Suchergebnisse

Purpose
This study aims to investigate solutions to answer several questions regarding the direct influence of the respond to environmental turbulence (ET) on firm performance (FP) and indirectly through business model transformation (BMT) on telecommunication internet service provider (ISP) in Indonesia. Furthermore, given the importance of telecommunication services for Indonesia to continue developing amid volatility, uncertainty, complexity and ambiguity, technology disruption impacts the telecommunication business. Also, investigating the relationship between BMT and FP simultaneously by embracing ET. Referring to the phenomena above, it is necessary to analyze what factors affect company performance. Therefore, this study aims to examine the effect of ET on FP, the effect of ET on BMT and the effect of ET on FP through BMT.


Design/methodology/approach
This study surveyed 239 ISPs in Indonesia through their top-level management representatives. In addition, this study analyzed the overall model good of fit and causal relationship using confirmatory factor analysis and structural equation modeling. This type of research is verification research. This study takes a quantitative approach by measuring the sample variables built on the construct and representing the study population. Verification research aims to test answers to several research questions regarding ET variables, BMT and company performance. The data are primarily collected through questionnaires distributed online. Respondents are the top management of every ISP organization and company as the unit analysis in this study. Of the 298 questionnaires distributed, 239 valid responses (80.2%) were obtained using the cross-sectional time method, and samples that met these criteria were carried out using a simple random sampling technique. This study uses a multivariant measure in measuring construct dimensions. All items have been rated on a five-point Likert scale ranging from 1 ("strongly disagree") to 5 ("strongly agree").


Findings
The results prove that responding to ET does not directly affect FP but indirectly affects FP through BMT. Thus, solutions to improve FP rely on BMT and build by developing responses to ET. The author finds that novelty BMT design is significantly related to what factors drive the business transformation towards achieving performance. Although, this study also finds that BMT positively mediates the relationship between ET to influence performance. ET alone is no longer adequate, and organizations need to revamp the BMT to achieve FP. The organization needs to leverage ET to respond to a shifting basis of competition and create a creative strategy to bring unserved customer segments and offer a high value for customer experience. This study also contributed to the movement of research trends targeted at BMT. This study provides an appropriate riposte for quantitative empirical studies that elucidate the correlation between BMT and FP by simultaneously embracing and managing ET. The relationship between BMT and the factors that support it will be higher comprehend when contextualized. This paper finds different designs and impacts of BMT on business transformation results that culminate in firm business performance as it faces an uncertain business environment that grows dynamically. Although this novelty is important, the authors found no support for effectiveness. However, this study highlights the robustness of the important factors that drive BMT to work effectively to improve business performance.


Research limitations/implications
This research using the cross-sectional approach, thus cannot capture behavior over a period, might miss seizing the dynamic variable over an extensive period. Longitudinal studies can provide broader findings, especially by capturing the results of various dynamics levels in a certain period, and can analyze the causal relationship between variables in various time conditions. This research data was collected based on the provisions before COVID-19. Therefore, in the future, it may be useful to understand if there are differences in results during COVID-19. Further, researchers advise examining specific pandemic contingency factors as moderating variables for the current research model.


Practical implications
This study provides the implications of three factors such as: theoretical aspect: enriches the contingency theory view with RBV integrated industrial organization approach: systematically share organization to manage the business transformation based on the situation environment. This research contributes to leveraging contingency theory and dynamic capability theory by presenting organizational interactions that adapt to changes caused by ET changes in internal and based on external situations. Managerial aspect: This study provides managers with a comprehensive perspective on enhancing strategic dynamics by understanding and developing capabilities adapted from dynamic markets. Besides, regulation is an important driving factor for business continuity. Adaptive regulation is predictive in nature and anticipates various future changes in line with business developments in the 4.0 era. Investigating a set of antecedents of ET in changing business models has highlighted the importance of complementarity as a critical factor in developing future research. Regulatory aspect: Telecommunication regulations must be able to predict, anticipate and respond to challenges of technological development and the needs of society; involving practitioners who are competent in drafting regulations (fair business competition); involving independent bodies in carrying out regulations and regulations do not need to regulate technical details related to technology details because technology changes rapidly. Therefore, another recommendation for the managerial is managers need to improve skills to build ET strategic competencies on strategic resource flexibility, adapt to rapid changes and increase insight into opportunities associated with strategy implementation. Managers require developing a team that acts as a creative change agent to identify and predict unstable business conditions and harmonize changes from uncertainty in implementing policies and regulations. Managers must apply their leadership style effectively to appropriate situations to adapt to the effects of changing markets, regulations and competitors.


Social implications
Telecommunication regulations expect to answer the global community's needs that have developed into a networked civil society via the internet, answering the community's needs, not just to follow trends and technological speeds. The implication of research on regulators requires the need to quickly formulate new regulations because the lengthy process of drafting regulations will result in unclear rules of play between stakeholders involved in business and communication technology.


Originality/value
This study extends the contingency theory and dynamic capabilities through organizational interactions, collaborative with RBV theory, and this study also extends previous research on business model innovation. Respond to ET alone cannot face unpredictable business turbulence. Organizations need to revamp the business model to achieve performance and examine BMT's central role as unique to the service context and distinct from the more studied innovation process. This study highlights the strength of the critical factors that drive the BMT to work effectively to improve business performance, which shows the importance of paradigm-shifting innovation through empirical studies that explain the correlation between BMT and FP while embracing response to ET.

This survey examines the framework conditions of civil society in Austria. It was conducted at the Institute for Sociology and Empirical Social Research at WU. It builds on two previous surveys on the same topic, a Civil Society Index Rapid Assessment (More-Hollerweger et al., 2014) and an update of this Assessment (Simsa et al., 2019). In 2014, the development of public and private funding, democratic rights and performance of civil society organisations (CSOs) were particularly important; in 2019, the focus was on the impact on civil society of authoritarian policies. The current survey initially focused on an analysis of the impact of the change to a more civil-society friendly government at the beginning of 2020. In the course of the year, the effects of the Covid-19 crisis came to the fore. By civil society we refer to the sphere between the state, the economy and the private sphere, in which people collectively represent and try to shape their own concerns (Simsa, 2013). Civil society and its organisations have high benefits for society. In addition to producing services for the common good, they also strengthen diversity, participation and integration. The importance of a pluralistic civil society for democracy is undisputed. Democracy thus needs civil society, but civil society is not necessarily democratic. In the last year in particular, illiberal civil-society endeavours have also gained in importance, especially based on conspiracy-theories. Nevertheless, these were only a marginal topic in the present survey. Rather, in the tradition of previous surveys, the report focuses on those areas of civil society that meet Habermas´ requirements of plurality, tolerance and discursivity (Habermas, 1992). Political framework conditions are decisive for the functioning of civil society in many respects. Apart from general human rights such as freedom of association or freedom of expression, opportunities for participation in legislative procedures, the government's information policy, and the quality of the welfare state and the financial support of civil society organisations by the public sector play an important role. Following on from the 2019 study, the following topics will therefore be analysed: The social climate in relation to civil society; Participation, i.e. political involvement of civil society; Funding of civil society organisations; The human rights situation. While in 2019 a very homogeneous picture was drawn by respondents, currently the impressions and findings are highly diverse. Some respondents complain about the lack of dialogue with politicians, while others see it as much better and more intense than in 2019. The situation is similar with participation as well as with regard to the financial situation. It is a clear result that the general climate with regard to civil society has improved. There is hardly any devaluation or defamation on the part of politicians. The pan-demy has also made clear the high importance of services provided by civil society organisations, which are therefore increasingly appreciated. Currently, many respondents also perceive a better discourse with politicians, although there are major differences in the perception of the two governing parties in this respect. However, the improved climate and the communication that is now partly possible again has shown little effect on the possibilities of political participation. In the health and social sectors as well as in climate policy, the expertise of CSOs is explicitly requested by politicians and partly taken into account, but according to the respondents there is little participation in other areas. It is interesting that the situation in this regard has changed only slightly since 2019, but that civil society currently seems to accept this more than before. Firstly, this can be attributed to the pandemic. Especially in the first months of the crisis, there was more acceptance of quick, less inclusive and less transparent decisions due to the high level of uncertainty. Furthermore, during this time, organisations in the health or care sector were stretched to the limit in coping with the greatly increased work demands, leaving less time for advocacy or criticism. Secondly, the participation of the Green Party in government also has an impact on the critical potential. On the one hand, there is a certain "inhibition to bite" on the part of some CSOs due to political or personal proximity, and there is also increased participation in the Green-led ministries. On the other hand, however, the criticism of politics, for example of asylum policy, is more severe because expectations have been disappointed. As the pandemic progressed, however, deficits in participation became clearer and more strongly criticised. The shortening of review periods, for example, which limited the possibility of comments, transparency and trust, could no longer be argued with the urgency of the decisions. The Covid-19 pandemic is associated with severe restrictions on both fundamental and human rights and civil liberties. Exit restrictions and stand-off rules also affect freedom of assembly. In this respect, there was a difficult situation in 2021. On the one hand, events were restricted at the beginning of the pandemic with reference to the health situation, which was criticised by civil society. On the other hand, however, a series of large demonstrations against the pandemic measures, some of which were banned, took place towards the end of 2020 and in 2021 with the participation of radical right-wing groups, which showed a high degree of willingness to use violence and whose participants in some cases did not comply with the pandemic regulations. Regarding the financial situation of CSOs the previously seen politically motivated cuts in public funding for critical CSOs were no longer seen. However, the cuts made in 2018/2019 had hardly been reversed. A decisive factor regarding the public funding of CSOs was the Nonprofit-emergency fund of 700 million euros decided in June, which had contributed significantly to providing financial security for many of the CSOs. In terms of policy content, hopes of civil society were disappointed, especially for improvements in asylum, ecological and social welfare legislation. The last year was dominated by COVID-19 and the handling of the pandemic, leading to the postponement of other agendas important for the future. The COVID-19 pandemic and the actions of the federal government posed many challenges to civil society and CSOs and caused considerable strain on their actors. It is to be hoped that the projects planned by the government (e.g. initiatives for voluntary work in 2021) will be taken up and that expenditures for absorbing the side effects of the pandemic will not be sacrificed to a new austerity course at the expense of the CSOs. Also, a new awareness of the importance of freedom and assembly rights has grown in many sectors of society. This can lead to an increase in the importance of CSOs in the post-pandemic period, if more people can be mobilised for their causes. The methodological basis of this survey was firstly a literature and document analysis. Secondly, a total of 27 interviews with representatives of civil society organisations (CSOs) were conducted between December 2020 and February 2021.

One of the most intriguing and indeed progressive features of the Labour government is its willingness to have itself judged against a wide range of targets, as set out in the Public Service Agreements (PSAs) which accompanied the Comprehensive Spending Review (CSR) in 1998.The second Comprehensive Spending Review due in summer 2000 will be accompanied by a revised set of PSAs negotiated between the Treasury and individual departments. This second round of PSAs will rightly concentrate on the key policy outcomes which departments are aiming to deliver. The several hundred targets which assess the managerial effectiveness of the government machine will be covered by a separate series of Service Delivery Agreements. However, ironically the remarks by the Prime Minister on health service funding appear to undermine the whole CSR process, and threaten to turn the debate back to a focus on how much money gets spent on the public services, rather than the welcome focus on outcomes implied by the PSAs.The PSAs in effect set out in detail the government's strategy, which immediately raises the question of whether they should signal more clearly the government's priorities across the many different policy outcomes. Several of the articles in this issue of New Economy focus on the key areas of policy which should be central to the agenda of a centre‐left government: restoring full employment, eliminating child poverty and putting sustainable development at the heart of government strategy rather than at its margins. Matthew Taylor leads off by discussing the tensions which lie at the heart of the PSA process. Performance targets can have perverse outcomes if they are not designed carefully. The PSA process is highly centralising and may sti?Ÿe local initiative. It is not clear that modern government is best delivered by the Treasury telling everyone what to do.In an act of modest self‐indulgence the editor contributes an article to this issue which argues that a commitment to the attainment of full employment alongside a commitment to eliminating child poverty would represent a really powerful and radical agenda for the Government. Less weight should be given to closing the productivity gap, which is less of a problem than usually thought. Lisa Harker takes up the issues raised by the government's anti‐poverty strategy noting the absence of any debate about which of the poverty indicators the government intends to track should be given priority. She also notes that adopting a clear measure of income poverty brings challenges for government, raising the question of how far it should explicitly address poverty through higher bene?žts to provide 'security for those who cannot work'.The urgency of tackling child poverty is given weight by the chilling conclusion set out by John Micklewright and Kitty Stewart that on three key measures of child well‐being – child poverty, children in workless households and the teenage birth rate – the UK's performance is the worst in the EU. It is this 'child poverty gap' with our European partners which should make us ashamed not the productivity gap. Fran Bennett and Chris Roche argue for genuinely participatory approaches to the development of indicators of poverty and social exclusion which focus not just on what is measured, but also on who decides which indicators are important. This approach features heavily in debates in the developing world, but the OECD countries could learn from this experience. Chris Hewett and Matthew Rayment note discouragingly that seven major government departments made no reference to sustainable development in their aims and objectives as set out in the PSAs in 1998. By and large, the key environmental issues are still seen as only a priority for the DETR and no one else. It is not clear that any relationship between the PSAs and the government's sustainable development strategy is evidence of joined up government or merely coincidental overlapping government.The original PSAs made little or no reference to the goal of securing greater racial equality and Sarah Spencer takes up this omission by looking at a range of areas of public policy where a focus on outcome based measures relating to racial equality are needed. The achievement of race equality objectives necessitates a contribution from each of the key Whitehall departments responsible for domestic policy, and from all departments in relation to their own employment practices. Damian Tambini discusses the 'Ulysees Effect' by which the announcing of targets amid great fanfare forces the government to nail its colours to the mast. In the area of electronic service delivery, targets have so far been quite successful in jolting government agencies into taking action. If potential problems relating to data protection and social exclusion do not emerge, targets in this area will be seen as a useful tool of radical modernisation. However, if the negative effects of electronic service delivery do become more severe, then the government will have to face some difficult choices: abandon the targets, fudge the ?žgures, or push them through despite the negative consequences. Andrea Westall discusses four recently published IPPR reports relating to business or industrial policy. A common theme is that government has a role as a market maker and catalyst by bringing players together to encourage the formation of innovative solutions rather than intervening in a broad and possibly blunt way. This role requires an element of risk and 'letting go' rather than devising programmes with clearly de?žned outcomes and targets – somewhat anathema to the Treasury with its emphasis on performance targets as set out in the PSAs. Rebecca Harding looks at the establishment of regional venture capital funds, arguing that in the north of England the main problem may be the lack of demand for venture capital, so that it may not be the correct tool for supporting innovative small businesses in all regions. Robert Atkinson explodes some of the myths held about the emerging 'new economy'. This includes the notion that technological change is destroying employment (preposterous when viewed against the tremendous jobs growth in the US economy) or that economic change calls into question the continued viability of large corporations or the role of the state.Finally David Osmon offers a different model from the government's proposed public private partnership for achieving a more efficient London Underground. The combined infrastructure and operations of some underground lines could be leased to the private sector which could then compete with the publicly operated lines. If the private companies achieved efficiency savings they could then bid for further franchises and in the meantime those lines still in public ownership would be subject to competitive pressures to increase their efficiency. With all the uncertainty surrounding the current PPP this idea is worthy of consideration.

The Labour government is formally committed to tackling poverty, unemployment and social exclusion and sees a major role for area‐based policies in dealing with some of these problems. The government's flagship New Deals are primarily aimed at groups of individuals with high rates of joblessness. However, the New Deal for Communities is aimed at areas suffering from high concentrations of poverty and unemployment. In addition different government departments have launched their own zone initiatives in often‐overlapping local areas.Much political discussion has focussed on the problem of coordinating all of this activity. However, behind these initiatives lies a decades‐long debate over how effective area‐based polices can actually be and it is this debate which is reflected in this issue of New Economy.We also look at the argument that the big hole in the Government's armoury is the lack of any policies to actually create jobs in areas of the country with high unemployment.When at the Treasury, Daniel Hulls helped design the New Deal for Communities, which makes him well placed to explain the analytical basis for the government's area‐based policies as well as to explore where those policies might go next. Their underlying rationale is that concentrationsof deprivation give rise to problems greater than the sum of its parts. So individuals with characteristics likely to put them at high risk of social exclusion are further disadvantaged if they live in neighbourhoods where there is a high concentration of people with similar characteristics. Mark Kleinman takes issue precisely with this justification, arguing that the empirical evidence suggests that family and individual characteristics are more important than neighbourhood effects and that families and individuals should therefore be the primary target of policy intervention. There may still be a case for locally‐based service delivery and for area based programmes to supplement mainstream resources for the most hard‐pressed areas. Soit is not a case of targeting either individuals or areas – rather it is the balance between these two approaches which is under discussion.In practice the area regeneration budget, at ??1.35 billion in 1999‐00, is only a fraction of the resources spent on families and individuals through social transfers and other mainstream public spending. Moreover, spending on regeneration at the end of this Parliament will be 11 per cent less in real terms than the Conservatives were spending in 1993‐94.The Government, or more accurately the Treasury, points to the vacancy statistics to 'prove' that there is no shortage of employment opportunity anywhere in the UK. Few people living in the real world would agree with this view. David Webster presents the directly opposite argument that the New Deals cannot work unless more jobs are directly created in narrowly‐defined areas, especially in the cities, which have witnessed a significant loss of blue collar jobs.While agreeing that the Treasury line is unsustainable, Ian Gordon agues that narrowly‐targeted job creation programmes will not work. Fundamentally, the case for such policies is that labour market imperfections prevent aggregate demand and employment in the economy as a whole growing fast enough without generating serious inflationary pressures. The problems of demand‐deficiency within 'northern' urban areas are essentially issues of regional policy, not urban regeneration, while the reduction of concentrations of high unemployment in London and most other 'southern' urban areas relies on sustaining employment growth at the national level. Peter Tyler asks whether the policy recommendations of the Urban Task Force chaired by Lord Rogers ?žt with the perceived needs of urban regeneration. The general answer is yes, though we need to be wary of who really benefits from tax incentives. However, if all that Rogers aspires to is to be achieved it will require far more resources than have currently been planned for. Stephen Hall and John Mawson trace the evolution of regeneration policies and ask critical questions about how joined up the Government's policies really are. It is only at the local level that programmes can really be made cohesive and they point to the importance of the New Commitment to Regeneration directly involving local authorities and other local partners.Housing policy plays an important role in generating concentrations of deprivation. Sue Regan argues that it is increasingly difficult to generalise about social housing, with abandoned estates in the 'North' set alongside some well‐run, popular estates with vibrant tenant participation. There is a growing consensus about the benefits of mixed communities, which sits uneasily with the current composition of social housing.The IPPR indicators section points out that the funds which have come from HM Treasury to promote regional policy are very unfairly skewed, with Scotland and Wales doing much better than equivalent English regions. The North East really does have something to complain about. With some irony the funds that have emanated from Brussels are much more evenly distributed according to need. There is precious little correlation between how a local authorityscores on the Index of Local Deprivation and GDP per head. According to the data used by the EU, 14 out of the 20 most deprived local authorities in England have GDP per head at or above the EU average. This might suggest that GDP per head is a poor measure to use for targeting resources at anything below regional level. Andrea Westall and Marc Cowling question whether the proposed model for the Small Business Service will be appropriate and argue that the 'one‐stop shop' approach to offering business advice fails to recognise the differences between small ?žrms, especially across sectors.The article by Brendan Walsh is entitled 'The Irish Economic Miracle'. Whether intended or not the irony of the title is that miracles defy rational explanation. The problem is timing: all the factors put forward to explain the recent excellent performance of the Irish economy have been around for many years and sometimes even decades. Why were these factors for so long associated with lacklustre economic performance, with the Irish economy only taking off in the early 1990s? Graham Bird and Ramkishen Rajan revisit proposals for a Tobin tax in the light of the international financial crises of the late 1990s. They suggest that such a tax on currency transactions would work best in preventing crises from occurring by countering excessive inflows of capital in the first place. They also suggest that even if the tax had limited effects in this respect it could still raise a lot of revenue which could perhaps be used to finance a new international lender of last resort or to augment the resources of the IMF. Eamon O'Shea questions the emphasis on education as the route to material well‐being and argues for a less narrow conception of human welfare. Education can play an important role in developing social as well as human capital and in so‐doing help underpin the micro‐institutional foundations upon which macroeconomic success is based. Peter Robinson Editor

SummaryThe subject of this paper is changes in the social organization of agriculture. The term is understood as the partially open system of relations between the farm, the family and the village community which determine rural life as a whole sui generis. The main attention is directed to change in the organization of agricultural production. Besides the pre‐peasant system of tilling the soil in some isolated societies, five organizational types of agricultural production are distinguished. These are: the traditional peasant farm, the latifundial farm, the modern family farm, the collective farm and the industrial farm. They are described as ideal types occupying extreme places on the scale.Thus the traditional peasant farm and the latifundial farm denote a continuum of intermediate forms denned according to the degree and proportions of economic and non‐economic dependency of the peasant families to the owner (manager) of a large farm. The latifun‐ dial and industrial farms occupy extreme places on the scale constructed according to the degree of economic and socio‐political dependence of the producers on the enterprise, and according to the structure of the manpower which rests on family groups or on workers of given professional specializations. The traditional peasant farm and the modern family farm occupy places on the scale according to the degree of separation of the domestic family economy from the agricultural enterprise, as well as to the character and intensity of the family's productive functions. The modern family farm and the industrial farm are designated on a scale according to the size of the enterprise and the professional or family character of the labour. A separate place is occupied by the collective type farming, which constitutes an intermediate phase between industrial farming and traditional, or modern, family farming, depending on the system of relations between the producing family and the collective farm.An examination of the transformation of each of these types establishes the unidirectional nature of change in the various courses of development. The direction indicated is towards the industrial farm and modern family farm, tied, however, in a number of relations with enterprises purchasing and processing agricultural produce or providing productive services. The collective farm occupies a distinct place here also. Depending on the conditions, it represents a transformation of family farms or it is converted into such farms. 2. The transformation of agricultural organization finds expression in change of the traits of the farm family, primarily in connection with the intensity and character of its productive functions as a collective producer and entrepreneur. Also connected with the organizational type of production are the changes in the system of relations between the producing family and the village community, as well as in its functions. The connections ‐type of farm‐characteristics andfunctions of the farm family ‐ traits and functions of the village community ‐indicate integral types of social organization in agriculture whose foundation, however, rests on the type of organization of production.3. The system, farm‐family‐local community, is not a closed one; its transformations depend on the social organization of society as a whole and on the economic and political‐administrative systems in particular. This paper distinguishes between the directive and interactive types of economy. The first is based on indirect influence through the intervention of central planning and co‐ordinating bodies, and the second on the direct interrelations between production, distribution and consumption. An examination of the transformation of the social organization in agriculture, in different conditions and in relation to the economic system as a whole, shows that apparently identical phenomena have a different social content and follow divergent courses.The appearance of collective farms and the vertical consolidation of agriculture are discussed by way of example. Besides agrarian communities based on ideological motivations, collective farms are distinguished which emerge from agrarian reform and the need for husbanding new territories. Also noted are collective farms organized by family farms to meet market demand as well as a form of the subordination of the agricultural producers to the requirements of industrialization. The consideration of vertical consolidation points to the sources of its slow progress and to its specific character under the conditions of the directive system.4. The final consideration concerns the perspective of further change in the social organization of agriculture. The domination of two forms is anticipated, namely, the industrial farm and the modern family farm. These are depicted as operating in conjunction with enterprises processing and purchasing agricultural produce, and those which render productive services ‐ manufacturing types of agricultural organization. Although these types, the second in particular, may be projected into the future, they are so different in various general conditions that a rather polymorphous agriculture is indicated in the future.Zusammenfassungi. Diese Studie befasst sich mit Wandlungen der Sozialorganisation der Landwirtschaft. Dieser Terminus bezeichnet hier ein ‐ partiell offenes ‐ System von Beziehungen zwischen dem landwirtschaft‐lichen Betrieb, der Familie und der dörflichen Gesellschaft, durch welche das Land als eine Einheit sui generis definiert wird. Besonders werden Wandlungen der Organisation der Produktion in der Land‐ wirtschaft behandelt. Abgesehen von vorbäuerlichen Formen der Produktionsorganisation, wie sie noch in einigen isolierten Gesell‐schaften anzutreffen sind, kann man fünf Formen unterscheiden: die traditionelle Bauernwirtschaft, das Latifundiensystem, den zeit‐genössischen Familienbetrieb, Kollektivwirtschaften und industriell organisierte Betriebe. Diese Typen kann man jeweils paarweise als Extreme auf einer Skala anordnen. So markieren der traditionelle Bauernbetrieb und das Latifundium Endpunkte eines Kontinuums von Formen, die sich hinsichtlich des Grades und des Verhältnisses von ökonomischer und ausserökonomischer Abhängigkeit der Bauernfamilie vom Eigentümer oder Leiter des Betriebes unterscheiden. Das Latifundium und der industriell organisierte Betrieb bilden die Extrempunkte einer Skala, die konstruiert ist nach dem Grade der ökonomischen und ausserökonomischen Anhängigkeit der Produzenten vom Unternehmer und nach der unterschiedlichen Struktur der Arbeitskräfte mit Familiengruppen auf der einen und beruflich spezialisierten Arbeitnehmern auf der anderen Seite. Der Platz der traditionellen Bauernwirtschaft und des modernen Familien‐betriebes in Kontinuum hängt ab von dem Grade der Trennung des Familienhaushaltes vom landwirtschaftlichen Unternehmen und der produktiven Funktion der Familienmitglieder. Der moderne Familienbetrieb und der industriell organisierte Betrieb können auf einer Skala nach der Grösse des Unternehmens und nach der Art der Arbeitskräfte ‐ familieneigene bzw. Lohnarbeitskräfte ‐ eingeordnet werden. Formen der kollektiven Landbewirtschaftung bilden Zwi‐schenformen zwischen der modernen oder traditionellen Familien‐wirtschaft und industriellen Formen je nach den Beziehungen der in der Produktion tätigen Familien zum Kollektiv.Untersucht man die Wandlungen dieser Typen, so stellt man trotz gewisser Unterschiede eine einheitliche Tendenz fest. Zielpunkte scheinen:a) die industriell organisierte Unternehmungb) der moderne Familienbetrieb zu sein, wobei der letzte durch viel‐fäaltige Beziehungen mit dem Verarbeitungs‐ und Vermarktungs‐bereich sowie mit dem Bereich der Zulieferer von Produktionsmitteln und Dienstleistungen verknüpft ist. Eine besondere Stellung nimmt die Kollektivwirtschaft ein, die je nach den Bedingungen sich aus Familienwirtschaften entwickelt oder sich selbst in Familienwirt‐schaften transformiert.2. Diese Formen der Organisation der Landwirtschaft werden reflektiert in den Wandlungen der landwirtschaftlichen Familien. Sie hängen von der Intensivierung der Funktion der Familic in dcr Produktion und von der Art dieser Funktion ab. Die landwirtschaft‐liche Familie ist zugleich Produzent und Unternehmer. Der Wandel des Systems der Beziehungen zwischen den die dörfliche Gesellschaft bildenden Familien sowie der Wandel der Funktion dieser Gesellschaft sind ebenfalls mit den Organisationsformen der Landwirtschaft verknüpft. Die wechselseitige Beziehung der Elemente Betriebs‐formen‐Struktur und Funktion der dörflichen Gesellschaft erlauben es, von integralen Typen der Sozialorganisation in der Landwirtschaft zu sprechen. Dabei bilden Organisationsformen der Produktion die Basis dieser Unterscheidung.3. Dieses System: Betrieb‐Familie‐örtliche Gesellschaft ist kein geschlossenes System. Seine möchlichen Veränderungen hängen von der Gesamtgesellschaft insbesondere vom ökonomischen, admini‐strativen und politischen System ab. In der Studie werden zwei Unternehmensformen, die 'direktive' und die 'interaktive' unter‐schieden. Im ersten Falle bestehen indirekte durch ein Planungs‐ und Koordinationszentrum vermittelte, im zweiten direkte Beziehungen zwischen Produktion, Verteilung und Verbrauch. Wenn man die Veränderungen der Sozialorganisation unter verschiedenen Bedin‐gungen und im Hinblick auf das gesamte Wirtschaftssystem unter‐sucht, stellt man fest, dass quasi‐identische Phänomene verschiedenen Charakter und unterschiedliche soziale Bedeutung haben. Das kann man am Beispiel der vertikalen Integration und der Kollektivierung der Landwirtschaft illustrieren. Man kann ferner unterscheiden Agrargemeinschaften, die auf Grund ideologischer Motivation ent‐standen sind, Kollektive, die als Ergebnis einer Agrarreform oder im Zuge der Neusiedlung etabliert worden sind, und schliesslich Koope‐rationsformen, die von Familienbetrieben aus marktstrategischen Gründen ins Leben gerufen worden sind. Kollektivierung der Landwirtschaft kann sich ausserdem als Unterordnung der landwirt‐schaftlichen Produktion unter die Industrialisierungsbedüiirfnisse eines Landes darstellen. Die Studie behandelt ferner den speziflschen Charakter der vertikalen Integration und die Gründe für deren Zurück‐bleiben im dirigistischen System.4. Schliesslich werden Zukunftsperspektiven aufgezeigt. Zwei Organisationsformen dürften nach Ansicht des Verfassers künftig do‐minieren, nämlich industriell organisierte Betriebe und moderne Fa‐milienbetriebe. Diese Familienbetriebe werden mit den vor‐ und nachgelagerten Bereichen der Lieferanten von Produktionsmitteln und Dienstleistungen und der Verarbeitung und Vermarktung einen'Manufaktur ähnlichen' Typ der Sozialorganisation bilden. Obwohl diese beiden Typen, besonders der zweite als zukunftstrachtig an‐gesehen werden, dürften auch weiterhin vielfältige Formen der Landwirtschaft bestehen bleiben.