This article analyses the evolution of Brazilian military thinking over the past three decades. I examine the origins of strategic changes during the post-Cold War era, contrastingthe processes that have occurred in the Army and the Navy, in respect to: relations with the hegemonic power, Brazil's insertion into the world, the Armed Forces mission. The paper emphasizes the fundamental role of technology in the Navy's development, and the continuity of Cold War era doctrines in the Army. Nevertheless, both branches have undergone ignificant changesin their strategic conceptions. ; Este artigo analisa a evolução do pensamento militar brasileiro nas últimas três décadas. Examinamos as origens das mudanças estratégicas no período pós-guerra fria, contrastando os processos ocorridos no Exército e na Marinha, quanto a: relações com a potência hegemônica, inserção do Brasil no mundo e missão das Forças Armadas. O texto ressalta o papel fundamental da tecnologia no desenvolvimento da Marinha e a continuidade de elementos doutrinários da guerra fria no Exército. No entanto, ambas as forças sofreram significativas mudanças em suas concepções estratégicas.
Analitica dedica gran parte del suo decimo volume (2017) all'indagine della teoria e dell'analisi musicale in quanto prassi influenzata da scelte politiche e pragmatiche, e pienamente inserita in specifici contesti ideologici e sociali. Recentemente, infatti, il dibattito sulle motivazioni e gli scopi della musicologia, considerata come pratica sociale, ha portato a una nuova consapevolezza dei presupposti ideologici e politici dell'analisi musicale [Broman-Engebretsen 2007; Buch-Donin-Feneyrou 2013] e a una storicizzazione delle contrapposizioni introdotte dalla New Musicology nell'ultimo ventennio del Novecento [Agawu 2004; MacCutcheon 2014]. Allo stesso tempo, la progressiva convergenza delle metodologie impiegate nei diversi campi degli studi musicali – dalla musica d'arte alle musiche di tradizione orale, dalla popular music alla musica nel contesto della comunicazione audiovisiva, dall'uso del suono nei nuovi media alle culture non-musicali del suono – ha messo in piena evidenza la stretta relazione tra le pratiche dell'analisi musicale e i loro fondamenti epistemologici, che riflettono, in modo più o meno evidente, precise scelte di politica culturale [van den Toorn 1996; Scherzinger 2001; Schuijer 2008, Campos-Donin 2009; Guilbault 2014; Earle 2015].Analitica dedica gran parte del suo decimo volume (2017) all'indagine della teoria e dell'analisi musicale in quanto prassi influenzata da scelte politiche e pragmatiche, e pienamente inserita in specifici contesti ideologici e sociali. Recentemente, infatti, il dibattito sulle motivazioni e gli scopi della musicologia, considerata come pratica sociale, ha portato a una nuova consapevolezza dei presupposti ideologici e politici dell'analisi musicale [Broman-Engebretsen 2007; Buch-Donin-Feneyrou 2013] e a una storicizzazione delle contrapposizioni introdotte dalla New Musicology nell'ultimo ventennio del Novecento [Agawu 2004; MacCutcheon 2014]. Allo stesso tempo, la progressiva convergenza delle metodologie impiegate nei diversi campi degli studi musicali – dalla musica d'arte alle musiche di tradizione orale, dalla popular music alla musica nel contesto della comunicazione audiovisiva, dall'uso del suono nei nuovi media alle culture non-musicali del suono – ha messo in piena evidenza la stretta relazione tra le pratiche dell'analisi musicale e i loro fondamenti epistemologici, che riflettono, in modo più o meno evidente, precise scelte di politica culturale [van den Toorn 1996; Scherzinger 2001; Schuijer 2008, Campos-Donin 2009; Guilbault 2014; Earle 2015].
The paper aims to analyze the performance of UNASUR in its first initial phase of activities in cases of democratic crises that happened in South America, during the period 2008-2015. Thus, it examines the cases of Bolivia (2008), Ecuador (2010), Paraguay (2012) and Venezuela (2014-2015). The central hypothesis of this study is that the defense of democracy and its institutions has been incorporated as one of the fundamental elements of the organization. Therefore, UNASUR is guided by political dialogue and consensus building for the maintenance of the democratic order in the South American countries and, consequently, a deepening of the regional integration process. It is argued that UNASUR includes democracy as one of its core values and acts to defend it in unstable situation. Therefore, the strengthening of the organization depends, among other factors, on its ability to resolve conflicts and promote democracy in the continent.
The examination of the inserted nsumwinu (singular - Kasumwinu), in the lyrics of popular songs in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), reveals hidden roles that are both musical and linguistic. Musically, the compositional technique of the melodic contour is derived from the observation of the semantic level of the language represented by the sequential pattern of tones on words that compose the kasumwinu. Linguistically, this sequential pattern of tones that determines the meaning of the word, must be faithfully observed in the music's compositional process of the basic melodic contour, i.e., the linguistic tones dictate the direction of musical intervals, leaving the decision of the size of the interval to the creative discretion of the composer.1 This essay will reveal the linguistic significance and role of nsumwinu, in the urban music of the DRC, and to conclude that they provide the musical flexibility without altering the overall meaning of their intended message. ; The examination of the inserted nsumwinu (singular - Kasumwinu), in the lyrics of popular songs in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), reveals hidden roles that are both musical and linguistic. Musically, the compositional technique of the melodic contour is derived from the observation of the semantic level of the language represented by the sequential pattern of tones on words that compose the kasumwinu. Linguistically, this sequential pattern of tones that determines the meaning of the word, must be faithfully observed in the music's compositional process of the basic melodic contour, i.e., the linguistic tones dictate the direction of musical intervals, leaving the decision of the size of the interval to the creative discretion of the composer.1 This essay will reveal the linguistic significance and role of nsumwinu, in the urban music of the DRC, and to conclude that they provide the musical flexibility without altering the overall meaning of their intended message.
Social impact finance has emerged in recent years in response to the crisis of traditional welfare systems and the gradual decrease in public funding to the Third Sector, by offering new financial instruments to convey private capital to social entrepreneurship in order to create positive social impact combined with economic returns (Agrawal and Hockerts, 2019; Daggers and Nicholls, 2016; Hochstadter and Scheck, 2015). The debate on the effective application of these instruments has so far focused on social impact as a measurement for return on invested capital, neglecting the role of motivations driving involved agents (investors and social entrepreneurs). In this work, we investigate the impact of different financial instruments on governance structures and on the motivations of social enterprise stakeholders, both from a theoretical point of view and through pilot experiments that mimic the main features of social impact finance. Our experimental design aims to recreate in the laboratory the relationship between social enterprise, beneficiaries and financiers, including the following characteristics: extremely diversified/personalized goods/services (complexity); quality of the good/service; risk (linked to the effectiveness of the intervention provided) and components related to: information asymmetries, evaluation (impact), parameters of the financial instrument. Starting from this setting, we intend to evaluate the effect on motivations of alternative evaluation methods (input, output, outcome) linked to the financial instrument.
Over the last decade, the digitalization of China has been running together with the general growth of the country's economy. The local government has endeavored to provide the country with a modern telecommunication infrastructure and to support the diffusion of mobile technology. Today the number of Chinese net citizens is not far away from reaching 600 million users. However, the censorship system which has always affected the flow of information and content within this country seems not to weaken. Despite the Internet is becoming more and more embedded in people's everyday life, the censorship demonstrates a formidable resilience to adapt to the new platforms made available by this revolutionary tool. A technologic blocking and filtering effort combined with the continuous monitoring and controlling of users' virtual activities makes the best of the so-called 'Great Firewall': a censorship system that would not be possible without the collaboration of the population itself and its willingness to actively practice self-censorship and self-restraint.
Abstract: The terms "university", "teaching" and "research" are closely related. The reason for the establishment of a community of learners and students were, on the one hand, the formation of man, and on the other the search for the truth about man, life, society and the world. In the face of technological development and access to information, including the development of legislation that allows the individual, without going through formal institutions, data acquisition, the question arises whether the university is needed, and if so, what is its role in realizing the right to education and freedom of scientific research. Implementation of freedom of scientific research and freedom of teaching in times of universal information access and modern technology can do without the university. However, this is university that can benefit from innovative research methods and teaching remains the most important forum for the exchange of ideas and the search for truth and knowledge transfer, vocational skills and social attitudes.Keywords: Right to education. Freedom of scientific research. Constitution. Cultural rights. Freedom of teaching. Resumo: Os termos "universidade", "ensino" e "pesquisa" estão intimamente relacionados. A razão para o estabelecimento de uma comunidade de alunos e estudantes foram, por um lado, a formação do homem, e por outro a busca da verdade sobre o homem, a vida, a sociedade e o mundo. Em face de desenvolvimento tecnológico e do acesso à informação, incluindo o desenvolvimento de uma legislação que permite que o indivíduo, sem passar por instituições formais, tenha acesso a dados e a informações, gera a questão de saber se a universidade é necessária, e em caso afirmativo, qual é o seu papel na realização dos direitos à educação e à liberdade de pesquisa científica. A implementação da liberdade de investigação científica e liberdade de ensino em tempos de acesso à informação universal e tecnologia avançada pode se realizar sem a universidade. No entanto, a universidade pode se beneficiar de métodos inovadores de pesquisa e de ensino e continuar a ser o mais importante fórum para a troca de ideias ea busca da verdade e da transferência de conhecimentos, competências profissionais e as atitudes sociais.Palavras-chave: Direito à Educação. Liberdade de Pesquisa Científica. Constituição. Direitos Culturais. Liberdade de Ensino.
The constitutional role and authority of the Public Prosecutor's Office (MP) as an enforcer of law warranted the MP protagonism in the enforcement of environmental legislation and accountability of environmental agencies in Brazil. The MP instituted regional offices to tackle the environmental issue and established a team of experts to provide technical support. This research analyzes the participation of the São Paulo State Public Prosecutor's Office (MPSP) and the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office (MPF) experts in the environmental licensing of the Mexilhão Project. The project was located in the coastal region of the state of São Paulo and initially aimed to reduce by half the volume of natural gas imported by the country. Based on the analysis of documents and interviews, this paper shows that there were different interpretations and framings among the MP experts concerning environmental impacts and risks of the project. This study also discusses MP's influence on the decisions of the federal environmental agency about the Mexilhão Project. ; The constitutional role and authority of the Public Prosecutor's Office (MP) as an enforcer of law warranted the MP protagonism in the enforcement of environmental legislation and accountability of environmental agencies in Brazil. The MP instituted regional offices to tackle the environmental issue and established a team of experts to provide technical support. This research analyzes the participation of the São Paulo State Public Prosecutor's Office (MPSP) and the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office (MPF) experts in the environmental licensing of the Mexilhão Project. The project was located in the coastal region of the state of São Paulo and initially aimed to reduce by half the volume of natural gas imported by the country. Based on the analysis of documents and interviews, this paper shows that there were different interpretations and framings among the MP experts concerning environmental impacts and risks of the project. This study also discusses MP's influence on the decisions of the federal environmental agency about the Mexilhão Project. ; The constitutional role and authority of the Public Prosecutor's Office (MP) as an enforcer of law warranted the MP protagonism in the enforcement of environmental legislation and accountability of environmental agencies in Brazil. The MP instituted regional offices to tackle the environmental issue and established a team of experts to provide technical support. This research analyzes the participation of the São Paulo State Public Prosecutor's Office (MPSP) and the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office (MPF) experts in the environmental licensing of the Mexilhão Project. The project was located in the coastal region of the state of São Paulo and initially aimed to reduce by half the volume of natural gas imported by the country. Based on the analysis of documents and interviews, this paper shows that there were different interpretations and framings among the MP experts concerning environmental impacts and risks of the project. This study also discusses MP's influence on the decisions of the federal environmental agency about the Mexilhão Project. ; The constitutional role and authority of the Public Prosecutor's Office (MP) as an enforcer of law warranted the MP protagonism in the enforcement of environmental legislation and accountability of environmental agencies in Brazil. The MP instituted regional offices to tackle the environmental issue and established a team of experts to provide technical support. This research analyzes the participation of the São Paulo State Public Prosecutor's Office (MPSP) and the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office (MPF) experts in the environmental licensing of the Mexilhão Project. The project was located in the coastal region of the state of São Paulo and initially aimed to reduce by half the volume of natural gas imported by the country. Based on the analysis of documents and interviews, this paper shows that there were different interpretations and framings among the MP experts concerning environmental impacts and risks of the project. This study also discusses MP's influence on the decisions of the federal environmental agency about the Mexilhão Project.
The paper analyzes two recent orders hold by the International Court of Justice in the Armed activities in the territory of the Congo case, concerning the appointment of experts, according to article 50 of the Statute of the Court. The experts will assist the Court in the assessment of the reparation owed to the Democratic Republic of Congo by Uganda for the injuries caused by Uganda as a result of the breach of several international obligations, determined by the Court in the 2005 Judgment. The analysis has the scope to highlight some of the substantial issues relating to the role of Court-appointed experts in the litigations brought before the Court. The need for this investigation is particularly significant, despite the sparing reliance of the power to call experts by the Court. Notwithstanding the great discretion enjoyed, the Court appointed independent experts only in four cases, including the present one. The limited number of precedents rises several questions related both to the function of Court-appointed experts and the Court approach to technical or scientific complexity. Firstly, the article focuses on the function of the experts appointed by the Court in the case, evaluating the terms of reference assigned by the Court. Secondly, the examination attempt to shed light on the approach of the Court in the exercise of its power to use experts. Regard this point, the essay analyses, on the one hand, the relationship between the margin of discretion, enjoyed by the Court in order to use experts, and the relevance of the Jura novit curia principle, in light on the distinction between questions of law and questions of fact. On the other hand, the essay will evaluate the usefulness of the use of experts in the determination of the amount of reparations, in order to underline the methodology employed by the Court in the assessment of damages. Thirdly, the article questioning whether the appointment of independent experts might affect the principles and rules governing the production and the burden of proof in the adjudication before the Court.
Este artigo repassa a história e descreve a experiência acumulada em energia nuclear no Brasil, mostrando que as aplicações biomédicas, industriais e agrícolas desenvolveram-se bem no país, a partir dos anos 1950. Em seguida, o artigo demonstra que o país pode cobrir seu consumo de energia elétrica apenas com fontes renováveis de energia, sem recorrer a usinas nucleares de potência. Por fim, são analisados os argumentos comuns na imprensa, a favor e contrários às centrais nucleares, e são discutidos alguns aspectos comerciais e políticos do problema. São também examinadas as estratégias de vendas da indústria nuclear no Brasil. ; This article reviews the history and describes the experience on nuclear energy in Brazil, showing that nuclear technology applied to biomedical sciences, industry and agriculture has been largely developed in this country, from the year 1950 on. Then the paper shows that Brazil can cover its electricity consumption with only renewable energy sources, without nuclear power plants. Finally the arguments usually employed in the press, pro and against nuclear power plants are analyzed and some commercial and political aspects of the problem are commented. The sales strategy of the nuclear industry in Brazil is also commented.
This article is the result of a narrative literature review. The objective is to show the development of an overview on the ideological debate on the design of state health policies. We argue that the role of the state in the development of health policy, even under the pressure of the global market, may create alternatives to promote and drive economic and social development, meaning they are not subject to economic constraints imposed by the liberal ideal of market. Here is a part of a theoretical discussion about the construction and presence of the State in Latin America, particularly in Brazil. We take the approaches of the Marxist tradition and liberal to the issue as reference. This discussion allows us to understand the historical role of the state in the maintenance of social policies, specifically health, is an alternative to public control eases the intense capital mobility promoted by economic globalization. In this sense, the theme makes the Brazilian health an important issue of social sciences, why is the historicity of the construction of the Brazilian health system, as a public policy that can mirror the actual reconstruction of the institutional framework of the Brazilian state with the establishment instances of negotiation between the various spheres of power that strengthen the state in this process of democratization of Brazilian society. ; Este artigo é resultado de uma revisão bibliográfica narrativa, visando o desenvolvimento de um panorama acerca do debate ideológico sobre a concepção de Estado nas políticas de saúde. Nele, argumentamos que o papel do Estado brasileiro no desenvolvimento da política de saúde, mesmo sob a pressão do mercado globalizado, pode criar alternativas para promover e direcionar o desenvolvimento econômico e social, e que isso não significa submeter-se às restrições econômicas impostas pelo ideal liberal de mercado. Apresentamos parte de uma discussão teórica acerca da construção e presença do Estado na América Latina e, particularmente, no Brasil, tomando como referências as abordagens da tradição marxista e da liberal sobre a questão. Essa discussão permite-nos entender que o papel histórico do Estado na manutenção de políticas públicas sociais, especificamente as de saúde, é uma alternativa para que o controle público amenize a intensa mobilidade de capital promovida pela globalização econômica. Nesse sentido, o tema torna a saúde nacional uma questão importante das Ciências Sociais, por que é na historicidade da construção do sistema de saúde brasileiro, como política pública, que se pode espelhar a própria reconstrução do arcabouço institucional do Estado brasileiro, com a instauração de instâncias de negociação entre as diversas esferas de poder que fortalecem esse mesmo Estado no processo de redemocratização da sociedade brasileira.
2012/2013 ; Between 1991 and 1995, close to three hundred thousand people were killed in the former Yugoslavia. The international responses to this catastrophe was at best uncertain and at worst appalling. While both the United States and the European Union initially viewed the Balkan wars as a European problem, the Europeans chose not to take a strong stand, restricting themselves to dispatching U.N. "peacekeepers" to a country where there was no peace keep, and withholding from them the means and the authority to stop the fighting. In Bosnia the Europe sought to avoid military involvement, citing every excuse she could think of not to intervene to prevent the genocide of 250.000 Bosnian Muslims, who ultimately died at the hands of their Serbian tormentors. The British and French, too, who had primarily responsibility for dealing with this European problem, had persuaded the United Nations to impose an arms embargo on both sides in the Bosnian war. As often happens, the embargo did little damage to Serbia's military capacities, since their army had inherited the extensive military hardware Yugoslavia had amassed under its former Communist regime. But the embargo did deny the means of self-defense to the poorly equipped majority Muslim population in Bosnia. Unarmed, they could do little to repel the invaders or to protect their villages. Some European leaders were not eager to have a Muslim state in the heart of the Balkans, fearing it might become a base for exporting extremism, a result that their neglect made more, not less, likely. However, from the beginning of Yugoslavia's collapse, Americans divided into two groups, broadly defined: those who thought that Americans should intervene for either moral or strategic reasons, and those who feared that if they did, they would become entangled in a Vietnam-like quagmire. As awareness of ethnic cleansing and genocide spread, the proportion of those who wanted the United States to "do something" increased, but they probably never constituted a majority. Nevertheless, when the situation seemed most hopeless in July 1995 - the United States put its prestige on the line with a rapid and dramatic series of high-risk actions: an all-out diplomatic effort in August, heavy NATO bombing in September, a cease-fire in October, Dayton in November, and, in December, the deployment of twenty thousand American troops to Bosnia. Finally, in late 1995, in the face of growing atrocities and new Bosnian Serb threats, the United States decided to take part in Bosnia, the war was over and the America's role in post-Cold War Europe redefined. There is a lesson here to be learned by Europe that Bosnian Muslims are the best Christians in the world. The policy-makers cannot have a double heart, one for love and other for hate because some European leaders were not eager to have a Muslim state in the heart of Europe. They spoke of a painful but realistic restoration of Christian Europe. Of course Christianity, like any other religion has nothing to do with the barbarities and the greatest collective failure of Europe. The lesson that Western civilization thought it had drawn from the genocide of World War II – "Never again!"- must now be qualified to read: "except when politically inconvenient." ; La tragedia della ex-Jugoslavia e al suo interno quella della Bosnia Erzegovina riguardano pagine straordinariamente sconvolgenti della storia del mondo posto-Ottantanove, addirittura — si può dire — la conseguenza più grave, anche se non diretta, della dissoluzione dell'Unione Sovietica e conseguentemente di quel bipolarismo che aveva "ingessato" tutte le ipotesi o i tentativi di trasformazione degli esiti e delle conseguenze della seconda guerra mondiale. In un'impostazione sostanzialmente di storia politico-sociale, il candidato ricostruisce le vicende che vanno dal 1990 al 1995, ovvero da quella che il candidato chiama "la morte della Jugoslavia" fino all'intervento, decisivo in termini militari, della NATO nel conflitto, che aveva già visto negli anni precedenti emergere la guerra in Slovenia, in Croazia, prima di colpire anche la Bosnia Erzegovina, con la finale Conferenza che porta agli Accordi di Dayton. L'attore centrale di tutta questa vicenda è naturalmente la Serbia di Milosevic, ricordare il quale non fa che aiutarci a veder riapparire i fantasmi di vicende atroci di sterminio di civili, di stupro etnico, di "pulizia etnica", di genocidio. Il candidato fa opportunamente precedere la sua analisi da una cronologia, piuttosto lunga, che consente di scandire con precisione i diversi passaggi di una storia eccezionalmente drammatica. Segue il programma del suo lavoro, con l'indicazione del metodo di ricerca e degli strumenti di cui si è valso. Le cinque parti sostanziali in cui si suddivide il lavoro riguardano la dissoluzione della Jugoslavia, a partire dai falliti tentativi di Tito di salvaguardare l'integrità di quella Federazione, e analizzando attentamente i due "scivolamenti" della guerra in Slovenia dapprima e in Croazia poi. Il candidato analizza la società e la storia della Bosnia Erzegovina, condizione ovviamente preliminare per comprendere gli eventi successivi. Le tre categorie alle quali il candidato riconduce quella vicenda sono il multiculturalismo, la multietnicità e il multiconfessionalismo — tre dimensioni che potrebbero poter essere rispettate e addirittura apprezzate e che invece, in ogni parte del mondo, e più che altrove in Bosnia trovano ostacoli e resistenze violente e sanguinose. Risulta, come il candidato fa notare, adottare l'arma del nazionalismo e delle sue retoriche, impedendo così a ogni pur volenteroso tentativo di portare la democrazia nel proprio paese di trionfare. Il candidato chiarisce, in questo quadro, che la cosiddetta "balcanizzazione" che si fa discendere da quella parte del mondo, non deve essere intesa come un termine negativo ma come la pura e semplice conseguenza dei frequenti interventi esterni che là si sono realizzati. Il candidato dedica non poca attenzione al ruolo degli Stati Uniti nella vicenda, e alle diverse strategie — politiche e militari — adottate: con i devastanti risultati che tuttavia, purtroppo, conosciamo. L'Unione Europea non esce ovviamente meglio dell'alleato d'oltre Atlantico dalla ricostruzione del candidato, che poi giunge anche a ripercorrere le vicende di alcuni importanti uomini politici locali, sopra tutti Izebegovic e Karadzic, l'un contro l'altro schierati. Né sono passate sotto silenzio le vicende di alcune delle pagine più drammatiche: il massacro di Srebrenica, i bombardamenti su Sarajevo e in particolare il secondo bombardamento sul mercato. La risoluzione della crisi giunse, come per incanto, quando la NATO accolse l'invito ONU di intervenire: l'intervento fece tacere le armi, portò agli accordi di Dayton, ma non alla riconciliazione, che dal 1995 ha comunque incominciato il suo lento, ma — sperabilmente — solido cammino. ; XXV Ciclo ; 1982
The Energy Community is an international organisation which brings together the European Union and its neighbours of South East-Europe and Black Sea Region to create an integrated pan-European energy market. The Treaty establishing the Energy Community was signed in October 2005 in Athens and entered in force in July 2006. Its key objective is to extend the EU internal energy market rules and principles to the Contracting Parties (the non-EU members of the Energy Community) on the basis of a legally binding framework. This Master's Thesis provides an analysis of the implementation of the EU Third Energy Package in the Energy Community, which asked of the Contracting Parties a more stringent effort to open their national energy sectors and stimulate cross-border energy trade. Liberalising energy markets however is not an easy process. When it is hindered by non-transposition or skirted by non-implementation of the Energy Community law, the construction of a pan-European energy market is in turn hampered and delayed. The current, weak and politically biased Dispute Settlement mechanism of the Energy Community, together with the absence of a Court, does not effectively incentivize the Parties to rectify the breaches of the Energy Community acquis (the EU acquis transposed by the Energy Community). This Thesis intends to demonstrate that, in spite of the shortcomings of such a mechanism, the Energy Community Secretariat -the central coordinating body of this organisation- has greatly contributed to strengthen the degree of enforcement of the Energy Community acquis in the Contracting Parties. In particular, it has been playing an important role in implementing liberalisation in energy markets and in furthering cross-border energy trade among them. Chapter I describes the evolution of the Energy Community: conceived as a pre-accession tool for the post-war South-East European countries in the EU, it turned into the main instrument of the EU external energy policy. Indeed, the accession of some European Neighbourhood Policy countries (namely, Moldova, Ukraine, and Georgia) demonstrates that even in the absence of the EU membership prospective there is still a will to share the same internal energy market with the EU. Chapter II provides a legal analysis of the Treaty. In addition to explaining features and scope of the Energy Community's policies, it describes the decision-making process, the institutional framework, and the EU participation in the Energy Community institutions. Chapter III analyses the functioning of the Dispute Settlement system and highlights its weaknesses: it is diplomatic (and not judicial) in nature, sanctions are ineffective, and investors are not adequately protected. Then, the Chapter studies the amendments recently adopted to enhance the Dispute Settlement procedure and also illustrates the Dispute Resolution and Negotiation Centre established in 2016. Chapter IV, firstly, goes into further detail about the Secretariat's powers within the Dispute Settlement system, and then it shows the how the Secretariat wisely deploys its room for manoeuvring in order to ensure the correct application of the Energy Community law by the Parties of Treaty. The Chapter aims to prove that the Secretariat has been actively working for the enforcement of the Energy Community acquis, and primarily for the identification of those obstacles which impede the full liberalisation and regional integration of the Contracting Parties' energy markets. Finally, the Thesis concludes with a case study which results emblematic in showing the pivotal role of the Secretariat in implementing liberalization in the Energy Community market. Case ECS-2/17 deals with the Opening Letter sent to Ukraine in August 2017, where the Secretariat took the preliminary view that certain aspects of Ukraine's Public Service Obligations Regulations were non-compliant with the Energy Community acquis and prevented the opening up of the national natural gas market.
This work aims at shedding some light on public and private roles in biopharmaceutical innovation. After reviewing the pillars of neoclassical and evolutionary theories of technical change, we analyse current innovation policy devices; among them, we focus on the patent system. As suggested by historical and empirical literature, the effectiveness of patents in spurring innovation is all but uncontroversial. Real-world technical change, in fact, results from the interaction of heterogeneous actors belonging to complex "innovation systems". In this context, typical of the biopharmaceutical industry, the role of the government is likely to be decisive and invisible at the same time, hidden by a tight network of licensing and technological transfer agreements. In order to unveil the public hand, we propose a patent analysis aimed at identifying the value and the characteristics of public and private biopharmaceutical innovation. The analysis is conducted over two datasets: the first one collects patents from the USPTO Cross-Related Art References 514.810-935 granted between 1976 and 2006; the second one was built by Sampat and Lichtenberg (2011) and includes all patents associated to New Molecular Entities (NMEs) approved by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) from 1988 to 2005. We find that public and academic patents result in greater knowledge externalities as measured by forward patent citations. Furthermore, public and academic patents are on average more original and more general than their private counterparts. However, these results hold only for the first dataset, suggesting that a better-rounded vision of biopharmaceutical innovation dynamics may be achieved only through a microscopic approach, investigating the characteristics of public and private R&D over different therapeutic areas and at different levels of the innovation chain.
This thesis investigates presumptive effects of the political participation on the economic growth through social capital accumulation. In the second section, by using an endogenous growth model, we examine the issue with a comparison of two economic systems; decentralized and centralized economy in the latter of which the representative household internalizes all externalities in social, productive and private sector, in contrast to the decentralized economy. In the third section, we approach the same point by adopting an efficient bargaining model in which we assume that average level of the political participation is a contributor to the labour union's bargaining strength. Upon this approach, we develop a comparative analysis by solving the representative household optimization problem in two different scenarios, with and without efficient wage hypothesis. We demonstrate that there exists an effect of the political participation resulting in a positive stationary growth rate in all models. Moreover, we found the average level of political participation to be correlated with the bargained wage rate and the bargained employment rate under the ef- ficient wage hypothesis.
