Suchergebnisse

The author's starting point in this article is a presupposition that the laissez faire tradition in economy and politics is legitimate. Still, the globalization processes point out the weaknesses of that presupposition. The author shows that the politicians (and theorists) of the most powerful countries have joined the antiglobalization camp. They no longer hold to the spirit of unity and humanity, and they spread capitalism with unpopular means: political and military might. In that sense the author points out to evidence that leads to a conclusion that the chances for a liberal political and economic philosophy are very weak. In fact, it is only an ideal. That is the sad result of the globalization process to date after the promise of Fukuyama's 'End of History'. Still, the author believes that not everything is lost. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point in this article is a presupposition that the laissez faire tradition in economy and politics is legitimate. Still, the globalization processes point out the weaknesses of that presupposition. The author shows that the politicians (and theorists) of the most powerful countries have joined the antiglobalization camp. They no longer hold to the spirit of unity and humanity, and they spread capitalism with unpopular means: political and military might. In that sense the author points out to evidence that leads to a conclusion that the chances for a liberal political and economic philosophy are very weak. In fact, it is only an ideal. That is the sad result of the globalization process to date after the promise of Fukuyama's 'End of History'. Still, the author believes that not everything is lost. Adapted from the source document.

Having reflected on the concept of direct democracy & the possibility of its implementation, the author focuses on Germany & Austria. It is not possible to hold a federal referendum in Germany, although the Basic law explicitly states that the people exercise their power also through referenda. After analyzing the Weimar experience with direct democracy, the author argues that the reasons why there are no direct democracy mechanisms at the federal level do not lie in the "bitter experience of the Weimar Republic." Having considered the implementation of direct democracy mechanisms in the German provinces & in Austria, the author concludes that Germany & Austria are not the leading countries in employing direct democracy but they are surely not at the very back of the list. Adapted from the source document.

Whilst completing the largest enlargement round in its history, European Union faced the need to define both its identity & nature & limits of its future borders. In the aftermath of the failed constitutional referenda & suspension of the ratification process, the pace of future enlargement will inevitably slow down. This has already been the case with the East European countries during the 1990s, whose membership perspective was overclouded by Union's internal issues. Expansion of the EU will undoubtedly continue, but its present absorption capacity has reached endpoint. The chance for the institutional reform, through which future enlargement would keep momentum, has been discarded together with the rejection of Constitutional Treaty. The main issue of todays EU's relations with immediate neighbourhood is the way to ensure democratic consolidation & Europeanisation of these states in absence of the full membership perspective. Upon that European Neighbourhood Policy was envisaged, through which EU offers "everything, but institutions.". References. Adapted from the source document.

Tolerance is among the most crucial social & political values in the theory of liberal virtues. There are two basic ways of exploring political tolerance, as tolerance of the generally unpopular groups in the society (see S. Stouffer, 1955), & of the personally objectionable (least respected) groups (see J. Sullivan, 1979). We look into the tolerance of generally unpopular groups -- fascists, communists & "Yugoslavs." The results of the poll showed that among young Croatians (secondary-school students & university students), there is a high level of tolerance of communists & fascists (generally unpopular groups), since the percentage is higher than the so called democratic majority (50+%), while the percentage of tolerance for "Yugoslavs" is somewhat lower, below the said democratic majority. It is worth noting that tolerance of the same groups was lower when the poll participants themselves chose these groups as personally objectionable (ie, least respected). Education (regarding the tolerance of communists) & sex (regarding the tolerance of fascists) proved to have had a significant influence on the results of the poll. 9 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Two analyses have been carried out for the purpose of this study. The first refers to the analysis of the gender differences in the development of civil sense (understanding citizenship) & the practice of citizenship (practicing citizenship). The second refers primarily to the analysis of the variables of the "school experience" (the school climate or the perceived opportunity for an open classroom discussion, & the variables of the perceived tasks of classroom learning or education) & how they influence the expected voting behaviour of adults. The findings were compared to similar international comparative studies (the 2001 TEA study, C. Hahn's study of 1998). Our study has shown that the gender differences regarding the civil political sense & the culture among young people have been diminishing but have not fully disappeared, & that there are significant differences among individual countries in that respect. Our research has shown that there are significant gender differences in their understanding of citizenship; these differences are somewhat smaller for the variable of the practice of citizenship among high-school students. However, those differences are not particularly pronounced. It seems that it is no longer justified to talk about civil political culture as "male culture," though gender still creates marked differences but no longer solely in favour of men. We have not come to the end of the road leading to a balanced civil political culture yet, at least regarding gender. & secondly, our study has shown that the political education of students & the perceived tasks of political education in schools influence the expected adult voting behaviour. This confirms the thesis that the classroom political education is relevant, at least to a limited degree, for the key variables of civil sense & practice. 4 Tables, 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

nebst trad.: Evaluations de la population suivant l'âge et le sexe 1948-1965