Suchergebnisse

Toutes les armées éprouvent le besoin de disposer de textes susceptibles d'inspirer et d'orienter les comportements ; il en est ainsi des puissances majeures que sont l'Allemagne, les États-Unis, la France, le Royaume-Uni et même en son temps l'Union soviétique. Une étude comparative des textes de chacune de ces armées est particulièrement éclairante. Au-delà des diversités de forme, elle révèle une véritable exception américaine dans la prééminence de la victoire absolue, au détriment d'une notion récurrente chez les Européens, celle de la maîtrise de la violence.

The conflict environment is changing, and—after almost two decades of continuous COIN, stabilisation and counterterrorism missions—government and public opinion in western and allied countries are unlikely to support continued large-scale or long-duration missions of this type. Yet history demonstrates that such missions are, and are likely to remain, some of the most frequent and geographically widespread. Likewise, ground forces are critical for success in COIN and stabilisation missions, due to the need to interact closely with local government and populations, which implies the need to establish and maintain a physical presence in the area of operations, which in turn implies the need to survive and prevail in a close combat environment, which only ground forces can do. Thus, despite their unpopularity, ground forces can expect (and must be prepared) to continue engaging in these types of operations. However, the same factors that have enhanced the threat in recent decades—in particular, connectivity and the ability to conduct collaborative and remote engagement— also create opportunities for new operating methods for ground forces conducting COIN and stabilisation. These include the ability to deploy only a small element forward on the ground, conducting SFA and FID tasks, while supporting it with a QRF and other enablers that remain offshore in a sea-base or in regionally-deployed FOBs. In such a scenario the main force might be withheld from the theatre of operations and either deploy for a brief initial period only, or not at all. For a force operating in this manner, protected mobility and communications would remain essential, as would the ability to access and deliver precision fire support when required. Deployed forces would probably be modular to a very low level, operating in a mesh of multi-role, semi-autonomous small teams supporting each other and swapping roles as needed. Traditional intelligence, engineering, civil affairs, psychological operations and military governance capabilities would remain essential, but might be called forward as needed. Ultimately, however, while ground forces will almost certainly continue to play a central role in counterinsurgency and stabilisation operations, the way they perform this role, the organisation and equipment with which they do so, and the environment in which they conduct such missions is likely to change, and keep changing, into the foreseeable future.

Since the 1990s, African armed forces have been the subject of significant amount of doctrinal production devoted to Security Sector Reform (SSR). However, beyond the efforts to rebuild fragile security apparatuses, it's worth to indicate that one dimension has been underestimated: the process of civil-military hybridisation of the armed forces, which is less commonly used under the expression "dual forces" constitutes the main objective of this study. The dual function of the army is its ability to conduct defense and development missions. In this perspective, the military engineers, "building arm" of the State of Cameroon, is regularly commissioned to carry out local development missions. How do Cameroonian military engineers apprehend the concept of "dual force"? What are the effects of civil-military action on the relationship between the army, politics and the population? How does this public policy evolve? Using a qualitative approach, this study shows that dualisation is no longer an accidental process implemented in a sporadic way, but constitutes a structured public policy. However, it encounters difficulties: on the one hand, the political authorities are cautious of the negative developments of a practice likely to set up the army as an economic actor with the drifts observed in the Egyptian model. On the other hand, the army is still very attached to its martial identity. Nevertheless, dualisation consolidates the relationship between the military, politics and the population, holding the hope for strengthening the army-nation nexus. ; Depuis les années 1990, les forces armées africaines sont l'objet d'une importante production doctrinale consacrée à la Réforme du Secteur de la Sécurité (RSS). Cependant, par-delà les efforts tendant à refonder des appareils sécuritaires fragiles, force est de constater qu'une dimension a été sous-estimée : il s'agit du processus d'hybridation civilo-militaire des forces armées qui, sous le vocable moins usité de « force duale », constitue l'objet central de ce ...

Since the 1990s, African armed forces have been the subject of significant amount of doctrinal production devoted to Security Sector Reform (SSR). However, beyond the efforts to rebuild fragile security apparatuses, it's worth to indicate that one dimension has been underestimated: the process of civil-military hybridisation of the armed forces, which is less commonly used under the expression "dual forces" constitutes the main objective of this study. The dual function of the army is its ability to conduct defense and development missions. In this perspective, the military engineers, "building arm" of the State of Cameroon, is regularly commissioned to carry out local development missions. How do Cameroonian military engineers apprehend the concept of "dual force"? What are the effects of civil-military action on the relationship between the army, politics and the population? How does this public policy evolve? Using a qualitative approach, this study shows that dualisation is no longer an accidental process implemented in a sporadic way, but constitutes a structured public policy. However, it encounters difficulties: on the one hand, the political authorities are cautious of the negative developments of a practice likely to set up the army as an economic actor with the drifts observed in the Egyptian model. On the other hand, the army is still very attached to its martial identity. Nevertheless, dualisation consolidates the relationship between the military, politics and the population, holding the hope for strengthening the army-nation nexus. ; Depuis les années 1990, les forces armées africaines sont l'objet d'une importante production doctrinale consacrée à la Réforme du Secteur de la Sécurité (RSS). Cependant, par-delà les efforts tendant à refonder des appareils sécuritaires fragiles, force est de constater qu'une dimension a été sous-estimée : il s'agit du processus d'hybridation civilo-militaire des forces armées qui, sous le vocable moins usité de « force duale », constitue l'objet central de ce travail. La fonction duale de l'armée est sa capacité à conduire des missions de défense et de développement. Dans cette perspective, le Génie, « bras bâtisseur » de l'État au Cameroun est régulièrement commissionné pour assurer des missions d'aménagement du territoire. Comment le Génie militaire camerounais s'approprie-t-il le concept de « force duale »? Quelles sont les effets de l'action civilo-militaire sur les relations entre l'armée, le politique et les populations? Comment évolue cette politique publique ? A l'aide d'une méthode qualitative, ce travail montre que la dualisation ne relève plus d'une démarche fortuite mise en œuvre de façon sporadique mais qu'elle constitue une politique publique structurée. Toutefois, elle rencontre des difficultés : d'une part, le politique se méfie des évolutions négatives d'une pratique susceptible d'ériger l'armée en acteur économique avec les dérives constatées dans le modèle égyptien. D'autre part, l'armée est encore très attachée à son identité martiale. Il n'en reste pas moins que la dualisation reconfigure les rapports entre le militaire, le politique et les populations, en des termes porteurs d'espoir pour le renforcement du lien armée-nation.