Suchergebnisse

The subject of the study is the Bologna Process, its assumptions and course. The article contains an analysis of the Act on university education and science in order to indicate solutions for the harmonization in Poland under the Bologna movement. This movement is characterized as an example of European integration (harmonization) in the sphere of higher education, which was initiated by the Bologna Declaration of 19 June 1999. The main idea behind this declaration was the joint creation of the European Higher Education Area. The process initiated then goes beyond the scope of activities undertaken only by European Union governments. The analysis covers the following parts: The scope of the Bologna Process, Further European actors and the Sorbonne Declaration, The Bologna Process today, Implementation barriers was well as criticism. An integral part of the work is the Bologna Process and the Constitution for Science (Law on university education and science). ; skinder@ukw.edu.pl ; Marcin Skinder – zajmuje się naukowo i dydaktycznie zagadnieniami politycznymi i prawnymi kwestii społecznych oraz szkolnictwa wyższego. Szczególne miejsce w jego zainteresowaniach badawczych zajmuje Proces Boloński jako czynnik rozwoju europejskiego szkolnictwa wyższego. Był uczestnikiem stażu naukowego w University College Dublin (UCD, National University of Ireland). W 2019 roku uzyskał stopień doktora habilitowanego w zakresie nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce na Wydziale Politologii Uniwersytetu Pedagogicznego im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie. Opublikował kilka książek. ; Marcin Skinder – scientifically and academically deals with political and legal social issues and higher education. A special place in his research interests is occupied by the Bologna Process as a factor in the development of European higher education. He participated in a research internship at University College Dublin (UCD, National University of Ireland). In 2019, he received a post-doctoral degree (habilitation) in the field of social sciences in the discipline of political science at the Faculty of Political Science of the Pedagogical University of Krakow. Author of several books. ; Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy, Polska ; Antonowicz D., Jaworska M., Tajemnicze rady uczelni, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Antonowicz D., Uniwersytet przyszłości. Wyzwania i modele polityki, Warszawa 2005. ; Chmielecka E., Proces boloński – to już 20 lat!, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 9. ; Czaplińska J., Zmiany do zmiany, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Czechowska-Derkacz B., Zainspirować media, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Czopek S., Korekta ewaluacji dyscyplin naukowych, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 11. ; Dakowska D., Between Competition Imperative and Europeanisation. The Case of Higher Education Reform in Poland, "Higher Education, Springer Verlag" 2015, nr 69 (1). ; Dąbrowa-Szefler M., Jabłecka-Prysłopska J., Szkolnictwo wyższe w Polsce. Raport dla OECD, Warszawa 2005. ; Drogosz-Zabłocka E., Minkiewicz B. (red.), Ekonomiczne studia licencjackie z perspektywy absolwenta i władz uczelni, Uniwersytet Warszawski, Centrum Badań Polityki Naukowej i Szkolnictwa Wyższego, Warszawa 2003. ; Frąckowiak A., Europejski Obszar Szkolnictwa Wyższego. Konkurencja dla uczelni amerykańskich?, t. 1, Płock 2007. ; Górecki M., Nauka równoległa, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Jarzembska K., Konkursy na stanowiska nauczycieli akademickich, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 7–8. ; Karoński M., Polska nauka czy nauka w Polsce?, "Nauka" 2015, nr 3. ; Kieraciński P., Ścieżki kariery – oficerowie i chorążowie, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 7–8. ; Kiryjow-Radzka A., Od nieufności do zaufania, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Kraśniewski A., Proces Boloński: dokąd zmierza europejskie szkolnictwo wyższe?, Warszawa 2004. ; Krzych B. K., Na marginesie dyskusji o kształceniu doktorantów, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Kwieciński Z., Dryfować i łudzić. Polska "strategia" edukacyjna, "Nauka" 2006, nr 1. ; Lutrzykowski A., Między Bolonią a Bergen (1988–2005), Bydgoszcz 2006. ; Lutrzykowski A., Proces Boloński. Ku Europejskiemu Obszarowi Szkolnictwa Wyższego, "Athenaeum" 2006, vol. 16. ; Macukow B., Deklaracja Bolońska. Geneza – cele – realizacja, Warszawa 2007. ; Malec J., Czy uczelnie niepubliczne przestaną kształcić doktorantów?, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 7–8. ; Osajda K., O kształt prawniczych studiów doktoranckich w Polsce, "Nauka" 2015, nr 1. ; Pinheiro R., Antonowicz D., Opening the gates or coping with the flow? Governing access to higher education in Northern and Central Europe, "Higher Education 2015, nr 70. ; Płotka-Wasylka J., W. Chajęcka-Wierzchowska, Sposób na mobilność, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Szapiro T., Czy RDN przełamie złą passę?, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 11. ; Tadeusiewicz R., Karta Bolońska i Proces Boloński, "Kraków. Miesięcznik Społeczno-Kulturalny" 2005, czerwiec–lipiec, nr 6–7 (8–9). ; Thieme J.K., Szkolnictwo wyższe. Wyzwania XXI wieku. Polska, Europa, USA, Warszawa 2009. ; Wiśniewska S., Zatrudnialność: pojęcie, wymiary, determinanty, "Edukacja Ekonomistów i Menedżerów: problemy, innowacje, projekty" 2015, nr 1 (35). ; Worosz A., Trzecia misja, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Wypych-Gawrońska A., Reforma to konsolidacja, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 7–8. ; Żylicz M., Przewodniczący punktuje środowisko, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 7–8. ; 25 ; 4 ; 159 ; 171

Public perception of healthcare personnel in Poland and some other European countries in view of selected studiesThe paper presents current trends in the perception of healthcare in Poland and other European countries. The authors present the results of numerous surveys conducted both in Poland and abroad, which demonstrate significant changes in the way healthcare is perceived by the public in individual countries. As the diagnosis of how the medical profession is perceived in Poland gives no grounds for optimism, factors affecting its perception must be identified. This shows healthcare evaluation to be contextually-based, depending on the performance of both individual healthcare establishments and of the whole healthcare system in Poland. Demography has a heavy impact on the evaluation, as the medical services are being rated by the ageing society.

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

In the context of the challenges posed by the intensifying effects of climate change and the growing international importance of the Arctic, the question about relationship between scientists and diplomats and political decision-makers in process of shaping and implementing foreign policy has been emerging. This article – based on the concept of scientific diplomacy and analysis of selected examples of interactions between the world of science and world of foreign policy in the Arctic region – indicates the two-dimensional nature of a scientific diplomacy. On the one hand, there is a national dimension – oriented towards the realization of state's own interests and on the other there is an international dimension oriented towards developing regional cooperation and solving common problems. This specific nature of scientific diplomacy means that it can be perceived both as a instrument of rivalry and a mechanism of cooperation in contemporary international relations. ; W kontekście wyzwań wynikających z nasilających się następstw zmian klimatu oraz wzrostu międzynarodowego znaczenia regionu Arktyki pojawia się istotne zagadnienie specyfiki relacji zachodzących współcześnie między naukowcami a dyplomatami oraz politykami w zakresie kształtowania oraz realizowania polityki zagranicznej państwa. W artykule w oparciu o koncepcję dyplomacji naukowej oraz analizę wybranych przykładów interakcji pomiędzy światem nauki oraz polityki zagranicznej w Arktyce wskazuje się na dwuwymiarowy charakter dyplomacji naukowej. Z jednej strony jest to wymiar narodowy – ukierunkowany na realizację partykularnych interesów państw, z drugiej zaś wymiar międzynarodowy – służący rozwojowi współpracy regionalnej i rozwiązywaniu wspólnych problemów. Ta specyficzna natura dyplomacji naukowej oznacza, iż stanowić może ona we współczesnych stosunkach międzynarodowych zarówno instrument rywalizacji, jak też mechanizm współpracy.

This article discusses studies on Polish society conducted from the perspective of new institutionalism. In addition to the review of studies, the interdisciplinary research field is characterised and its contribution to the development of global social sciences is indicated. The state of research is presented in the context of earlier original achievements of Polish social sciences: analyses of the communist system and systemic transformation. The predecessors of institutional studies representing the Polish reformist thought are also indicated. These intellectual trends form a rich tradition that can be a basis for contemporary research. Neo-institutional studies are an important contribution to the reflection on the transformation of Polish society. They also contain interesting, yet disperse comparative material for global research. At the end of the paper, it is proposed to: conduct institutional analysis of new fields, use the experience of systemic transformation to build the theory of institutional change and make greater use of the critical potential of new institutionalism.

The Author discusses dilemmas, difficulties and effects of the higher education and scientific institutions reform, that was launched two years ago. First, he points out the differences of solutions accepted by higher education and scientific institutions in Poland after the Second World War, as compared to the Soviet model. Having outlined the basic assumptions of the reform, the Author discusses the controversial issue of the scope of the state interventionism in both areas. He pays attention to the external obstacles, i.e., obstacles localized outside the system of scientific and higher education institutions, which influence formulation of policy toward such institutions. Also, he examines internal constrains of structural, organizational, societal and financial character. Next, the Author presents the genuine function of various financial mechanisms, their methods of application and coherence ratios. Also, dilemmas concerning applicability of competition rules in case of scientific activities and the question of research evaluation are discussed. He discusses the issue of transformation of scientific and educational institutions, examines factors hampering or keeping back the transformation process. The last paragraph of the paper presents issues concerning research and teaching staff - limits to the personnel management, selection procedures, barriers to young employees flow and aging of academicians. ; Autor omawia dylematy, trudności i konsekwencje reform zapoczątkowanych przed dwoma laty w Polsce w sferze nauki i szkolnictwa wyższego. Na wstępie pokazuje, w jakim stopniu kształtowane przez 40 lat po wojnie polskie rozwiązania w dziedzinie szkolnictwa i nauki różniły się od radzieckiego pierwowzoru. Po zarysowaniu podstawowych założeń reform autor przechodzi do omówienia kontrowersyjnego problemu - zakresu interwencji państwa w obu sferach. Zwraca uwagę na trudności zewnętrzne - tkwiące poza samą nauką - tworzenia polityki naukowej, a także na ograniczenia strukturalno-organizacyjne, społeczne i finansowe zawarte w systemie nauki. W dalszej części artykułu autor ukazuje rzeczywistą rolę mechanizmów finansowania nauki i szkolnictwa wyższego, sposób ich stosowania, stopień spójności, a także kłopoty związane z realizacją zasad konkurencji i oceny badań naukowych. Omawia problemy przebudowy instytucji badawczych i edukacyjnych oraz czynniki utrudniające lub opóźniające proces restrukturyzacji. W końcowej części artykułu przedstawia zagadnienia dotyczące personelu badawczego i nauczającego - ograniczenia polityki kadrowej, mechanizmów selekcji, bariery dopływu młodej kadry i starzenie się personelu.

Since the normalization of bilateral relations between Poland and Indonesia in 1992 we have been observing a steady growth, particularly in the educational and scientific cooperation between thw two countries. The accession of Poland to the European Union have made this country a more attractive destination for foreign students. The number of Indonesians studying in Poland increases year over year. This fact is strengthened through the establishment of Indonesian Students Association in Poland (PPI Polandia). Polish citizens are among largest groups of Darmasiswa recipients - a scholarship program provided by the Indonesian government. In this paper the authors trace the records of cooperation in the field of education and science during the eras before and after the normalization of bilateral relations of both countries as well as the situation observed in recent years. This issue needs further exploration regarding the possibility of more data available in Indonesian sources of records. ; Praca opisuje jak wyglądały kontakty dydaktyczno-naukowe polsko-indonezyjskie w ujęciu diachronicznym oraz współczesnym. Metodą badawczą zastosowaną podczas prac nad niniejszą publikacją były głównie wywiady z byłymi i obecnymi stypendystami obu rządów oraz badania bibliograficzne. Po normalizacji stosunków dwustronnych w 1992r .liczba Indonezyjczyków studiujących w Polsce wzrasta z roku na rok, czego dowodem jest również utworzenie polskiego oddziału Stowarzyszenia Studentów Indonezyjskich (Persatuan Pelajar Indonesia Polandia). Polacy to z kolei obecnie jedna z najliczniejszych grup uczestniczących w indonezyjskim programie stypendialnym Darmasiswa. Niestety brak jest wiarygodnych danych liczbowych na temat współpracy naukowej polsko-indonezyjskiej przed rokiem 1992 dlatego zagadnienie wymaga dalszych badań z uwzględnieniem szerszego spektrum źródeł indonezyjskich.

The aim of the following work is to analysis the results of survey concerning the structures and conditioning of students' political attitudes. The factors which create appreciation to two political parties, Palikot's Movement (presently Your Movement) and Poland Comes First and their leaders, were shown. The assessment of sympathy towards the parties was made in order to nd out if it is not related with the political organizations from which the leaders come (Civic Platform and Law and Justice). The issue of emotions was also analysed since they are important elements of the attitudes, as well as they form them. The studies associated with the political attitudes improve that emotions towards the candidates have an impact on the voting process. Electors often have preconception feelings towards the candidates when they don't know anything about their platforms. The survey shows, that Janusz Palikot is much more recognizable as the politician than Paweł Kowal. The attitudes towards his party are very emphatic and they are related with the antipathy to Law and Justice and Jarosław Kaczynski and with the sympathy to Donald Tusk, the prime minister. The analysis also suggest that the supporters of Poland Comes First create their views through the traditional socializing agendas like the social background, whereas the supporters of Janusz Palikot's party form their views on the basis of contact with their partners, at the same time rejecting the traditional socializing institution as the church.

The aim of the following work is to analysis the results of survey concerning the structures and conditioning of students' political attitudes. The factors which create appreciation to two political parties, Palikot's Movement (presently Your Movement) and Poland Comes First and their leaders, were shown. The assessment of sympathy towards the parties was made in order to nd out if it is not related with the political organizations from which the leaders come (Civic Platform and Law and Justice). The issue of emotions was also analysed since they are important elements of the attitudes, as well as they form them. The studies associated with the political attitudes improve that emotions towards the candidates have an impact on the voting process. Electors often have preconception feelings towards the candidates when they don't know anything about their platforms. The survey shows, that Janusz Palikot is much more recognizable as the politician than Paweł Kowal. The attitudes towards his party are very emphatic and they are related with the antipathy to Law and Justice and Jarosław Kaczynski and with the sympathy to Donald Tusk, the prime minister. The analysis also suggest that the supporters of Poland Comes First create their views through the traditional socializing agendas like the social background, whereas the supporters of Janusz Palikot's party form their views on the basis of contact with their partners, at the same time rejecting the traditional socializing institution as the church.

Mimo ścisłych związków między technologią i stosunkami międzynarodowymi istnieje niewiele prac w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych, które podejmują próbę teoretycznego połączenia obu tych sfer rzeczywistości społecznej. Podstawowym celem artykułu jest historyzacja technologii militarnej w społecznej historii stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia proces historycznego wzrostu znaczenia technologii militarnej w funkcjonowaniu społeczeństw i jej destruktywny wpływ na życie społeczne. Przekonuje, że nowe technologie rozwinaje są przez istoty ludzkie, a nie "odkrywane". Dokonane wynalazki odzwierciedlają określone interesy, posiadanie adekwatnych zasobów do ich dokonania i istnienie określonego instytucjonalnego wsparcia. W takim rozumieniu nauka, technologia i innowacje są funkcją ludzkich wyborów, interesów, idei, instytucji i zasobów. ; Despite close connections between technology and international relations, there are few works in international relations studies that would make an attempt to theoretically connect both of these two spheres of social reality.The main aim of the article is a historization of military technology in a social history of international relations. The author presents the process of historical growth of importance of military technology in functioning of societies and its destructive influence on social life. He convinces one that new technologies are developed, not "discovered" by human beings. Inventions reflect specific interests, owning proper resources to develop them and the existence of determined institutional support. In this understanding, science, technology and innovations are functions of human choices, interests, ideas, institutions and resources.In the first part of the article, the author presents relations between science, technology and innovations, as well as main attitudes in international relations studies in the context of comprehending these relations. Problems caused by technological development are also discussed. In the second part of the article, the author presents the meaning of military technology in international relations through its historization. By showing different contexts of "war machines" (horse, chariot, cavalry, cannons, conventional and nuclear weapon, information technology),one can observe the influence of military technology on international relations in the process of uneven and related development of different societies in different times from antiquity to the present day. In particular, the results of transformation of relations between armed forces and scientific institutions after World War II into permanent structures of society and government are shown. On the example of United States of America, the author points negative consequences of forming bureaucratic national security services for many aspects of social life. Finally, referring to James Der Derian's analysis, the author presents transformative influence of information technology on international relations.

Scientific work of Professor Halina Janaszek-Ivaničková (1931–2016) can be placed in three postwar periods of Poland's history, albeit her scientific and organizational work with regard to comparative studies was carried out on a few continents. Her scientific programme, methodological inspirations and message in each of those periods were aimed against regime limitations, but simultaneously pointed to a positive programme suggesting what can be done and what is right. Initiallyher programme could be placed with positivistic message and Bakhtin methodology (studies on Stefan Żeromski and Karol Čapek), only for the first lady of Polish comparative studies to become after a breakthrough Revolutions of 1989 a promotor of postmodernism in Poland and other Slavic countries ("From modernism to postmodernism", 1996). Later she pointed to a "change of paradigm" and foresaw the decline of postmodern formation ("New face of postmodernism", 2002). With a sharp mind she anticipated a radical "turn to the right" which we are now witnessing. In her last years she was working on a monography on Warsaw Uprising (1 August – 3 October 1944) during which her father, colonel Jan Wacław Janaszek, a soldier of antifascism Home Army, died. ; Scientific work of Professor Halina Janaszek-Ivaničková (1931–2016) can be placed in three postwar periods of Poland's history, albeit her scientific and organizational work with regard to comparative studies was carried out on a few continents. Her scientific programme, methodological inspirations and message in each of those periods were aimed against regime limitations, but simultaneously pointed to a positive programme suggesting what can be done and what is right. Initially her programme could be placed with positivistic message and Bakhtin methodology (studies on Stefan Żeromski and Karol Čapek), only for the first lady of Polish comparative studies to become after a breakthrough Revolutions of 1989 a promotor of postmodernism in Poland and other Slavic countries ("From modernism to postmodernism", 1996). Later she pointed to a "change of paradigm" and foresaw the decline of postmodern formation ("New face of postmodernism", 2002).With a sharp mind she anticipated a radical "turn to the right" which we are now witnessing. In her last years she was working on a monography on Warsaw Uprising (1 August – 3 October 1944) during which her father, colonel Jan Wacław Janaszek, a soldier of antifascism Home Army, died.

In 1926, in "Myśl Narodowa", Aleksander Świętochowski wrote among others: "For almost fifty years my spirit has endured the torture of Russian censorship, suffering torments, and yet I felt less terror then than I do now." Such a comparison of the Russian censorship (foreign) to the Polish one (native), favourable to the former, was seen by many as highly controversial. Was it a valid comparison? Can foreigncensorship be judged according to diff erent criteria than the native one? Which criteriacan one apply to the very phenomenon of censorship in general? The problem of freedom of speech and censorship took up a special place in Świętochowski's literary production: as a writer, publicist, editor and publisher he had to face numerous instances of the restrictions imposed on the freedom of speech. He used to draw attention, not only to the institutional censorship but also to the informal pressure exerted by the clerical and conservative circles. Following the concepts of Jürgen Habermas and Pierre Bourdieu this articleaims to conceptualise the sphere of the freedom of speech presented in the writingsof Aleksander Świętochowski. ; Agnieszka Uziębło

The main purpose of this article was to present the state of the Russian economy and finance during World War I and in connection with the revolutionary events taking place in Russia in 1917. In this regard, a general analysis of widely unknown legal and economic works from 1917 by authors such as Z.S. Kacenelenbaum, I.A. Mikhailov, N.N. Lyubimov, G.D. Dementyev, D.P. Bogolepov, A.V. Venediktov, N.M. Yasny, P. Haensel, B.D. Bruckus, D.V. Kuzovkov, and A. Schreider was made. The works analyzed in the article are an example of the discussion of the Russian elites about the state's problems in the context of the Legislative (Constitutional) Assembly that is to be assembled. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu było zaprezentowanie stanu rosyjskiej gospodarki i finansów w okresie I wojny światowej oraz w związku z wydarzeniami rewolucyjnymi w Rosji w 1917 r. W tym zakresie dokonano ogólnej analizy nieznanych szerzej prawno-ekonomicznych prac z 1917 r. takich autorów, jak Z.S. Kacenelenbaum, I.A. Michajłow, M.M. Ljubimow, G.D. Dementjew, D.P. Bogolepow, A.W. Wenediktow, N.M. Jasnyj, P. Haensel, B.D. Bruckus, D.W. Kuzowkow i A. Szrejder. Analizowane w artykule prace stanowią przykład dyskusji rosyjskich elit o problemach państwa w kontekście mającego się zebrać Zgromadzenia Ustawodawczego (Konstytucyjnego).

The intention of the author of this paper is to present a scientific analysis of the influence of culture and the cultural diplomacy of the European Union on the animation and stimulation of Europe's integration process, which is in a constant state of perturbation and lack of stability. It examines the problem-related approach to the European Union's change and development strategy, including the "Europe 2020" strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, which envisages the implementation of many new communal initiatives and practical solutions introduced by the European Union, including ones that concern both the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector. The European Union, from 2020 onwards, intends to be ready to reach a high level of employment and efficiency, and a higher level of social integration. To enable this, the European Union must ensure attractive framework conditions for innovation and creativity. In that respect, the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector are the source of groundbreaking ideas which may develop into products and services that could contribute to economic growth and job creation, thereby fighting the crisis and social problems. The economic and social crisis in Europe has also been influencing the world of culture. A series of problematic issues associated with the fragmentation of culture and its inventions are identified, including globalisation and digitalisation, underinvestment, inadequate protection of intellectual property and copyright, and insufficient international cultural cooperation. ; The intention of the author of this paper is to present a scientific analysis of the influence of culture and the cultural diplomacy of the European Union on the animation and stimulation of Europe's integration process, which is in a constant state of perturbation and lack of stability. It examines the problem-related approach to the European Union's change and development strategy, including the "Europe 2020" strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, which envisages the implementation of many new communal initiatives and practical solutions introduced by the European Union, including ones that concern both the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector. The European Union, from 2020 onwards, intends to be ready to reach a high level of employment and efficiency, and a higher level of social integration. To enable this, the European Union must ensure attractive framework conditions for innovation and creativity. In that respect, the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector are the source of groundbreaking ideas which may develop into products and services that could contribute to economic growth and job creation, thereby fighting the crisis and social problems. The economic and social crisis in Europe has also been influencing the world of culture. A series of problematic issues associated with the fragmentation of culture and its inventions are identified, including globalisation and digitalisation, underinvestment, inadequate protection of intellectual property and copyright, and insufficient international cultural cooperation.