Rad je usmjeren na razumijevanje pojave dječjih brakova kao prakse koja grubo krši ljudska i dječja prava djevojčica i dječaka, ugrožava njihovu dobrobit i sprječava ih u ostvarivanju njihovih punih potencijala. U uvodnom dijelu analiziraju se uzroci i posljedice dječjih brakova te se iznose dostupni podaci o raširenosti ove pojave u regiji. Slijedom dostupnih istraživanja na području Europe koja ukazuju na povećanu zastupljenost pojave u romskoj zajednici, a uzimajući u obzir nedostatak domaćih istraživanja i literature o ovoj temi, u radu su predstavljeni rezultati provedenog kvalitativnog istraživanja čiji je opći cilj bio dobiti uvid u osobno iskustvo odraslih žena Romkinja povezano s njihovim stupanjem u bračnu zajednicu prije navršene osamnaeste godine života. Podaci su prikupljani metodom polustrukturiranog intervjua te analizirani postupkom tematske analize. Rezultati istraživanja poklapaju se s dostupnim znanjima u ovom području, ali i dodatno artikuliraju isprepletenost različitih čimbenika od razine samih djevojaka i roditelja do razine normi u romskoj zajednici. Slijedom toga, raspravlja se i o javno političkom okviru, a predložene su aktivnosti usmjerene na prevenciju prakse dječjih brakova u sustavu obrazovanja te aktivnosti u zajednici i sa zajednicom usmjerenih na pružanje podrške mladima, ali i na mijenjanje normi koje podržavaju ovu praksu. ; This paper focuses on understanding the emergence of child marriage as a practice that grossly violates human and children's rights of girls and boys, threatens their well-being and prevents them from reaching their full potential. The first section analyzes the causes and consequences of child marriages and presents available data on the prevalence of this phenomenon in the region. Based on the available research in Europe, which indicates an increased prevalence of the phenomenon in the Roma community, and taking into account the lack of domestic research and literature on the topic, this paper presents the results of a qualitative study aimed at gaining insight into the personal experience of adult Roma women associated with their entry into marriage before the age of eighteen. The data were collected by semi-structured interview method and analyzed by the thematic analysis procedure. The results of the research coincide with the available knowledge in this field, but also additionally articulate the interplay of various factors from the level of the girls and parents themselves to the level of norms in the Roma community. Consequently, the public policy framework is also discussed, and activities aimed at preventing the practice of child marriage in the education system and activities within the community aimed at providing support to young people, but also at changing the norms which support this practice, have been proposed.
U radu se ljubav poima kao kulturna pojava čije značenje je, za pojedinca, rezultat različitih diskursa o ljubavi. Dok je jedan od njih diskurs o romantičnoj ljubavi te ulazak u brak, koji se na nju nadovezuje, a potom i zasnivanje obitelji (Giddens 1992; Illouz 2012), diskurs o demokratskoj i fluidnoj ljubavi obuhvaća "odstupanja" od takva slijeda (Giddens 1992; Bauman 2003). Uvidom u različite narative, znanstvene i kolokvijalne, u radu se problematizira stvaranje predodžbi o budućoj ljubavnoj vezi i braku. ; In the paper love is perceived as a cultural phenomenon the significance of which – for the individual – is the result of different discourses on love. One of them is the discourse on romantic love and its follow-up, marriage and family (Giddens 1992; Illouz 2012). On the other hand, the discourse on democratic and fluid love covers "departures" from such a sequence (Giddens 1992; Bauman 2003). After due consideration of different (scientific and colloquial) narratives, the paper problematises the development of ideas about future love relationships and marriage.
Posthumno objavljen roman Ernesta Hemingwaya Rajski vrt je tekst prepun sukobljenih čežnja, posebice onih između heteroseksualiteta, homoseksualiteta i hermafroditizma. To je također roman koji iskazuje Hemingwayeve osjećaje nesigurnosti kada je riječ o muškosti i hermafroditizmu. U svome protagonistu, piscu Davidu Bourneu, Hemingway predstavlja ne samo osobne čežnje i strahove o seksualnosti nego i način na koji "pisanje" može omogućiti rješenje ovih nesigurnosti. ; Ernest Hemingway's posthumous novel The Garden of Eden is a text rife with competing desires, especially those between heterosexuality, homosexuality, and androgyny. It is a novel that also rehearses its author Ernest Hemingway's ambiguous feelings concerning masculinity and androgyny. Through his writer-protagonist David Bourne, Hemingway dramatizes not only his personal desires and fears about sexuality, but also how "writing" can provide a solution for such insecurities.
Krajem 2013. i u 2014. Hrvatsku su obilježile dvije vrlo različite promjene u statusu seksualnih manjina. Prvo, ustavnim referendumom istospolnim partnerima onemogućio se pristup instituciji braka. Drugo, novim Zakonom o životnom partnerstvu omogućila im se većina bračnih prava, osim zajedničkog usvajanja djece. Ovo jasno ilustrira sukobljene trendove hrvatskog društva. S jedne strane, poboljšanja u položaju seksualnih manjina mogla su se uočiti još 1970.-ih i 1980.-ih, a nakon prekida tih pozitivnih trendova 1990.-ih, do poboljšanja dolazi posebice 2000.-ih. Istodobno, mnoge formalne pozitivne promjene nisu bile popraćene i promjenama u heteronormativnim i homofobnim praksama hrvatskog društva koje pak postaju očevidne kroz pregled izabranih aspekata socijalne isključenosti seksualnih manjina u sva četiri sustava socijalne isključenosti (demokratsko-pravnom, radno-tržišnom, sustavu socijalne dobrobiti te obiteljskom i sustavu lokalne zajednice) koji se u ovom radu prvenstveno temelji na rezultatima EU LGBT studije iz 2012. godine i koji je nadopunjen rezultatima recentnih domaćih istraživanja vezanih uz LGBT tematiku. ; At the end of 2013 and in 2014, Croatia was marked by two very different changes in the status of sexual minorities. Firstly, same-sex partners were banned from the institution of marriage by a constitutional referendum. Secondly, the new Life Partnership Act provided the same-sex partners with most marital rights, except the joint-adoption right. This clearly illustrates conflicted trends of Croatian society. On one hand, improvements in the status of sexual minorities could have been noted as early as in 1970s and 1980s. After a break in these positive trends in the 1990s, the status of sexual minorities was particularly improved in the 2000s. Nevertheless, many of these positive changes were not accompanied by changes in the hetero-normative and homophobic practices of the Croatian society. This becomes evident in the overview of selected aspects of social exclusion of sexual minorities in all four systems of social exclusion (the democratic and legal system, the labour market, the welfare system, and the family and community system) that is, in this paper, primarily based on the results of the 2012 EU LGBT study, and complemented with the results of recent Croatian LGBT-related studies.
According to Nietzsche, the fundamental problem between a man and a woman is rooted in the denial of antagonism between them. The man believes that their relationship must be that of eternal hostile tension and unavoidable injustice. Nietzsche asserts that there must be a rank order, where scaling is related to the actions of taking, accumulating and becoming greater by gaining power and overcoming narrower interpretations. This rank scaling does not allow for identicalness and equality, which are signs of the shallowness of instinct and the loss of one's identity. Nietzsche endorses the difference and celebrates the otherness. Flourishing of an individual can never be interfered by the concept of equal relations. Nietzsche is convinced that people are different, and he advocates for agon (a power struggle) as a model of cultural and political relations. Since equality of human beings must consist of an equal amount of the same feature, Nietzsche sees this equality as being represented in the general will to power. Furthermore, the gender difference is also a socially constructed way of being. It is a creation of man's image of how the world should look like. If included in a therapeutic approach, this perspective can shed new light on possible interventions methods in psychotherapy and philotherapy alike. Sex and sexual relationships can be singled out as key problems that prevail in the core of motivation for seeking professional therapeutic help (psychotherapy), no matter what therapeutic approach is used in such practice. It is a topic that has insufficiently drawn on Nietzsche's legacy. The aim of this paper is to provide arguments that Nietzsche's perspective on "war of the sexes" sets a productive context for both psychotherapeutic intervention and for philosophical consultancy. ; Prema Nietzscheovu mišljenju, temeljni je problem između muškarca i žene duboko ukorijenjen u negiranju antagonizma među njima. Muškarac vjeruje da njihov odnos mora biti vječna neprijateljska napetost i neizbježna nepravda. Nietzsche tvrdi da mora postojati rangirajući poredak u kojem je skaliranje vezano za aktivnosti uzimanja, nakupljanja i postajanja boljim zadobivajući moć i nadilazeći uža tumačenja. Ovo rangiranje ne dopušta istovjetnost i ravnopravnost, što su znakovi plitkoće instinkta i gubitka identiteta. Nietzsche podržava različitost i slavi drugotnost. Uspijevanje pojedinca nikada ne može biti ometano pojmom jednakih odnosa. Nietzsche je uvjeren da su ljudi drugačiji i zagovara agon (borba moći) kao model kulturnih i političkih odnosa. Budući da se jednakost ljudskih bića mora sastojati od jednakog iznosa istog svojstva, Nietzsche tu jednakost vidi kao predstavljenu u općoj volji za moć. Nadalje, rodna je razlika također društveno konstruiran način bivanja. To je kreacija muške slike o tome kako bi svijet trebao izgledati. Ako se uključi u terapijski pristup, ova nam perspektiva može baciti novo svjetlo na moguće intervencijske metode u psihoterapiji i filoterapiji podjednako. Spol i spolni odnosi mogu biti izlučeni kao ključan problem koji prevladava u jezgri motivacije za traženje profesionalne terapijske pomoći (psihoterapija), bez obzira na to koji se terapijski pristup u takvoj praksi koristi. Tema je to koja nije dovoljno vukla iz Nietzscheove tradicije. Cilj je rada ponuditi argumente za to da se Nietzscheova perspektiva na »rat spolova« postavi kao produktivan kontekst za psihoterapijsku intervenciju i filozofijsko savjetovanje. ; Nach Nietzsches Ansicht schlägt das grundlegende Problem zwischen Mann und Frau ("Weib") seine Wurzeln tief in der Leugnung des Antagonismus zwischen ihnen. Ein Mann glaubt, dass ihre Beziehung eine ewige feindselige Spannung und eine unabwendbare Ungerechtigkeit sein muss. Nietzsche stellt die Behauptung auf, dass es eine Rangordnung geben muss, in der die Skalierung mit den Aktivitäten des Nehmens, Akkumulierens und der Verbesserung durch Machtgewinnung und Überwindung engerer Interpretationen zusammenhängt. Diese Rangfolge duldet keine Ausgleichbarkeit und Gleichheit, die Anzeichen für einen flachen Instinkt und einen Identitätsverlust sind. Nietzsche unterstützt die Verschiedenheit und feiert die Andersheit. Der Erfolg eines Individuums kann niemals durch den Begriff der gleichen Beziehungen beeinträchtigt werden. Nietzsche ist überzeugt, dass Menschen anders sind, und befürwortet den Agon (Wettkampf) als Modell kultureller und politischer Beziehungen. Da die Gleichheit der menschlichen Wesen aus einer gleichen Menge derselben Eigenschaft bestehen muss, sieht Nietzsche diese Gleichheit als vertreten im allgemeinen Willen zur Macht. Fernerhin ist der Genderunterschied gleichfalls eine sozial konstruierte Art des Seins. Es ist die Kreation eines männlichen Bildes davon, wie die Welt aussehen sollte. Falls diese Perspektive in den therapeutischen Ansatz einbezogen wird, kann sie neues Licht auf potenzielle Interventionsmethoden innerhalb der Psychotherapie und Philotherapie gleichermaßen werfen. Geschlecht und Geschlechtsverkehr können als Schlüsselproblem herausgeschält werden, das im Kern der Motivation dominiert, professionelle therapeutische Hilfe (Psychotherapie) aufzusuchen, ungeachtet dessen, welcher therapeutische Ansatz in einer solchen Praxis verwendet wird. Es ist ein Thema, das nicht zureichend aus Nietzsches Tradition stammt. Die Intention dieses Papers ist es, Argumente dafür zu liefern, Nietzsches Perspektive des "Geschlechterkrieges" als produktiven Kontext für psychotherapeutische Interventionen und philosophische Beratung aufzustellen. ; Selon la pensée de Nietzsche, le problème fondamental entre les hommes et les femmes est profondément enraciné dans le déni de l'antagonisme qui leur est propre. L'homme considère que leur relation repose sur une éternelle tension hostile et une inévitable injustice. Nietzsche affirme qu'un ordre de classement doit exister dans lequel la mise à l'échelle est liée à l'action de s'emparer, d'accumuler et de devenir meilleur en gagnant en puissance et en dépassant les étroites interprétations. Ce classement ne permet pas d'identité et d'égalité, signes d'un instinct superficiel et d'une perte d'identité. Nietzsche soutient la diversité et célèbre l'altérité. La réussite d'un individu ne doit jamais être perturbé par le concept d'égalité des relations. Nietzsche est convaincu que les gens sont différents et défend l'agôn (lutte pour le pouvoir) en tant que modèle pour les relations culturelles et politiques. Étant donné que l'égalité des êtres humains doit contenir une quantité égale de propriétés identiques, Nietzsche conçoit cette égalité comme présentée dans la volonté générale de puissance. En outre, la différence des genres est également un mode d'être construit socialement. C'est la création masculine d'une image sur le monde. Si on l'introduit au sein d'une approche thérapeutique, cette perspective éclaire d'un jour nouveau les possibles méthodes d'intervention en psychothérapie et philothérapie de manière égale. Le genre et les relations de genres peuvent être dégagés comme un problème clé qui prend le dessus au cœur de la motivation visant à rechercher une aide thérapeutique professionnelle (psychothérapie), quel que soit l'approche thérapeutique utilisée dans une pratique de ce genre. Ce thème n'a pas suffisamment été puisé dans la tradition nietzschéenne. L'objectif de ce travail et de proposer des arguments afin que la perspective nietzschéenne de « la guerre des genres » s'établisse dans un contexte productif pour l'intervention psychothérapeutique et la consultation philosophique.
Educational policy in Croatia is facing serious problems due to disagreement on introduction of sex education in the national curriculum. This article combines two perspectives in defining the theoretically and practically relevant issues of implementing the sex education curriculum. From the 'top down perspective' it observes stakeholders' arguments which are not in accordance on 'what to do' (they are not in 'practical accordance'). Later on, from the 'bottom up perspective', the author observes how practical value judgments depend on silent (unspoken) theoretical (concepts of knowledge and of what it means to be human) and practical premises (derived from normative sources). This article defines the frame of the open question of contemporary philosophy on logical procedures of fair and rational resolution of different viewpoints. When faced with practical disagreement, the author argues that the communication ethics of argumentation should consist of discussion topics on theoretical premises: can question postulates of the opposing side – their truthfulness, sincerity and desirability. While exploring differences in attitudes, this article by default analyzes tacit premises of those who implement the compulsory national curriculum on sex education. The basic assumption for problem resolution related to implementation of the sex education curriculum is in reaching an understanding about theoretical premises, and not in proving one's own attitudes and ideas of how to actualize the plan. Understanding theoretical premises provides a way to establish common ground as a basis and starting point for discussion. Although existing solutions indicate general possibility for compulsory national sex education curriculum in multicultural democracy, in this case common ground is not reached. ; Neslaganje oko uvođenja kurikuluma spolnog odgoja u Hrvatskoj predstavlja ozbiljan problem obrazovne politike. Rad kombinira dvije perspektive u definiciji teorijski i praktički relevantnog pitanja uvođenja spolnog odgoja. Iz 'ptičje perspektive' promatra argumentaciju aktera koji se ne slažu 'što treba činiti' (nisu u 'praktičnoj slozi'). Nakon toga iz 'žablje perspektive' promatra kako praktični, vrijednosni sud, ovisi o prešutnim teorijskim (antropološkim pretpostavkama i naravi znanja) i praktičnim premisama (izvedenima iz normativnih izvora). Ovaj rad definira okvir otvorenog pitanja suvremene filozofije o logici postupka ravnopravnog i racionalnog razrješenja razlike stavova tvrdeći da komunikacijska etika argumentacije u slučaju praktičnog neslaganja treba prenijeti predmet rasprave na teorijske premise: pravo preispitivanja pretpostavke suprotne strane – njezine istinitosti, iskrenosti i poželjnosti. Proučavajući razlike u stavovima u članku se analiziraju zadane prešutne premise strane koja uvodi obavezni kurikulum. Pretpostavka razrješenja problema uvođenja spolnog odgoja je u unaprjeđenju međusobnog razumijevanja teorijskih premisa, a ne u dokazu svog stava i ostvarenju nauma. Razumijevanje teorijskih premisa omogućava uspostavu točke razumijevanja kao temelja i polazišta rasprave. Točka razumijevanja nije postignuta pa iako postojeća predložena rješenja ukazuju na načelnu mogućnost uvođenja obaveznog kurikuluma spolnog odgoja u višekulturnoj demokraciji, to nije ostvareno u ovom slučaju.
Pravno uređenje imovinskih odnosa u obitelji znatno se razlikuje u pojedinačnim europskim pravnim sustavima. Prvi će dio rada stoga biti posvećen analizi imovinskih odnosa u braku, u izvanbračnim zajednicama te u životnim partnerstvima osoba istog spola u hrvatskome obiteljskom pravu s ciljem određivanja pravnog okvira. Nadalje, pokušat će se odgovoriti na pitanje jesu li na imovinskopravna rješenja djelovala određena poredbenopravna rješenja i/ili izvori soft lawa, poput Načela europskoga obiteljskog prava u području imovinskih odnosa bračnih drugova. U drugom će se dijelu rada nastojati razmotriti kako bi sekundarno pravo EU-a moglo utjecati na domaće obiteljsko pravo nakon što se u Republici Hrvatskoj budu primjenjivale Uredba Vijeća (EU) 2016/1103 o provedbi pojačane suradnje u području nadležnosti, mjerodavnog prava te priznavanja i izvršenja odluka u stvarima bračnoimovinskih režima i Uredba Vijeća (EU) 2016/1104 o provedbi pojačane suradnje u području nadležnosti, mjerodavnog prava te priznavanja i izvršenja odluka u stvarima imovinskih posljedica registriranih partnerstava. Na kraju, autorica će ponuditi završna razmatranja glede usporedbe između postojećih nacionalnih pravnih rješenja i europskih trendova u području imovinskih odnosa u obiteljskom pravu. ; The legal regulation of patrimonial relations in the family differs from one European legal system to another. The first part of the paper will be dedicated to the analysis of the patrimonial relations in the marriage, in the de facto cohabitations and in the same-sex registered partnerships in the Croatian family law in order to define the legal framework. The paper will go on to deal with the question of whether the national family law has been influenced by some legal solutions from other legal systems or by sources of soft law such as the Principles of European Family Law regarding Property Relations between Spouses. The second part of the paper will deal with the possible impact of the EU secondary legislation on the national family law after the ...
Cilj je rada proučiti na koji je način pristupanje Hrvatske Europskoj uniji utjecalo na LGBT pokret. Budući da zemlje Srednje i Istočne Europe, nakon raspada komunizma i tijekom procesa europeizacije, dijele slične karakteristike po pitanju razvoja LGBT pokreta, ovaj rad analizira dvije hipoteze oblikovane kroz studiju slučaja Poljske: (1) proces europskih integracija zemalja u postsocijalističkoj Europi unaprjeđuje formalni zakonski status LGBT osoba i podiže vidljivost LGBT aktivističkih mreža i (2) nakon pristupanja Europskoj uniji jačaju dotad potisnuti konzervativni pokreti protiv LGBT zajednice. Rad prati razvoj LGBT pokreta kroz tri vremenske faze. Prva faza obuhvaća period od osamostaljenja Hrvatske, pa sve do 2000. godine kad u Hrvatskoj počinje proces europeizacije. Druga faza obuhvaća period od početka procesa europeizacije do pristupanja Hrvatske Europskoj uniji, a treća se faza odnosi na period nakon ulaska zemlje u EU. Unutar svake faze proučavaju se sastavnice modela političkog procesa, struktura političkih prilika, aktivističke mreže i diskurzivno uokviravanje tema važnih za LGBT pokret. Analizom je utvrđeno da je tijekom procesa pristupanja Europskoj uniji u Hrvatskoj unaprijeđen pravni položaj homoseksualnih osoba te je pojačana njihova vidljivost u društvu. To se očituje u osnivanju civilnih udruga, organiziranju povorki ponosa, donošenju Zakona o istospolnim zajednicama i uvođenju antidiskriminacijskih normi u zakonodavstvo. Diskurzivnom analizom 328 članaka došlo se do rezultata da je u devedesetima na snazi razdoblje šutnje o homoseksualnosti. U periodu europeizacije i onom nakon pristupanja Hrvatske Europskoj uniji, diskurzivne se ideje kreću unutar triju okvira: društvene prihvaćenosti, europeizacije i pitanja drugog reda. Iako je period nakon ulaska Hrvatske u EU nedovoljno dug da bi se sa sigurnošću potvrdila druga hipoteza, referendum o ustavnoj definiciji braka i lobiranje protiv izglasavanja Zakona o životnom partnerstvu osoba istog spola dobri su pokazatelji da se konzervativni pokret protiv LGBT zajednice u Hrvatskoj konsolidirao. ; This paper examines how Croatia's path towards joining the European Union affected the LGBT movement. Due to Central and Eastern European countries sharing similar characteristics regarding the development of the LGBT movement after the abandonment of communism and during the Europeanization process, this paper follows two hypotheses formed through a case study of Poland: (1) the process of European integration in post-socialist Europe promotes the formal legal status of LGBT people and improves the visibility of the LGBT activist network (2) since the country's accession to the EU the formerly repressed conservative movements against the LGBT community have become stronger. The paper examines the development of the LGBT movement over three time periods. The first period covers the time between Croatia gaining independence and starting its Europeanization process in 2000; the second period lies between the start of the Europeanization process and Croatia's accession to the EU; the third phase covers the time after the accession. For every phase the following parts of the political process model are examined: the political opportunity structure, the activist network and the discursive framing of topics important for the LGBT movement. Analysis confirms that the implementation of the requirements for becoming a member country improved the legal status of LGBT people and increased their visibility during that time. This manifested primarily as the founding of various associations, organizing pride parades, passing the Same-Sex Union Act and introducing sexual orientation anti-discrimination norms. A discourse analysis of 328 articles unveiled the 90's silence on homosexuality and revealed that in the next two phases discursive ideas have been present in three key areas: social acceptance, Europeanization and the "less important question". Even though the period after Croatia's accession is not long enough to definitively confirm the second hypothesis, the referendum on the constitutional definition of marriage and the lobbying for rejecting the Same-Sex Life Partnership Act are good indicators that the conservative movement against the LGBT community in Croatia consolidated its position.
Demokracije su u opasnosti da će ih zadaviti populistički demagozi, koji se postavljaju kao jedini i istinski vođe "naroda", i koji zanemarujući ustavnu "strukturu slobode", parlamentarnu supremaciju, kontrolu sudova i, nadasve, ustavna ograničenja dovode u izravnu vezu s odlučivanjem biračkog tijela. Referendumi se sve više koriste za donošenje određenih odluka koje ne mogu proći u parlamentu. Tvrdi se da ne smije postojati nikakva prepreka vlasti naroda. Ovaj je fenomen najpoznatiji liberalni časopis The Economist obilježio novom riječju referendumanijom u kojoj se referendum izravno povezuje s manijom. U okolnostima kada televizija i Internet pokazuje svu bijedu brojnih skupština i to ne samo u novim već i u zrelim demokracijama taj je fenomen dobio punu simpatiju šire javnosti. Nakon što je u Velikoj Britaniji toj matici svih parlamenata referendum o Brexitu iskorišten kao instrument političke borbe što je dovelo do tekućeg "pretapanja" visoko cijenjenog britanskog političkog sistema izgleda da se ispunilo najgore moguće proročanstvo o napredovanju populističkih snaga u velikom broju europskih država. Republika Hrvatska je već dugo izložena takvim ugrozama od strane političkih grupa koje se ekstremno protive politici Vlade, počam od katoličkih konzervativaca a odnedavno i sindikalista. Zahvaljujući neadekvatnoj regulaciji refrerenduma o građanskim inicijativama gdje se ne govori o nikakvom kvorumu već se odluka donosi većinom onih koji glasuju mogućnosti manipulacije su ogromne. U postojećim okolnostima trajne konfuzije, brojni političari koji su već izjavili svoju namjeru da će ukoliko budu izabrani za Predsjednika Republike takav referendum koristiti radi uklanjanja svih kontrola i provjera koje postoje između šefa države i "naroda". Imajući u vidu krizu demokracije i smatrajući takve prijetnje sasvim ozbiljnim autor naglašava potrebu da se jednim međustranačkim dogovorom stvore uvjeti kojima bi se referendum uz odgovarajuću regulaciju uklopio u deemokreatski sistem ustavne demokracije. ; Democracies are at risk to be strangled by the populist demagogues, posturing as the only and true leaders of 'the people', while disregarding constitutional "structure of liberty", meaning that, the parliamentary supremacy, judicial review and, above all, the constitutional limits to the very direct decision making by the voters' constituencies. Referenda are being used ever more, often to push certain decision, which could not pass the parliament. The claim is that there must not be any limits to the power of the people. That phenomenon the most esteemed liberal magazine "The Economist" nicknamed coining the word "referendumania", apparently combining 'a mania' with 'referenda'. It has been received with a lot of sympathy by the general public, in circumstances when the television and the Internet shows all the misery of the numerous assemblies, not only in a new but also in the mature democracies. After the referendum on the Brexit has been used as an instrument of the political struggle in the mother of parliaments, Great Britain, which lead to the ongoing "melting down" of the highly valued British political system, it seems that the worst of prophecies are realized by advancing populist forces in a number of Euroepan states. Republic of Croatia has been for a long time exposed to such treats, by the political groups extremely opposed to governmental policies, first by the Catholic conservatives and most recently by the trade unionists. Due to the very inadequate regulation of the referenda on civil initiatives, whereas the decision is to be made by a majority of those who vote, without any quorum being provided, the posibilites of manipulation are enormous. In the lasting confusion, a number of politicians has already proclaimed their intention, if elected the president of the Republic, to use such a referendum in order to remove all the checks and balances between the chief of state and "the people". Taking such treats very seriously in the existing crisis of democracy, the author emphasizes hi plead for an interparty agreement which would enable the referendum to be properly regulated and thus incorporated into the system of a democratic constitutional democracy.
Autor analizira simptome krize demokracije u Europi koncentrirajući se na tri skupine simptoma: u prvom redu na simptome krize u tranzicijskim zemljama koje su ušle u članstvo Europske unije u okviru petog proširenja; jedan je od glavnih indikatora te krize slab odaziv glasača iz tranzicijskih zemalja na izbore za Europski parlament godinu dana nakon ulaska u članstvo EU-a. Razlog tog podbačaja autor vidi u razočaranosti demokracijom i tranzicijom te u formalnom udovoljenju kopenhaškim kriterijima, uslijed čega su odmah nakon ulaska u EU nove zemlje članice svoju zadaću demokratizacije smatrale dovršenom.Drugi je simptom krize negativan ishod referenduma za ratifi kaciju ugovora kojim se uspostavlja Ustav za Europu u Francuskoj i Nizozemskoj, što je pokrenulo lančanu reakciju odbacivanja osnovnih instrumenata demokratizacije EU-a koje su zemlje članice prethodno prihvatile i s kojima su se u potpunosti suglasile. Treći element krize demokracije jest demokratski defi cit u EU-u i različito viđenje načina kako da se on prevlada, jačanjem federalističkih elemenata EU-a ili interguvernmentalnih procedura. Na kraju se konstatira da u suvremenoj Europi postoje tri modela demokracije, po uzoru na Siedentopovu klasifi kaciju modela privlačnosti demokracije, i da je kriza demokracije u Europi potencijalno opasna za daljnji razvoj europskih društava jer se pobjedom nad komunizmom nije ostvario očekivani trijumf demokracije, nego je demokracija u Europi izložena nasrtajima raznih oblika političke patologije, uz deziluziju i neispunjena očekivanja. ; In this article the symptoms of the crises of democracy are analyzed. The author concentrates on three sets of symptoms: fi rst, on the symptoms emerged in transition, post-communist countries that joined the EU within the Fifth enlargement. One of the main indicators of such crises is the low turnout in the European Parliament elections in 2004, only one month after their joining the EU. The reasons for such a bad turnout are the disappointment in democracy and in transition, ...
Nedavno održani referendum o izlasku Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva iz Europske unije te najave budućih referenduma u drugim državama članicama, uz pozivanje na prvenstvo "volje naroda", nameću potrebu podrobnijeg istraživanja stvarne uloge neposrednog odlučivanja građana u Uniji. Ovaj rad pridonosi tome analizom temeljnih problema s kojima se, kao složeni politički sustav, Unija mora nositi. Oslanjanjem na usporedno federalističko iskustvo ističemo dvostruki problem višerazinskog političkog prostora te problem prevođenja ovlasti i osporavanja takva prijevoda izravnodemokratskim putem. Te dvije teškoće zajedno dovode do toga da je od izravnog sudjelovanja građana u odlučivanju o "europskim pitanjima" teško očekivati ikakav siguran ishod. ; The purpose of this paper is to present two basic ways in which a path has been laid for EU citizens to directly participate in decision-making on issues related to the Union, and to analyse the main obstacles for them to functioning. The direct participation criterion removed from our attention those forms of citizen engagement that rely on intermediaries who are either elected national or European representatives, or are embodied in civil society organisations. The idea of participation should have covered two fundamental instruments that directly relate to citizens: national referenda on European issues and the European Citizens' Initiative. Our analysis shows that there are several obstacles in the construction of the Union which have a significant effect on any reference to the directly expressed will of the people. The basis of this great number of problems is certainly the specific multi-layered political arena of the Union, which, on one hand, weakens any national referendum in terms of its supranational significance, and, on the other hand, imposes on citizens, through the European Citizens' Initiative, high requirements to adapt to the logic of supranational mechanisms. When considering the complaints that are usually directed at the direct decision-making of citizens, the ...
Ovaj članak analizira razlike između konsocijacijske i centrifugalne demokracije, nudeći pojmovni pregled tih dvaju modela i uspoređujući ih na primjerima Švicarske i Bosne i Hercegovine. Po prvi se put modelu demokracije u Bosni i Hercegovini pripisuje pojam centrifugalne demokracije. Takvo određenje potvrđuje se analizom povijesnog razvoja institucija te analizom postojećih glavnih društvenih rascjepa i sukoba među političkom elitom. Razvoj konsocijacijske demokracije na primjeru Švicarske analizira se od 1848. godine, a centrifugalna demokracija u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1878. godine. U članku se također razmatraju "politički korektivi" koji stabiliziraju i aktivno usmjeravaju rad političkih elita u Švicarskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini. To su referendum i pučka inicijativa u prvom slučaju te prisutnost međunarodne zajednice u drugom slučaju. Zaključno se razmatra možebitni proces transformacije bosanskohercegovačkog poretka iz centrifugalne u konsocijacijsku demokraciju i oprimjeruje se potencijalnim inovacijama u institucionalnom dizajnu koje bi slijedile švicarski model. ; This paper analyzes differences between consociational and centrifugal democracy. It offers a conceptual framework for the two models and compares them through the Swiss and Bosnian Herzegovinian cases. For the first time, the concept of centrifugal democracy is attributed to the Bosnian-Herzegovinian model of democracy. This attribution is confirmed through an analysis of the historical institutional development, and of existing cleavages and conflicts among political elites. The development of Swiss consociational democracy is examined since 1848, while the development of Bosnian-Herzegovinian centrifugal democracy is assessed since 1878. The paper also considers "political correctives", which stabilize and direct the work of political elites in Switzerland and Bosnia and Herzegovina. These comprise referenda and popular initiatives in the first case and international community in the second case. The paper concludes with an assessment of a possible process of transformation of Bosnian-Herzegovinian centrifugal democracy into consociational democracy, and provides examples of potential institutional innovations that would follow the Swiss model.
Negativni ishod referenduma o Ustavu Europske unije u Francuskoj i Nizozemskoj doveo je u žarište alternativu između preoblikovanja Europe u federativnu državu i njezinog zadržavanja statusa svojevrsne međunarodne organizacije. U radu se naglašava da je ta alternativa manje oštra nego što se čini. Europska je unija proces koji obje mogućnosti drži otvorenima. Europa se može istodobno razvijati i prema čvršćim strukturama u nekim područjima i prema većoj elastičnosti i prilagodljivosti u drugima: sigurnost, regulacija, javne službe, socijalna skrb, snaženje kapaciteta za ekonomsku kompeticiju, poboljšanje sposobnosti za suočavanje s globalnim izazovima. Uspoređuju se rezultati radova o upravljanju višerazinskim teritorijalnim sustavima, osobito u njemačkoj i američkoj tradiciji, u pogledu kapaciteta rješavanja problama u višerazinskim sustavima pod uvjetima pregovaranja i labave skopčanosti među razinama. U konačnici, taj je kapacitet važniji od formalnih obilježja europskog integracijskog oblika. ; The negative out come of the referenda about the European Constitution in France and the Netherlands have, apparently, put the alternative between the transformation of Europe in a federative State and its remaining an international organization in to sharper focus. The argument in this paper is that this alternative is less sharp than it might appear. The European Union is an evolving proces that keeps both alternatives open. Europe could move simultaneously towards tighter structures in some fields and towards greater elasticity and adaptivenes in others: security, regulation, public services, social benefits, increasing capacity for economic competition, better ability to face new global challenges. Work done about the govenance of multi level territorial systems, particularly in the German and American traditions, is compared from the point of view of the problem-solving capacity of multi level systems under conditions of bargaining and loose coupling among its levels. This capacity, in the final analysis, is more important than the formal attributes of the European construction.
U radu se nastoji pokazati kakva je bila uloga pripadnica gradske elite u zagrebačkome Gradecu. Upozorava se da su, iako direktno nisu sudjelovale u gradskoj vlasti, bile usko povezane s njezinim nositeljima. Govori se o njihovoj ulozi u prijenosu vlasništva i društvenoga ugleda kao i stvaranju političkih veza te time i formiranju gradske elite. ; Although women in medieval towns could not participate neither in the city government nor in the election of the city officers, they had influence in the shaping of the urban elite, as is demonstrated in this article on the example of Zagreb Gradec. Women in the medieval city of Zagreb were able to obtain the full right citizenship, which allowed them certain privileges. Besides that, they were treated equally to male heirs according to the inheritance law. They were also treated equally in many other aspects of the urban life such as trade or in the city court. Some women were among the richest inhabitants of the city community, as were Francisca Donati, Margareta Rybarica, Katarina, the widow of Sigismund Mauri, or Katarina Soldinar. Furthemore, the usual way of integration of the new members of the urban elite was marriage into a family which already belonged to the urban elite, whether by marrying a daughter of the prominent citizen who was a judge or a juror, or by marrying a widow of the former member of the elite. Good marriage often proved to be more useful for political climb than regular kinship ties by blood. In that way, prominent women played a great role in the integration or consolidation of the urban elite.
U Republici Hrvatskoj kao zemlji koja je u nedavnoj prošlosti imala iskustvo prelaska iz totalitarnoga režima u demokraciju, pretrpjela rat i poraće, privatizaciju, osiromašenje znatnoga udjela svoga stanovništva te ulazak u Europsku uniju pitanje nacionalnih vrednota trebalo bi biti ključno pitanje političkih, ali i intelektualnih elita jer samo čuvajući svoje vrednote hrvatski narod može očuvati svoju prepoznatljivost i identitet. Problem koji se može uočiti na svim razinama u hrvatskome društvu bijeg je od tradicionalnih vrednota koje se sve češće smatraju konzervativnima, pa čak i zaostalima. Iste te vrednote, ponekad i da bismo se više svidjeli drugima, zamjenjujemo modernističkim i postmodernističkim vrednotama koje nam se prikazuju poželjnijima i prihvatljivijima u odnosu na naše tradicionalne vrednote koje se čuvaju naraštajima. Ovaj rad naslanja se na rezultate Europske studije vrednota iz 2008. godine koji pokazuju modernizaciju hrvatskoga društva, ali i važnost tradicionalnih vrednota kao što su brak, obitelj, djeca, religioznost, a prikazani su u knjizi Vrednote u Hrvatskoj i Europi: komparativna analiza. ; In the Republic of Croatia, as a country which in the recent past has had the experience of transitioning from a totalitarian regime to a democracy, suffered through war and its repercussions, undergone privatization along with impoverishment of a significant proportion of its population, and joined the European Union, the issue of national values should be crucial in terms of political, as well as intellectual elite, because only by protecting Croatian values can its people preserve their recognisability and identity. One observable problem at all levels of Croatian society is the escape from traditional values which are often seen as conservative and archaic. That same values are sometimes replaced by more likeable modern or postmodern variants which are presented as more desirable and acceptable in regards to the traditional values nurtured through generations. This article relies on the results of the European Values Study in 2008 which show the modernization of Croatian society, but also the importance of traditional values such as marriage, family, children, religiousness, which are stated in the book Values in Croatia and Europe: A Comparative Analysis.
