Suchergebnisse

In the introduction, the author analyses Clinton's approach to Europe and the European NATO allies, particularly his wish to develop the partnership and to expand the Alliance. The new post-cold-war relations in Europe contributed to the stronger American-European ties - the foundation of atlantism. This new model of relations is discussed in relation to the emerging challenges that pose the key questions: the creation of a new joint strategy, the problems of NATO's "out of area" interventions and the creation of such European relations that will not provoke uncalled-for Russian reactions. Seen within such a framework, NATO is going to remain the chief proponent of military-political actions of the developed world in which US is to play the leading role. (SOI : S. 102)

The author primarily studies the works of Croatian and non-Croatian theologians and historians puplished since the 1980s which deal with the cultural and political activities of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina. In the article's introduction, the author stresses that in recent times there has been a growth of interest in this topic because of the increased political activity of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the former Yugoslavia and its attitude toward Serbian aggression in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina. He also cites publications written by Croatians and non-Croatians that were published from 1918 to 1982. The main issues of his analysis are the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Pec outside of the Ottoman Empire's borders; the problem of the union of churches during the 17th and 18th centuries; the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the process of Serbian national integration in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina during the 19th and early 20th century; and finally, the problem of theological debates and political developments during the 20th century. Special emphasis is also placed on the behaviour of the Church during the course of the Second World War, when it collaborated with German occupational forces. After the war, the Serbian Orthodox Church not only kept silent about this, but it also made unsubstantiated claims about the wartime collaboration of the Croatian Catholic Hierarchy and the Croatian people. The author concludes by saying that further research is needed into these and other related topics so that new light may be thrown on the more than three hundred year long history of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Croatia. (SOI : CSP: S. 176)

The disintegration of the socialist regime in Europe did away with the bipolar model of world order and inaugurated a new phase in seeking a new structure and model of international relations. This new world order, only broadly outlined and characterised by (mostly) unilateral leadership, has already been challenged. Two superpowers China and Russia - condemn the hegemony, unilateralism and the attempts at dictating the international relations. China and Russia are supported by a group of disgruntled countries who also think that a broadly-based multi-polarity is the direction that inter-national relations and the new world order should take. Judging by these challenges and criticisms it might be said that only multilateral co-operativeness can guarantee validity to the nascent world order. (SOI : PM: S. 93)

Although it had had some drawbacks, Dayton's Peace Accord was to be a successful one due to the following reasons: Firstly, USA finally realised they had been the crucial factor of war ending in Bosnia and Herzegovina, otherwise their credibility as the great power would be put into question. Secondly, Croatian military operation called 'Oluja' ('Storm') and ruthless bombing of Serbian targets in Bosnia and Herzegovina changed balance of power and created factual fundament for negotiation on territorial division by drawing of future maps on the field. Thirdly, Milošević finally realised Serbs from Bosnia were a primary obstacle toward the lifting of international sanctions and set free isolation. Fourthly, American administration gave a full freedom to the main negotiator Holbrooke to lead the negotiations. Finally, Dayton's Peace Accord managed to ensure the cease of fire, which was the greatest achievement of it. On the other hand, it could not give the answer to the question of the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina either it is in integration or separation. The basic problem which is going to appear during its implementation will include nation building process on the ruins of the war. This is because the above mentioned process is influenced by domestic political forces, considerations and dilemmas besides strong international civic and military presence. In this point coercive diplomacy has proven to be unsuccessful. It might be rung off.

Globalization has brought about the collapse of the bipolar system of international relations, which was the foundation of the structure of global security based on the technological means of mass production, which predominated at that time. The change from the mass to the flexible way of production has made it necessary to build a new system of global security on the technological resources of flexible production and the political implications of globalization. There are many indications that it was just this new system of global security that began to take shape the day the first NATO bomb fell on Serbia, which means that it came into being: in South- Eastern Europe i.e. in the region that at the beginning of the 20th century ignited the fuse of the world wars and which would, if not for this intervention, still pose a threat. The intervention, a novelty in the postwar international relations, and which consequently brought up a plethora of questions, paved the way to the realization of the project Europe for the 21th century. That project, based on adjusting international relations to globalization, whose outlines are becoming visible in the region of South- Eastern Europe, is in Croatia's interest, and is the major guarantor of the preservation of its independence and sovereignty. (SOI : PM: S. 33)

Following the disintegration of the socialist system in Europe and the end of the bloc-based relations, American politics has changed the course of its operation. In present-day circumstances, Southeastern Europe is becoming increasingly prominent in American foreign-policy projections, particularly during Clinton's administration. Clinton has defined a clear-cut policy towards Europe's southeast due to its vicinity to certain neuralgic points of American engagement (Near East, the Caspian region, the Gulf, eastern Mediterranean). In this way American politics has proved its leading global role. At the time of scarcity of foreign-policy events, Clinton's team has thus been served on a platter a major foreign-policy arena, in which its engagement - which has all the symptoms of a long-lasting one - has not proved too costly. (SOI : PM: S. 20)

Темат је посвећен истраживањима савременог града у Србији и Бугарској. Он се састоји из шест радова и нуди компаративну перспективу актуелних друштвених процеса у две суседне балканске земље, које повезују многобројна искуства, опредељена историјским и политичким токовима. Упоредна истраживања друштвених кретања омогућују продубљеније разумевање и праћење глобалних проце- са. У данашњем, све више глобализованом и глокализованом свету, градови доживљавају нагле промене, или прецизније – промене се ту најизразитије очитавају. Истраживачки фокус темата је на динимици савременог града, на процесуалности и променама његових друштвених пракси. ; Тhe topic of this volume is a result from The Contemporary City in Serbia and Bulgaria: Processes and Changes, a bilateral project of the Institute of Ethnography of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts and the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Studies with Ethnographic Museum of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences (2014-2016). The six papers offer a comparative view of current social processes in two neighbouring Balkan countries, linked by numerous historical and political experiences. Comparative research into societal trends enables a more thorough understanding and monitoring of global processes. In today's increasingly globalised and glocalised world, towns experience sudden changes and it is in the towns that these changes are most vividly to be seen. The focus of our research is on the dynamism of the contemporary town, on processuality and changes in societal practices. ; Тема броја: Град у Србији и Бугарској: компаративно ишчитавање актуелних процеса / Topic of the issue: The Town in Serbia and Bulgaria: a Comparative Reading of Current Processes

The author examines attempts to reform the communist systems in Europe during the 1960s, especiallly as they relate to the process of election to organs of government in Croatia and Yugoslavia in 1967 and 1969. Issues surrounding the legitimacy of government, economic development, and internal political and national tensions provided the impetus for the growth of the reform movement. Economic reforms were geared towards recognition of market forces, while political reforms revolved around a general democratization of the system. The allowance for "slightly greater freedom" in politics meant minimum tolerance of diversity including national rights as well. The growing strength off the reform movement quickly revealed the threat reform posed to the fundamental social relations upon which the communist model of society was based. Reform especially threatened the dominant role played by the communist party. Conservative forces predominated in the ensuing political struggle, and the curtailment of reformist tendencies was also influenced by the involvement of the USSR. An example of the curtailment of reformist tendencies were the elections to the Croatian Sabor and the Federal Assembly of Yugoslavia. A relative liberalization of elective processes to the legislative branch took place when more than one candidate was allowed to run for a single mandate. In many instances during the 1967 elections, struggles between the candidate supported by the League of Socialists, the official candidate, and an independent, or "unofficial" candidate, were common. The loss of total control over the electoral process was viewed unfavourably by the ruling party and the former control over elections was quickly reestablished. (SOI : CSP: S. 346)

Based on the experience of former rightist and communist dictatorships in Europe regarding different forms of opposition - both open and hidden within these regimes' structures - the author analyzes the role of the opposition in the process of the sweeping democratic change that has taken place the "new democracies" of Central and Eastern Europe in the direction of the state of law and civil society. His conclusion is, that in today's Central European countries political multi-party pluralism which includes viable parliamentary opposition was given a smooth start and has since taken root. However in the countries with only superficial democracy and an obvious "democratic deficit" - for example Croatia (and Slovakia) - parliamentary opposition plays the second fiddle. The prime movers of the change - and of the democratization as well - are still the ruling parties (not unlike during the communist single-party regimes). Changes occur only when the ruling party or its major fraction opt for them considering them the lesser of two evils, either because they are no longer satisfied with the distribution of power and goods within the existing status quo or because they are aware that it cannot be maintained in its present form. This happened in the Soviet Union , first under Nikita Khruschev and then again under Mihail Gorbachev. Changes, however, when imposed from above get out of hand and backfire against those who have set them off (remember Gorbachev); what emerges is usually a compromise between tbe vestige of the old and the emerging regime. (SOI : PM: S. 92)

The maintenance of peace and stability in the post-cold-war world in the circumstances of cooperation and partnership requires an appropriate approach and manner of resolving the crises triggered off by the collapse of communist federations. Imperial policies and regimes must be eliminated while the process of the geopolitical consolidation and the creation of independent and sovereign states in Central and Eastern Europe (and in Euro-Asia on the whole), built around the democratic and market principles, must be wrapped up. The new political leaders (mostly leftist) in the countries that for over fifty years (and now through the Kosovo crisis) have been developing the trans-Atlantic alliance within the military-political framework of NATO (based on the same values, principles, and goals), are now developing appropriate strategies for the post-cold-war hotspots (based on the accumulated experiences). (SOI : S. 89) + The author analyses the process of democratisation of international relations and the future configuration of international order following the end of the era of bipolar confrontation and the establishment of cooperation in the world which has witnessed the change in the key actors' roles regarding their approach to the resolution of the post-cold-war crises which jeopardise the world's peace and stability. First, the author provides a short outline of the genesis of the evolution of the US foreign policy, from the end of World War II to the beginning of the cold war and the formation of NATO. He points out that today's agenda of the international order, its structures, interventionism, and use of force in achieving political objectives, were already shaped at that time. The suggestions put forward constituted the framework and the foundation for the world politics until the late 80s; the cumulative effect of these responses on today's attempts at solving post- cold-war crises enables us to evaluate the roles and behaviour of individual actors in the resolution of the Kosovo crisis