Suchergebnisse

Ivan Zakmardi Dijankovečki (oko 1600.–1667.) nepravedno je zanemaren u historiografiji, kao i u svojem rodnom kraju. U hrvatskoj povijesti 17. stoljeća istaknuo se kao jedan od utjecajnih pojedinaca jer je ostavio snažan politički i kulturni pečat na prostoru današnje sjeverozapadne Hrvatske. Premda je u historiografiji najčešće spominjan kao protonotar, važna su i njegova dobročinstva, kojima je potpomogao razvoj školstva, odgojno-obrazovnih institucija i kulture. U članku je prikazana ostavština koja je proizašla iz Zakmardijeva filantropskog karaktera. Naime, Zakmardi je u Križevce doveo pavline s kojima je osnovao školu. U Varaždinu je pak surađivao s isusovcima s kojima je osnovao sjemenište, konvikt i zakladu. U Zagrebu je podigao žrtvenik u crkvi sv. Marka koji je kasnije preseljen u Križevce. Uz to, u Zagrebu je za potrebe gradske škole sagradio dvokatnicu na Gradecu, kao i, a u sklopu današnje Zvjezdarnice, zgradu spremišta za hranu. Naposljetku, u nastojanju da im pomogne u djelovanju, križevačkim pavlinima i varaždinskim te zagrebačkim isusovcima darovao je i brojne posjede te novac. Pavlinima je pomogao i u Olimju, zahvaljujući čemu je u tom gradu osnovan pavlinski samostan. Svojim dobročinstvima Zakmardi se, dakle, iskazao kao pobornik razvoja odgoja, obrazovanja i kulture. ; Ivan Zakmardi Dijankovečki (around 1600–1667) has been unjustly overlooked in historiography, as well as in his birthplace. He was distinguished as one of the influential individuals in the Croatian history of the 17th century by leaving a strong mark on politics and culture of today's northwest Croatia. Although in historiography he was most often referred to as a prothonotary, his benefactions, which helped the development of school education, educational institutions, and culture, are important as well. This article portrays the heritage that emerged from Zakmardi's philanthropic character. In fact, Zakmardi brought Paulines to Križevci, with whom he then founded a school. In Varaždin, he cooperated with Jesuits to found a seminary, a monastery and an endowment. In Zagreb, he erected an altar in St. Mark's Church, which was later moved to Križevci. Also, for the needs of the old town school in Zagreb, he erected a two-storey building in Gradec, as well as a food storage building, which is a part of today's Observatory. Finally, in an effort to support their activities, he donated numerous estates and money to Paulines in Križevci and Jesuits in Varaždin and Zagreb. He also helped the Paulines in Olimje, which led to the establishment of a Pauline monastery in that town. Due to his benefactions, Zakmardi stands out as a supporter of upbringing, education, and culture.

U Europskoj Uniji uvidjeli su kako je poticanje poduzetnosti, inovativnosti i kreativnosti cje¬lokupnog stanovništva ključni faktor povećanja gospodarske konkurentnosti s ostatkom svijeta. Ključni dio sveukupne strategije održivog rasta i razvoja Europske Unije nazvane "Europa 2020", sadrži akcijski plan čiji cilj je oslobađanje poduzetničkog potencijala i ukla¬njanje postojećih prepreka razvoju poduzetništva i osnaživanje poduzetničke kulture Euro¬pe. Cjeloživotno učenje podrazumijeva unapređivanje znanja i vještine unutar naše osobne, društvene i poslovne perspektive. Poduzetništvo je jedna od ključnih kompetencija cjeloži¬votnog učenja koju je potrebno sustavno razvijati i kroz osnovnoškolski odgoj i obrazovanje. S obzirom da pedagogija kao znanost podrazumijeva skup znanja o metodama, sredstvima i principima odgoja i obrazovanja, ona treba uključiti poduzetnički aspekt pedagogije i de¬finira je, po mogućnosti, kao zasebnu disciplinu koja bi se bavila primjenom odgojno-obra¬zovnih metoda usmjerene razvijanju poduzetničkog duha od najranijeg uzrasta: "Poduzet¬nička pedagogija trebala bi biti znanstvena disciplina/grana unutar područja pedagogijske znanosti koja bi se bavila istraživanjem i implementacijom didaktičko-metodičkih modela u odgojno-obrazovne procese. Nacionalna strategija obrazovnog sustava Srbije prepoznala je poduzetništvo kao jednu od ključnih kompetencija cjeloživotnog učenja. Kroz različite projektne aktivnosti koje se odnose na razvoj vještina i unapređivanja znanja učenika pre¬poznat je značaj neophodne sustavne implementacije poduzetništva u školske programe na svim obrazovnim nivoima. Sustavno uključivanje poduzetničke kompetencije učenika osnovnih škola u školske kurikulume važan je faktor njegove implementacije. U Europskom projektu: "Poduzetnička pedagogija – poduzetna djeca" istražujemo mogući pristup k rea¬lizaciji ovog izazova. ; Encouraging entrepreneurship, innovation, and creativity of the entire population have come to be seen, in the European Union, as a key factor in boosting economic competi¬tiveness with the rest of the world. The key part of the overall strategy for sustainable growth and development of the European Union called ''Europe 2020'', contains an action plan which aims to release the entrepreneurial potential and removal of existing obstac¬les to the development of the entrepreneurial culture in Europe. Lifelong learning implies improving the knowledge and skills within our personal, social, and business perspective. Entrepreneurship is one of the key competences of lifelong learning that needs to be sys¬tematically developed through primary school education. Given that pedagogy as a scien¬ce implies knowledge about methods, means, and principles of education and training, it should include the entrepreneurial aspect of pedagogy and defines it, preferably, as a separate discipline which would deal with the application of educational methods that aim to develop the entrepreneurial spirit from an early age: ''Entrepreneurial pedagogy should be a scientific discipline/branch within the field of pedagogical science which would research and implement didactic-methodical models into educational processes. National strategy of educational system in Serbia has recognized entrepreneurship as one of the key competences of lifelong learning. It has been recognized, through various project activities related to the development of skills and advancing knowledge of students, the importance of essential systematic implementation of entrepreneurship into curricula at all educatio¬nal levels. The systematic inclusion of entrepreneurial competence of elementary school students into school curricula is an essential factor of its implementation. In the European project ''Entrepreneurial pedagogy - entrepreneurial children'' a possible approach towar¬ds the realization of this challenge is being researched.

The author analyzes the role of religion in the formation of national identities in Central & Eastern Europe on the example of the Catholic Church in Poland in the 20th century. In Poland, like in most Central-European & Eastern-European societies, national identity developed against the state & was founded on certain elements of ethnic culture & tradition, the central position belonging to the Church. During communism, the Polish Catholic Church had the leading position in the construction of national identity, which identified Polishness with Catholicism. The Church also had a crucial role in the destruction of the communist system. However, it has found it increasingly difficult to adapt to the new conditions of political democracy as well as ideological & cultural pluralism. As has been sown through the debates on abortion & religious education in state schools, the attempt by the Church to achieve the statues of moral arbiter, above all democratic institutions, has resulted in new divisions & jeopardized its influence in the society. 7 References. Adapted from the source document.

Rezultati teorijsko — komparativne analize i empirijskog dijela istraživanja u sklopu znanstvenoistraživačkih projekata "Genealogija i transfer modela interkulturalizma" (1991.— 1996.) i "Školski kurikulum i obilježja hrvatske nacionalne kulture" 1997. — 2002.) upućuju na zaključak kako ispitanici sebe vide primarno u okruženju nekih nacija: Hrvati, pa Amerikanci, Talijani, Nijemci i prema njima iskazujuj socijalnu blizinu. Kod nacija i etniciteta kod kojih je više iskazano neprihvaćanje: Srbi, Crnogorci, Romi., ne može se govoriti o crno-bijelim odnosima, jer istovremeno nije zanemariv postotak odgovora koji upućuju na prihvaćanje. Sličan je trend prisutan u odnosu na socijalne udaljenosti prema vjerskim skupinama. Dobiveni rezultati mogu pomoći definirati obrazovnu politiku te mogu pridonijeti neposrednoj školskoj praksi u procesu osuvremenjivanja odgojnog rada, i s gledišta rasterećenja od nepotrebnih sadržaja, prema uvođenju inoviranih programa, poboljšanju kvalitete udžbenika i drugih izvora znanja, u kontekstu interkulturalne pedagoške komunikacije. ; The results of theoretical-comparative analysis and of the empirical part of the study conducted as part of projects "Genealogy and transfer of models of interculturalism" 1991-1996 and "School curriculum and characteristics of Croatian national culture" 1997-2002 point to the conclusion that subjects perceive themselves as primarily surrounded by certain nations: Croats, then Americans, Italians, Germans, expressing greater social closeness towards them. In the case of less accepted nations and ethnic groups, such as Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, etc. it is not possible to speak about "black and white" relations, since at the same time there is a certain percent of answers pointing to acceptance. There is a similar trend in the relation of social distance towards religious groups. The obtained results can help in the definition of educational politics and immediate school practice in the process of modernization of educational work from the viewpoint of clearing away the superfluous teaching matter as well as introduction of innovated programs and improvement of quality of textbooks and other sources of knowledge in the context of intercultural educational communication. ; Ergebnisse der theoretisch-vergleichenden Analyse und der empirischen Untersuchung im Rahmen der wissenschaftlichen Forschungsprojekte "Genealogie und Transfer des Interkulturalismusmodells" 1991-1996 und "Schulkurrikulum und Merkmale der kroatischen Nationalkultur" 1997-2002 lassen die Schlussfolgerung zu, dass die Befragten sich selbst und die anderen primar im Umfeld einer Nation betrachten: als Kroaten, Amerikaner, Italiener, Deutsche und dass sie zu diesen Gruppen eine ausgeprägte soziale Nähe aufweisen. Bei den Nationalitäten und ethnischen Gruppen, bei denen die Nichtannahme ausgeprägter ist, wie z.B. bei den Serben, Montenegrinern, Roma kann jedoch nicht von "schwarzweissen" Beziehungen gesprochen werden, da gleichzeitig der Prozentsatz der Akzeptanz zeigenden Antworten nicht zu vernachlässigen ist. Ein ähnlicher Trend zeigt sich auch im Verhältnis der sozialen Ferne zu den einzelnen Religionsgemeinschaften. Die erhobenen Resultate können bei der Definierung der Bildungspolitk und in der unmittelbaren Schulpraxis als Orientierung herangezogen werden, um den Ausbildungsprozess zu modernisieren, sowohl im Hinblick auf die Entlastung von unnötigen Lehrinhalten als auch im Hinblick auf die Einführung neuer Lehrprogramme und Verbesserung von Lehrbüchern und anderen Wissensquellen, im Kontext der interkulturellen pädagogischen Kommunikation.

Učeničko društvo Svačić počelo je djelovati 1906. godine kao tamburaški zbor unutar varaždinske Gimnazije, a ubrzo je kao organizirano tamburaško društvo nastupalo i izvan škole. Pod vodstvom prof. Milana Stahuljaka oblikovani su kvalitetan tamburaški i pjevački zbor te salonski orkestar koji su do ljeta 1913. godine, priređivali glazbeno-deklamatorne produkcije povremeno dopunjavane amaterskim predstavama i organiziranim plesom. Bez Svačićevog sudjelovanja ubrzo je postala nezamisliva svaka ozbiljnija priredba u Gimnaziji, a njegovi programi znatno su obogatili kulturnu i zabavnu ponudu u gradu. Pred Prvi svj. rat ulogu Svačićevog zborovođe preuzeo je prof. Tomislav Miškulin pod čijim je vodstvom ova djelatnost nadopunjena izuzetno kvalitetnim koncertnim aktivnostima. Čim su to političke okolnosti dopustile, Svačićevi su nastupi, tijekom i nakon rata, pomogli prikupljanju novca za pomoć siromašnim gimnazijalcima i ratnim stradalnicima. Zalaganjem Milana Kamana, novog ravnatelja varaždinske Gimnazije, diktatorski režim kralja Aleksandra je 1930. ipak dozvolio osnivanje Varaždinskog gimnazijskog udruženja "Svačić" s ciljem da lakše kontrolira izvannastavne aktivnosti u školi. Rad udruženja propisan je Pravilima potvrđenim od Ministarstva prosvjete i organiziran je kroz sekcije. U početku su utemeljene glazbena, znanstvena i literarna, a sljedećih godina oformljene su sportska, likovna šahovska i filatelistička sekcija. Nastavni savjet imenovao je profesore voditelje sekcija koje su održavale radne sastanke pripremajući programe za tzv. sijela, priredbe putem kojih su svoj rad predstavljale unutar škole ili na nivou grada, a povremeno su Gimnaziju predstavljale i na višim razinama. Pritom se posebno isticala sportska sekcija pod vodstvom prof. Zvonimira Suligoja koja se, uz lokalne manifestacije predstavljala na državnim sletovima. Glazbena sekcija pod vodstvom prof. Tomislava Miškulina je svoje koncertne programe predstavljala u Hrvatskom glazbenom zavodu i zagrebačkoj katedrali. Literarna sekcija je učeničke radove povremeno objavljivala u zagrebačkim književnim revijama, a samostalno je izdavala učenički list Svačić. Zahvaljujući njihovoj aktivnosti kulturni, zabavni i društveni život u Gimnaziji i Varaždinu 30-ih godina 20. stoljeća bio je znatno bogatiji i kvalitetniji. No promjenom političkih odnosa neposredno pred Drugi svjetski rat, rad ove udruge bio je ugašen. ; Student association Svačić was founded in 1906 as a tamburitza orchestra operating within Varaždin Gymnasium and later it was converted into a tamburitza music association that held concerts outside school as well. Led by teacher Milan Stahuljak it consisted of a high-quality tamburitza orchestra and choir as well as a chamber orchestra. By summer 1913 they used to organize music and declamatory productions which were sometimes complemented with amateur shows and organized ballroom dances. Soon thereafter Svačić became one of the must-have participants of all the important events in Gymnasium, and their programs added new qualities to the cultural and entertainment offer in Varaždin. Before World War I teacher Tomislav Miškulin became their choirmaster and he put special emphasis on concert activities of the association. As soon as the political circumstances became more favorable (during and after the war) Svačić performances aided significantly in raising resources for the poor Gymnasium students and casualties of war. As a consequence of the persistent work by Milan Kaman, the new head of Varaždin Gymansium, the dictatorial regime of the king Aleksandar eventually allowed the foundation of Varaždin Gymnasium association "Svačić" in 1930 so that they may supervise extracurricular activities of the school. The activity of the association was defined by a rulebook ("Pravilnik") which was approved by the Ministry of Education and it was set up through various sections. The first sections to be founded were the music, science, and literary sections, and in the upcoming years sports, visual arts, chess and philatelic sections were set up as well. The board of teachers appointed teachers who were leaders of particular sections which in turn held meetings where they elaborated programs for the so-called soirees. Those were events where sections presented their activities within the school or for the general population. Sometimes they even represented the school on a more formal level as well. A section that was especially prominent was the sports section which was led by teacher Zvonimir Suligoj. They were active both at local and state events. Music section, which was led by teacher Tomislav Miškulin, held concerts in the Croatian Music Association and Zagreb Cathedral. The literary section sometimes published students' works in Zagreb literary journals, and they published their own student journal called Svačić. With the help of their activities, social, culture and entertainment segment of Varaždin life in the 1930s was extremely rich and colorful. However, because of new political developments in the period leading up to World War II, this association ceased to exist.

The influence of Roman culture on today's civilization, including education, is immeasurable. The modern education system is inconceivable without Roman foundations, which range from Latin as the root of modern scientific terminology to the content of contemporary curricula having many similarities with Roman education. Daily life and practical tasks played an important role in ancient Rome, and the importance of acquiring competences that can be described as expertise, professionalism, and the ability to apply knowledge is emphasised nowadays. The contemporary curriculum is focused on the practical and this is where we find a link to Roman education, which puts practicality and usefulness to the forefront. In this paper, we provide an overview of the history of Roman education by linking it to the modern education system, with an emphasis on formal, non-formal, and informal education and learning. We consider the need to develop programmes which emphasise the practical in primary, secondary, and higher education, the need to strengthen the entrepreneurial competences of students, develop trainings and education for entrepreneurship through formal, non-formal, and informal education and learning, encourage entrepreneurial education in the national context, and transform traditional schools and universities to entrepreneurial ones. ; Utjecaj je rimske kulture na današnju civilizaciju, pa tako i obrazovanje, nemjerljiv. Suvremeni sustav odgoja i obrazovanja nezamisliv je bez rimskih temelja, počevši od suvremene znanstvene terminologije utemeljene velikim dijelom u latinskom jeziku, do samog sadržaja suvremenog kurikula u kojem pronalazimo brojne sličnosti s rimskim odgojem i obrazovanjem. U starorimskom su odgoju svakodnevni život i praktični zadaci imali važnu ulogu, kao što je danas naglašena važnost stjecanja kompetencija koje se mogu opisati upravo kao stručnost, profesionalnost i sposobnost primjene stečenoga znanja. Iz suvremenog kurikula iščitava se usmjerenost prema praktičnom i tu pronalazimo poveznicu s rimskim odgojem, koji je prije svega ono praktično i korisno stavljao u prvi plan. U ovom ćemo radu pružiti pregled povijesti rimskog odgoja i obrazovanja povezujući ga sa suvremenim sustavom obrazovanja, uz naglasak na formalno, neformalno i informalno obrazovanje i učenje. Razmatra se potreba razvoja programa s naglaskom na praktično u osnovnom, srednjem i visokom školstvu, potreba jačanja poduzetničkih kompetencija učenika i studenata, osposobljavanje i obrazovanje za poduzetništvo putem formalnog, neformalnog i informalnog obrazovanja i učenja, poticanje poduzetničkog obrazovanja u nacionalnom kontekstu, transformacije škola i sveučilišta iz tradicionalnih u poduzetničke.

Autorica na temelju arhivske građe prikupljene u Nadbiskupskom arhivu u Zagrebu iz fonda "Nadbiskupski duhovni stol" obrađuje povijest Župe Presvetog Trojstva iz Daruvara u razdoblju od 1918. do 1929. Promatrano razdoblje odabrano je ciljano jer kroz povijest župe može se saznati kakve su društvene, gospodarske te socijalne prilike određenog područja. U ovom slučaju to su prilike nakon završetka Prvog svjetskog rata, raspada Austro-Ugarske te stvaranje nove države. Upravo poslijeratno razdoblje označavalo je promjene u radu župe te saniranje nanesenih šteta uzrokovanih ratnim događanjima. Osim osvrta na samu povijest župske zajednice, rad donosi podatke i o ostalim stanovnicima, ali i pripadnicima različitih vjerskih zajednica koje se nalaze na župskom području. Utjecaji političkih prilika, suradnje i sukobi s različitim institucijama poput škola, ali i materijalno stanje župljana predstavljali su glavne brige župnika Mije Ettingera. U konačnici, promatrano razdoblje obilježila je afera anonimnog pisma u kojem se kritizirao rad župe i župnika. Uloga župnika, život župe u višekulturnom i viševjerskom okruženju, poslijeratno razdoblje, nove političke prilike lako se prate promatranjem ove daruvarske župe. Život i rad župe predstavlja važan dio vjerske, kulturne, ali i političke povijesti grada Daruvara. U cijelosti rad se oslanja na korespondenciju župnika i Nadbiskupskog duhovnog stola u Zagrebu. ; Based on the archival material collected at the Archdiocesan Archives in Zagreb, the author analyzes the history of the Parish of the Holy Trinity in Daruvar in the period 1918–1929. This particular period has been carefully chosen, since by studying parish history, one may learn the social, economic and material situation of a particular area. In this case, the situation in question was the one in the period after World War One, the downfall of Austro-Hungary, and the formation of a new state. It was in the afterwar period that changes in the operation of the parish were introduced, and the damage caused by the war was restored. In addition to a survey of the history of the parish community, the paper offers information on other inhabitants, as well as on members of various religious communities residing in the parish area. The principal concerns of parish priest Mijo Ettinger were the influence of the political situation, cooperations and conflicts with institutions such as schools, and financial circumstances of the parishioners. In the end, the studied period was marked by the affair caused by an anonymous letter, in which the activities of the parish and the parish priest were criticized. The role of the parish priest, parish life in a multi-culture and multi-religion environment, the afterwar period, and new political circumstances may easily be followed by studying this particular parish in Daruvar. The life and operation of the parish presents an important part of the religious, cultural, as well as political history of Daruvar. The paper is based entirely on the correspondence between the parish priest and the Archdiocese of Zagreb.

U tekstu se, temeljem fotografija od kojih se neke objavljuju prvi put, rekonstruira izvorni izgled secesijske zgrade Hrvatskog doma u Splitu kao zrelog arhitektonskog djela Kamila Tončića. Donosi se i kronološki pregled uloge Hrvatskog doma u društvenoj povijesti grada Splita koji pridonosi spomeničkoj vrijednosti zgrade. ; The idea of building a "Croatian House", in which the Split culture, art and sporting associations connected to National Party would be located Narodna čitaonica (People's Reading Room), Slavjanski napredak (Slav Progress), Narodna glazba (National Music), the Volunteer Fire-Fighters, Muzikalno društvo "Zvonimir" (the Zvonimir Musical Association) and Hrvatski sokol (the Croatian Hawk – sporting association) came upon the scene in 1896. At the turn of the century artists who elevated the cultural and artistic life of Split and took it out of the provincial context, placing it shoulder to shoulder with European contemporaries, came together in the National party circles. The design of the building made in the spirit of Art Nouveau architecture by Kamilo Tončić in 1906 was bold and avant-garde for a centre in which up to then Historicist or revival architecture had prevailed; in consequence it aroused diverse public reactions. But the Croatian House was nevertheless built according to the Tončić design, and opened in 1908. It had an important role in the musical life of Split as a gathering place for musicians, as a stage and concert venue, all the way up to World War I. The most important event in the first year of the existence of the Croatian House was the organisation of the First Dalmatian Art Exhibition at which the foundation of the Medulić Croatian Art Association was mooted, and the idea for founding the Gallery of Fine Art was also put forward. In the changed political circumstances after World War I, the House lost its pre-war role as an essential factor in the creation of the musical and artistic life of the city. When the Sokol association of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was formed in 1929, all activities in the Sokol House unfolded under the aegis of Sokol (Hawk), for it was a state organisation; the art and cultural events did not rise above the average amateur level. The most important event in the working of the amateur sections of Sokol was the foundation of the puppet theatre in 1933, on the foundations of which the Marionette Theatre still in operation today was built in 1945. After WWII, the onetime Croatian and later Sokol House was renamed Youth House, while along with the Split City Puppet Theatre, various sporting organisations were assigned the premises of the House. The house was remodelled and extended in 1930 and 1939, and thoroughly remodelled in 1942, when all the decorations on the facade and in the interior of the grand hall were destroyed in order to bring out the monumental aspects of the house in the spirit of fascist architecture. The concept of the building is a simple T-shaped ground floor. In the northern part of the site there is a narrow four-storey building with an attic along the long side placed parallel to the street in which the premises of the societies were located, while at the end of the plot, perpendicularly to it, is a two-storey building with a grand hall on the upstairs. With logical grouping of features and a functional arrangement, the spatial constraints of the plot were made use of to the best extent and complemented with an extensive programme that was supposed to meet the needs of the associations so that all of them should have their own individual quarters while making use in common of the grand hall meant for municipal events, joint events and Sokol members' athletic exercises. Although the principal facade is symmetrical with the main entrance in the middle, the courtyard part of the house with the hall is not built on its vertical axis, but shifted to the west. At the joint of the street and courtyard part of the house there are the grand stairs. The non-formalist asymmetrical disposition of volumes between the courtyard wing of the Croatian House and the neighbouring house left room for a large exercise space outdoors. Only a photograph of the drawing of the main facade remains of the design of the Croatian House. By rectification of the historical photographs, the drawing of the built facade was reconstructed, and a comparison of the project and the original appearance of the original facade shows that the design really was built, in basic idea and composition, and that alterations were made only to some of the decorative features. The lobby of the auxiliary eastern entrance and the threeflight stone staircase are kept in original form. The rectification of the previously unknown photographs of the interior of the hall has allowed the reconstruction of the original volume, position and repertoire of decoration. The space of the hall that we know of today in denuded form consists of two parts: the grand hall with the stage and the backstage areas. Abstract, linear and almost flat details, floral motifs, female heads with flowers and leaves in their hair and masks – common in the Art Nouveau idiom – were applied in the iconographic programme. In the choice of construction material and the manner of construction Tončić opted for the classic solid masonry construction of roughly worked stone blocks in lime mortar, smoothly rendered. The between-floor constructions were of wood, as was that of the gable roof. The flights of stairs with stone steps were leaned on iron I-section girders clad in rendered moulding. The pilasters alongside the central entrance, the pillars on the facade with an emphasised cornice and the attic are made of concrete, but they are only decorative and not structural elements of the building. The building of the Croatian House was adapted to the possibilities (i.e. the constraints) of the site and the function, that is, the needs of its users, in the allocation of the fundamental volumes and in the organisation of space. The interior decoration was also adjusted to the contents (the modestly decorated staircase area as against the luxuriant decoration of the grand hall), and a clearly, symmetrically and gracefully designed facade enhanced with Art Nouveau decorations and the characteristic Tončić details reveal its almost classical composition. The representative Art Nouveau building of the Croatian House, designed in the spirit of the Wagner school and its earlier works, is the original work of a mature architect in whom along with an echo of the classicist tradition the architecture of the modern age can also be sensed. But it is not just its Art Nouveau idiom that imparts a particular heritage value to the Croatian House, but also the events and personalities linked with it, whose importance in the history of the city of Split and Croatian art surmounts that of the building itself.

Baski, manjinski narod sa svojim zasebnim jezikom i kulturom, stoljećima je podijeljen između Španjolske i Francuske. U Francuskoj Baski nemaju status manjine ni institucionalnu autonomiju. U Španjolskoj, međutim, nakon teškog razdoblja Francove diktature i preustrojstva Španjolske 1978. na kvazifederalnom načelu, španjolski Baski dobivaju priznanje nacionalne posebnosti te znatnu institucionalnu autonomiju kroz tzv. Autonomnu zajednicu (AZ) Baskiju. Unatoč zadovoljavanju većine aspiracija Baska u Španjolskoj, u španjolskoj Baskiji i dalje je prisutan secesionizam, dok taj fenomen u francuskom dijelu Baskije gotovo da i ne postoji. Cilj disertacije bio je, binarnom studijom i dizajnom najsličnijih slučajeva, koristeći se kvalitativno-kvantitativnom metodom, istražiti je li autonomija, umjesto zadovoljavanja španjolskih Baska statusom u okviru Španjolske, pridonijela jačanju njihova nacionalizma i secesionizma. Ovi fenomeni obrađeni su kroz tri prizme: izgradnju subdržavnih institucija, izgradnju subdržavnih identiteta i izgradnju lokalnih elita. Uočeno je da je autonomija u španjolskoj Baskiji pridonijela izgradnji protodržave, od demokratski izabranog Parlamenta, preko izvršne vlasti, do djelomično izgrađenog sigurnosnog aparata. Iako usporen rascjepima u baskijskom društvu uslijed demografske heterogenosti, na djelu je proces izgradnje subdržavne baskijske nacije. Autonomija je omogućila i izgradnju lokalnih elita, dolazak baskijskih nacionalista na vlast, kao i stranačko nadmetanje u baskijskom nacionalizmu. Sve to omogućilo je i da AZ Baskija krene izrazito "baskijskim" smjerom. Ona je potencijalno samo korak do pune neovisnosti, kojoj nedostaje još "prozor mogućnosti", koji se dogodio npr. raspadom bivših komunističkih federacija. U francuskoj Baskiji ne postoji teritorijalna, odnosno institucionalna autonomija. Ne dajući im "prozor mogućnosti" za razvoj i jačanje, građanska i unitarna država u Francuskoj odigrale su značajnu ulogu u ublažavanju baskijskog nacionalizma i secesionizma. Slučajevi španjolske i francuske Baskije pokazali su kako (ne)postojanje autonomije znatno utječe na periferni nacionalizam i secesionizam, kao i na potencijal za secesiju. ; In the last couple of years, the rise of secessionism in several democratic, Western European countries - from the United Kingdom (Scotland) and Belgium (Flanders) to Spain (Catalonia and the Basque Country) has been noted. All of them have something in common. In addition to having a heterogeneous ethnic structure, that is, the existence of distinct historical ethnic communities, all of these states have also, in the last couple of decades, gone through dramatic administrative and structural changes. From unitary states they had once been, they have transformed in a way which resulted in the introduction of either a certain degree of devolution or even in federalization. Consequently, historical ethnic communities have achieved a certain degree of autonomy, ranging from a partial and asymmetric decentralization ("devolution") as in the case of Scotland, to an extensive autonomy of the so-called autonomous communities of Spain. The intention of the central state and the legislator has been, inter alia, to safeguard the state unity and strengthen the state by accommodating the grievances of ethnic communities and their elites. The final outcome, however, has often been adverse to initial intentions. In the newly formed administrative units, "proto-states" of the ethnic minorities, there has been a rise in nationalism and secessionism. The purpose of this dissertation is to tackle this phenomenon and explore the causal relationship of autonomy and nationalism/secessionism. That is, the idea whether the autonomy itself strengthened nationalism and secessionism in the autonomous territories, thus acting as "subversive institutions" towards the central State, has been examined. In order to test the hypothesis and the arguments of the theory of subversive institutions, a dual comparison of two cases, Spanish and French Basque Country, and the most similar systems design have been used. The most similar systems design holds that the two cases share many common features and differ in only one. For instance, French and Spanish Basque Country are situated in the same region, share common language and ethnic origins; they are both parts of wider nation-states, face situation of diglossia etc. A differing feature, in this case, autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country – Autonomous Community of the Basque Country –Euskadi, is held responsible for the different outcome (stronger peripheral nationalism and secessionism). The choice of these two cases has been prompted by the fact that they may be considered the most similar cases in extremis, given that it is the same people on the two sides of the state border.The Basques, minority group with their own language and culture, for centuries have been divided among Spain and France. In France of today the Basques enjoy neither status of a national minority nor an institutional autonomy. In Spain, however, after a difficult period of Franco's dictatorship and the country's restructuring in 1978 on a quasi-federal principle, the Spanish Basques got acknowledgement of their national uniqueness (through a status of a nationality), and the Basque Country gained a significant institutional autonomy through so-called Autonomous Community of the Basque Country. In spite of the accommodation of most of the Spanish Basques' grievances, both on a tangible level (economic, political and cultural) and on a symbolic level (national and state symbols), the Spanish Basque Country still faces secessionism, while that phenomenon is hardly visible in its French counterpart. The dissertation explores whether the autonomy, instead of accommodating the Spanish Basques in the framework of the Spanish State, has contributed to the growth of their nationalism and secessionism. Conversely, the dissertation explores also whether the French civic state has contributed to attenuation of the peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. In France there are no "autonomic" institutions, but as a result of political and societal changes in France and external pressure from the South, i.e. from the Spanish Basque Country (spill over effect or Galton's problem), a "new governance" with specially designed institutions has been developed to partially accommodate the Basque grievances. Deprived of any substantial competences, executive or financial, they are a pale shadow of their Spanish counterparts. However, precisely for that, they serve as a good example to make comparative research in order to show the immense difference the autonomy per se can make. The research relies on the Valerie Bunce' s theory of "subversive institutions", which she tested on the cases of the former communist federations Soviet Union (USSR), Czechoslovakia (CSFR) and Yugoslavia (SFRY). Valerie Bunce (1999), explaining the collapse of former communist federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY, put forward a thesis that their design created preconditions for creating states within state. Consequently, the structure itself brought about the collapse of the communist bloc, and within it, of the federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY. Therefore, Bunce holds that the federalism created nations at the republican level or, if they had already been "defined", the federalism strengthened them. In other words, federal structure where the autonomous/federal units enjoyed relatively wide autonomy, in the long term acted centrifugally and finally led to the collapse of states (federations). With the advent of Gorbatchev and perestroika, consequent abandoning of the Brezhnev doctrine, and array of events that brought upon the collapse of communism and of federations, federal units – new "nations-in-the-making", took advantage of the situation ("window of opportunity") and proclaimed their independence.Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) after the 1978 Constitution, possess almost the entire state administration. One of the 17 autonomous communities, Autonomous Community of the Basque Country - Euskadi has a clearly defined territory, a democratically elected Parliament (officially called the Basque Parliament), a Government, officially called the Basque Government, ministries (called departamentos, departments, headed by consejeros, counselors), a Prime Minister, Lehendakari, with some prerogatives of a President, including state honours and palace. His office includes a mini Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Acción Exterior – External Action), with its delegations abroad. Thus, the Basque Government can project its image abroad. The autonomous administration has some 60 000 employees, to which one has to add the 30 000 employees of the provincial and communal administration, and disposes of a 10.6 billion € budget. At the same time, the central state administration in the Basque Country counts only 15 000 employees. Euskadi disposes of its own police forces Ertzaintza. As mentioned before, several authors argue that with such a developed administrative apparatus, a "segment-state", in our case the Spanish Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi, has been in power for most of the post-1978 Constitution period. Its institutions are consequently able to act as centrifugal ("subversive") institutions, transmitting nationalist messages through media, education system, and regional institutions. But their nationalist message is not of Spanish, but of peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. Given the specific, unfavourable linguistic situation of diglossia, and the importance of language for national (and Basque) identity, the Basque Governments took it as a mission to restore to the Basque language a status of a full-fledged official and education language, in a sense of Gellner's "language of high culture" (1998). (Re)Introducing the Basque language, not only in schools and universities, but literary everywhere, rebasquisating Euskadi, a Basque identity has been (re)enforced. Nowadays almost all institutions under the competence of local, autonomous institutions in the Spanish Basque Country are obliged to adopt Action plans or Five-year plans on the language normalization, that is, reinforced use of the Basque language. The Basque Government, in that way projects certain ideology and builds up and strengthens the Basque national identity. A new, Basque nation is being built.The statistics speak for themselves. Before the autonomy, that is, before 1978/1980, education language was 100% Spanish. Nowadays, only a tiny 0.5% of students study exclusively in Spanish (so called Model X), and 15.3% in Model A, with education in Spanish, and Basque language as one of the subjects. 18.9% study in bilingual schools (Model B) and the high 65.3% study in Basque schools (Model D), with Spanish language as one of the subjects. The presence of the Basque language is enforced in other areas as well. For instance, in public administration the targeted percentage of Basque speakers should be 48.46% and it should increase with the rise of knowledge of the Basque language in general population. Moreover, the presence of the Basque language is checked regularly in yearly evaluation reports. In the Parliament, in 2005-2009 legislature, 56% of deputies spoke Basque, while in 2013 the percentage rose to 68,5%. At the University of the Basque Country, in Academic year 1995/1996, 27.2% of the students studied in Basque, while in 2013/2014 the percentage rose to 64.3%. The number of bilingual professors (Basque and Spanish) rose from 35.1% in 2006 to 47.8% in 2013. Similar processes can be followed everywhere.As far as identity is concerned, the 35% of the interviewees in the opinion polls conducted by the University of the Basque Country declare themselves as "only Basques", 21% as "more Basque than Spanish", 35% "equally Basque and Spanish", 3% "more Spanish" and 3% "only Spanish". As it can be noted, Basque identity prevails, with a significant percentage of dual identity. Spanish identity (more or exclusively Spanish) is quite low. Opinion polls also testify of the presence of a strong local (Basque) patriotism, and at the same time, mistrust in Spanish State institutions. For example, 62% of the interviewees show trust in the Basque Government, 61% in the Basque Parliament and Basque police Ertzaintza, while only 39% in the King, 15% in the Spanish Cortes and 11% in the Spanish Government. Trust in the Basque Prime Minister is 56%, while in the Spanish Prime Minister it is only 7%. Regarding the attitude towards secessionism, 35% of interviewees support the present autonomous status, 29% favour federation (which understands a more autonomy), 7% favour more centralization and 25% favour secession. Although the latter percentage alone seems low as to provide proof of secessionism in stricto senso, the sum of the all percentages, except for 7% for centralization, should be taken into consideration if secessionism were to be regarded in a wider sense (as peripheral nationalism; autonomism and secessionism; Horowitz, 1985). From the data above, the conclusion can be drawn that the process of Basque nation-building maybe has not finished yet, but is well under way and that there is a "Basque direction" of the Euskadi. As for the Basque language in the French Basque Country, though it is increasingly present in its schools, public institutions and society, it still does not enjoy an official status. The improvement of linguistic situation is only partially due to the incitement on the part of the authorities. There is an immense difference from Spain. The French state after 1980-s allowed more freedom and space for "regional languages" to be taught, but did not impose it, force it by "dictate", as has been in the case of Euskadi. The main credit for the improvement of status of the Basque language is due to the efforts of the civil society, associations and citizens themselves. The results, comparing the Spanish and the French Basque Country, vary accordingly. Only 36,6% of school children attend some Basque language classes, while in Spanish Basque Country it is 99,5%. There is the Public Office of the Basque Language (OPLB), that helps and promotes teaching Basque language in the French Basque Country, but it has no authority to impose the Basque language in education as the Viceconsejería de Política Lingüística of the Gobierno Vasco and the Gobierno Vasco in the Spanish Basque Country. Only 11% of the interviewees feel "only Basques", 5% "more Basques", 24% "equally Basques and French", 16% "more French and 36% "only French". In the French Basque Country, the French identity and the French language in both education and society prevail. There is no "Basque direction" or Basque nation-building process. The third argument of the theory of subversive institutions is about elites' building. In Euskadi, there is the local (Basque) Parliament, where the Basque nationalists have dominated since the first elections after the establishment of autonomy (1980), with an average of 60% of votes/seats, except for the period 2009-2012 (due to a ban of the Basque radicals before the elections). In the current legislature, 2012-2016, the nationalists (moderate PNV-EAJ and radical EH Bildu) have 48 out of 75 seats. That means that they have been able to impose a "Basque direction", e.g. policies of rebasquization (termed language normalization), or vote the Ibarretxe Plan. There are also numerous examples of party competition in nationalism and local patriotism, e.g. the issue of Basque language use, flag, coat of arms or anthem. In the French Basque Country, due to non-existence of a local Parliament or self-rule, there are no such phenomena. There have been since decades Basque nationalist parties, and they score up to 10% of the votes. Nowadays, there is also a Basque nationalist party, AB (Abertzaleen Batasuna), which is relatively successful at the lower, communal level, having around 100 councillors. However, the non-existence of a Basque administrative unit,département, and centralist French electoral and administrative system, result in a situation where only two Basque nationalist councillors managed to enter the General Council of the Département Pyrénées-Atlantiques, of which French Basque Country is a part. And there they are only two of the 54 councillors. Therefore, even if at the lower, communal level, Basques nationalists can enter the local communes and be part of ruling coalitions, or form associations of local councillors and mayors, they cannot impose a more "Basque direction" of the whole French Basque Country, like their Spanish Basque counterparts. The autonomy, embodied in the Euskadi's Basque parliament, enabled Basque nationalists in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country – Euskadi) to come to power at the local level and to direct the (Spanish) Basque Country towards a "Basque direction". In addition, it helped also to build up their own elites – party elites and leaders, Government and Parliament dignitaries, above all the Prime Minister- Lehendakari, local public company managers, University, Academy, institutes' directors etc. If a potential future new country needs the infrastructure (i.e. state administration, the framework), it also needs identity/ideology and leaders (the contents and experts). And here they are! Not only are they in place, but they are in power! Finally, having their own Basque University will help to reproduce new Basque elites. In contrast, the French Basque Country does not possess almost any of the above. Indeed, the difference produced by autonomy is immense. A special attention has been given to the Ibarretxe Plan which represents at the same time a peak of the autonomy, but also shows its limits. Juan Jose Ibarretxe, Euskadi's Prime Minister (Lehendakari) from 1999 to 2009, put forward in 2003 his Proposal for Reform of the Political Statute of Community of Euskadi, popularly known as Ibarretxe Plan. It was actually a proposal for a confederation between the Basque Country and Spain. The relations between them would be based on a "free association"(Art.1). Without going into details of the Proposal, suffice it to say that, had it been enacted, even without a completely independent Basque Country, it would mean the end of Spain as we know it today. The Plan was approved by the Basque Government in 2003, and a year later, by the Basque Parliament, although with a narrow majority of 39 out of 75 votes. However, in order to be enacted, the Proposal should have passed in the Spanish Parliament. It was not surprising that the Spanish Parliament had rejected any discussion about it. Today a Spanish "carte blanche" for an independent Basque Country seems completely unimaginable. Nevertheless, remembering the "velvet divorce" of Czech and Slovak Republics and bearing in mind as well the development of situation in Catalonia, one cannot exclude, under different circumstances and leadership in Madrid and Euskadi, a possibility of a "new Ibarretxe Plan" leading to a "velvet divorce" and eventually to an independent Basque Country. To conclude, the autonomy enabled institutions (Parliament/Argument 1), nurtured Basque identity (Argument 2), enabled Basque nationalists to come to power, created a space for Basque elites and leaders and created space or even incentives for party competition in Basque nationalism (Argument 3). The thing the autonomy has not produced, and that lacks for secessionists, is a "window of opportunity" (Bunce, 1999). But if the "window" opens, as in the case of e.g. Czechoslovak "velvet divorce", an opportunity for a potential sovereign Basque state could be created. The comparative analysis has showed more sharply the differences between the two cases resulting from the existence of the autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi) and its absence in the French Basque Country. While in Euskadi the nationalists have since 1980 scored around 60% of the votes in the Basque Parliament and dominated local politics for most of the time, in the French Pays Basque they never score more than 10% and have always been quite irrelevant at the regional local level (except for the lower local level of municipalities). The Basque identity prevailed in Euskadi and French in the Pays Basque. The Basque nationalists have been able to impose a "Basque direction" and an intensive "basquization" within the language normalization policy in Euskadi, which has not been the case in Pays Basque. Finally, a serious sovereignist/secessionist attemps – Ibarretxe Plan occurred, materialized, and was voted in the Basque Parliament of Euskadi, while in the Pays Basque anything of a kind is beyond imagination. There is no French Basque Government to conceive such a plan, no French Basque Parliament as a forum where such a Plan could be voted and no prevalence of Basque nationalists to vote such a plan…All of these phenomena are direct or indirect results of the autonomy or were allowed and fostered by the autonomic institutions in the Spanish Basque Country. Conversely, they are missing in the French Basque Country due to lack of autonomy. The two cases confirmed the hypothesis that the autonomy in ethno-federal arrangements fosters peripheral nationalism and secessionism and a potential for secession, while civic State attenuates them. Interestingly enough, even the consultative institutions of the French "new governance", initially quite powerless, managed to acquire some of the features of the "subversive institutions". They have become increasingly "Basque" and have taken a "Basque direction". However, the civic, centralised and unitary State prevented these institutions stripped of a real power from taking a lead in the Basque nationalism, to gain any significant power, or to direct the French Basque Country in any "Basque direction". The civic State in France indeed acted in attenuating peripheral, Basque nationalism by not providing it a "window of opportunity" to grow.