Suchergebnisse

This article examines two recent policy initiatives in Singapore: the independent schools scheme and the autonomous schools scheme. The Singapore government has claimed that these reform initiatives, both of which are aimed at promoting greater school operating autonomy, will help attain greater choice and diversity for parents and students as well as promote excellence in education. The author examines the operating framework of both schemes and concludes that even while these schemes purport to offer school heads increased autonomy, the government continues to exert a great deal of influence over all schools. In addition, the author is critical of the extent to which the policy objectives of these two schemes will be attained. (DIPF/Orig.)

Queer studies of education and research with lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) kids, tightly connected to anti-homophobia, anti-transphobia and norm-critical activism, have become a growing field with a range of theoretical and political positions and methodological approaches. One of the key contentions within this field is what researchers and activists mean by "queer" in the context of education: is it a focus on queer/ed subjectivities? Is it about using queer theories to critique forms and norms of education in a given sociopolitical context? Who is queer/ed in schools? Is the language of homophobia and transphobia the best or even correct way to describe and analyse normative educational settings and frameworks? In this issue of Confero, we highlight both ethnographic investigations of queer and queered kids in school and critical views of school's policy making and normative frameworks. Queer education research is a rapidly growing area of study. Where researchers and activists insist on the entanglements between not least sexual, gendered and racialised structural formations, we also insist on our expectation that principal values in schools meet the increasing challenges from queer activism and research.

Queer studies of education have become a growing field with a range of theoretical and political positions and methodological approaches. Moreover, research with lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) kids is tightly connected to anti-homophobia, anti-transphobia and norm-critical activism. One of the key contentions within this field is what researchers and activists mean by "queer" in the context of education: is it a focus on queer/ed subjectivities? Is it about using queer theories to critique forms and norms of education in a given sociopolitical context? Who is queer/ed in schools? Is the language of homophobia and transphobia the best or even correct way to describe and analyse normative educational settings and frameworks?

In September 2005 the Government received recommendations fromthe School Meals Review Panel (SMRP) on school lunches and on a number of wider issues concerning food in schools. In response to that report Turning the Tables the newly-established School Food Trust (SFT) was commissioned to advise Ministers on standards for food in school other than lunch.The DfES consulted widely on the recommendations of the SMRP andon a more limited basis on the advice of the SFT. Reports on the responses to each of those consultations are available at: www.dfes.gov.uk/consultations/conresults.cfm?consultationId=1319Having considered responses to those consultations and taken intoaccount the many representations the Department has received on theseissues from a range of stakeholders, the Secretary of State for Education and Skills has arrived at final decisions on the standards. These standards will apply to school lunches and other food provided in all local authority maintained schools in England.

Includes a supplement of Schools, by H. Gannaway and Seals, by E.C. Ellsbree. ; On cover: Reprinted from American and English encyclopaedia of law, 2nd. ed. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Countries that have sustained rapid growth over decades have typically had a strong public commitment to expanding education as well as to improving learning outcomes. South Asian countries have made considerable progress in expanding access to primary and secondary schooling, with countries having achieved near-universal enrollment of the primary-school-age cohort (ages 6–11), except for Afghanistan and Pakistan. Secondary enrollment shows an upward trend as well. Beyond school, many more people have access to skill-improving opportunities and higher education today. Although governments have consistently pursued policies to expand access, a prominent feature of the region has been the role played by non-state actors—private nonprofit and for-profit entities—in expanding access at every level of education. Though learning levels remain low, countries in the region have shown a strong commitment to improving learning. All countries in South Asia have taken the first step, which is to assess learning outcomes regularly. Since 2010, there has been a rapid increase in the number of large-scale student learning assessments conducted in the region. But to use the findings of these assessments to improve schooling, countries must build their capacity to design assessments and analyze and use findings to inform policy.

"Report to the Governor"--Cover. ; "Final report of the Governor's Study Committee on Nonpublic Schools"--Part II. ; "December, 1971"--Part II. ; "December, 1970"--[Part I]. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Chapters retain pagination of Wisconsin statutes, from which they are reprinted. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This dissertation is a series of speculative essays (Schubert, 1991) that address the forces of neoliberalism on schools today– both public and private. While there have been studies on the detrimental effects of high-stakes testing on public schools (e.g., Au, 2015; Giroux, 2014; Wacquant, 2000) as well as the associated harmful effects of school to prison pipeline (e.g., Saltman, 2016; Taubman, 2009), there remains little research associated with the damaging impacts of neoliberalism on Christian schools. Building upon the theoretical framework of critical pedagogy (e.g., Friere, 1970; Kincheloe, 2008; McLaren, 2015), I undertake a critical examination of neoliberalism's calculated efforts on schools (e.g., Gallager, 2007; Giroux, 2008; Kumar,2012; Ryan, 2016) and its dangers to both public and Christian schools--an on-going threat of losing additional Constitutional democratic values that were designed to provide equal treatment for all students. I investigate the damages associated with the one-size-fits-all curriculum implemented initially through the No Child Left Behind legislation in 2002. Through the lenses of my past experiences as a Christian school principal and as an educator, I share with the reader impacts on Christian schools and their primary constituents, middle class families. The dissertation includes my suggestions based upon critical pedagogical research that schools should consider as they move forward in the 21st century. Drawing from Schwab (1978) and the four identified commonplaces of curriculum and more recently, Lake (2014), I examine how each commonplace complements the other in my ideal school. I propose long-term relationships between teachers and students over multiple years. Within such a context, the student and teacher learn from each other beginning at the kindergarten level. Students having opportunities to bond with teachers (e.g., Noddings, 2005) is at the core of such a curriculum where relationships and trust replace the current trend of teaching to the test. I emphasize the need for beginning teachers to practice their skills during an internship period of several years alongside a mentor teacher with reduced class sizes. The dissertation concludes by addressing current inhibiting forces conflicting with implementing this child-centered format for learning.

This study investigated the effect that day school in collaboration with boarding school would have on secondary school students' academic achievement in social studies. The post-test only experimental design was adopted. One null hypothesis was formulated and tested at 0.05 level of significance. The instrument for data collection was a-25 item teacher made Social Studies Achievement Test (SOSAT) which was validated and reliability index of 0.83 was established. Using the simple random sampling technique, one junior secondary II (JS II) class made up 45 students from each of a day school and a boarding school was selected and divided into two groups namely experimental group (day school students) and control group (boarding school students) and investigated. Each of the two groups was taught social studies for 9 weeks by only one social studies teacher. At the end of the 9th week of the study, the post-test was administered on the students to determine difference in academic performance if any between the two groups. Using means and t-test in analyzing the data, the result showed that, boarding school students significantly performed better than day school students in social studies. The study recommended among others that, government and individual day secondary schools should periodically organize workshops and seminars on how day school students can improve their academic performance in social studies and other subjects.

School Crisis needs a response. Leaders in schools are not trained crisis managers and to work well and achieve better results in times of crisis, needs planned actions set aside to preempt any eventual crisis in our schools. This study aim at bringing out credible plan activity as a preemptive measure ready to subside any crisis that may erupt in the school environment. Survey research design was used, specifically qualitative approach in bringing out the research findings. A uni-directional question was asked respondents. The question was: "What school crisis management plan to preempt school crisis can you propose to the minister of secondary education in Cameroon?" using purposeful and convenience sampling technique, the respondents (teachers and administrators) were selected from secondary and high schools in Benoue Division in the North Region of Cameroon and also from Secondary and High Schools from Fako Division in the Southwest region of Cameroon. A total number of 120 respondents were sought from the schools. Another category of respondents selected was five executive members of Parents' Teachers Association from 10 (ten) schools in Fako division, south west region of Cameroon. A total of 50 (fifty) respondents emerged in this category. Findings reveal a combination of ideas ranging from creating an adhoc crisis committee in schools, the training of school leaders in crisis management, the institutionalizing a school crisis management team and the implantation of trained security operatives in the schools. The study recommends that policy makers in government and particularly the ministry of secondary education strategize through school legislation in making sure all schools in Cameroon implant a crisis committee re-enforced with professional security operatives ready to synergize at all times with the crisis committee.

Being a TA has given me the opportunity to discuss school choice, especially the privatization movement of public education via charter schools with my students, who tended to side with the advocates for school choice. While some of them had reservations about vouchers, they did not seem to mind charter schools' impact on public education. In this paper, I present the tale of how charter schools' counterparts in Shanghai—so called "non-government/state schools"—have caused detrimental effects on many Shanghai public schools. Unlike U.S. charter schools, the non-government schools in Shanghai started in the 1990s for abolishing the notion of "key schools" (which means first-rate schools in Chinese), improving equal access to quality education and promoting the "nearby enrollment" policy. Ironically, the government's good intentions soon became a catalyst for privatizing public schools in Shanghai, causing regular public schools to lose local students to non-government ones and gradually degraded to so-called "Food market schools"—schools only the children of migrant workers who work at the food markets will attend. I hope this tale will help further the understanding of the charter school debate here.

After the governments of China and India, the Catholic Church is probably the third largest provider of K12 education in the world. How has growth in enrollment in K12 Catholic schools varied across countries over the last two decades? Which countries have accounted for most of the growth at the regional and global level? What has been the role of the number of schools and the size of schools in enrollment growth, or in the decline observed in some countries? Given trends towards higher enrollment in the developing world due to population growth and higher educational attainment, has enrollment growth in Catholic schools enabled them to maintain their market share over time? Finally, what do the data suggest for some of the constraints and strategic choices faced by Catholic schools in various countries? The objective of this paper is to answer these questions with a focus on trends in Catholic school enrollment and market shares across countries from 1995 to 2016.

The Heliosschool-Inclusive University School of Cologne was established in 2015. Th is public school provides classes 1 to 13 for about 1,100 students. The school intends to be a contemporary model of democratic school in the way to inclusion, based on principles of participation and diversity, under the complex life conditions of today. The text contains three components: First, I will reconstruct some elements and principles that are fundamental for the foundation of this school. Second, I will give a comprehensive account of the inclusive concept of the Cologne school and the ways it works out in practice. I will elaborate on the pedagogical program of the school formulated in ten components of inclusive learning and teaching. Finally, I will discuss some main obstacles that we have encountered and had to overcome in establishing the school in Cologne.

Description based on: 1998-1999; title from cover. ; Address: Marine Corps Recruiting Station, 1600 Sherman St., Suite 500, Denver, Colo. 80203. ; Mode of access: Internet.