also on searching engine available in cyberspace. Social media and the internet also become media used by millennial Muslim generation to search for information on the product's rightfulness. Millennial Muslim generation just wants to use a product with a halal label, and an affordable price. If it is unaffordable, they will choose other affordable products volitionally despite no halal label. The contestation in selecting and non-selecting the halal label shows the existence of interests and authority for millennial Muslim generation. This what is called the politics of the halal label.

We study the impact on a country's economy of sharing a direct land border with a country experiencing conflict. Through analysing sixty-three major episodes of regional instability during the period between 1990 and 2016 by using panel data methods applied to unrestricted error correction model, the opportunity cots of such regional conflict is examined. The resulting estimates of GDP loss are most profound for countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Regional turmoil resulting from conflict has been found to have significantly reduced GDP growth in Angola, China, Kuwait, Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Tanzania, with estimates ranging from over 3% to 7% average reductions in GDP growth rate using both pooled OLS and fixed effects estimations (with an international average of 0.95% and 1.18% respectively). This considerable opportunity costs of military expenditure raise an important and challenging question to the concerned governments about the economic and social rightfulness of this expenditure and whether their people ultimately pay the price for the government decisions of increasing military spending. Keywords: Opportunity Cost; GDP; FDI; Regional Instability.

ABSTRACTThis article makes connections between often‐disparate literatures on property, violence and identity, using the politics of rubber growing in West Kalimantan, Indonesia, as an example. It shows how rubber production gave rise to territorialities associated with and productive of ethnic identities, depending on both the political economies and cultural politics at play in different moments. What it meant to be Chinese and Dayak in colonial and post‐colonial Indonesia, as well as how categories of subjects and citizens were configured in the two respective periods, differentially affected both the formal property rights and the means of access to rubber and land in different parts of West Kalimantan. However, incremental changes in shifting rubber production practices were not the only means of producing territory and ethnicity. The author argues that violence ultimately played a more significant role in erasing prior identity‐based claims and establishing the controls of new actors over trees and land and their claims to legitimate access or 'rightfulness'. Changing rubber production practices and reconfigurations of racialized territories and identity‐based property rights are all implicated in hiding the violence.