The rise of scriptures as the main source of authority was a major shift in the religious culture of the ancient Mediterranean. I examine this shift from the second century BCE to the sixth century CE through a study of the relationship between scriptures and oaths, a competing mode of religious authorization. The traditional perspective, expressed bath in Jewish Second Temple literature and in contemporary Greek culture, saw the covenant (defined as oaths which create adherence to a group) as the foundation of a group's law and/or scripture, and did not differentiate clearly between oath and covenant. After the first century BCE, however, Jewish and Christian writers frequently saw private oaths as challenging the group''s covenants, scriptures and laws and competing with them. I demonstrate two ways in which this perception was manifested : in the concern of Jewish and Christian writers about private «criminal oaths » , which subvert authorized scriptures ; and in the innovation in bath communities (of the third-fourth century CE) of the gesture of swearing on scriptures, physically expressing the foundation of private oaths in universal law. This innovation, though a uniquely Judaeo-Christian phenomenon, may have been part of a general trend in the Roman Empire towards the subordination of private oaths to universal law, as expressed in an earlier innovation : the swearing of all legal and official oaths by the name of the Emperor or his tyche.
The claritas Scripturae constitutes a fundamental dogma of Protestantism, common, at least in its essential principle, to both Lutheran and Reformed confessions, and very widely shared by most of the marginal or dissenting Protestant tendencies (arminian, socinian, baptist.) Attached to the general motive of the sola Scriptura, this Protestant proclamation of the clarity of the Bible has favored or accompanied, in modern times and in a context of religious controversies, the development of new theoretical arguments in fields of knowledge as diverse as theology, the arts of discourse, gnoseology or legal science. We endeavor here to retrace the history of the development and the evolutions of this dogma in the various confessional spaces of modern Europe, starting from the study of the intellectual and contextual conjunctures which motivated it. On this occasion, we try to pay particular attention to the figures and the motivations which led to this slow construction, as well as to the bursting of discursive genres within which it was able to find a privileged expression (controversies, apologetics, confessions of faith, theological systems, catechisms, philosophical treatises .) Following the thread of this evolution, since the first Lutheran expressions of the principle of claritas scripturae in the 1520s until the twilight of Protestant 'orthodoxies' at the beginning of the 18th century, we then confront, from an original perspective, with some of the greatest debates – and perhaps the greatest myths – of Protestant historiography, from the point of view of of an history of ideas deployed both in its philosophical ramifications (the invention of hermeneutics and critical exegesis, the invention of modern subjectivity), whether in its theological (the doctrinal continuity of the First Reformation and orthodoxy, the emergence of rationalism and natural theology) or political aspects (the invention of freedom of conscience, the problem of confessionalization). ; L'affirmation de la claritas Scripturae constitue un dogme fondamental du protestantisme, commun, au moins dans son principe essentiel, aux deux confessions luthérienne et réformée, et très largement partagé par la plupart des tendances protestantes marginales ou dissidentes. Attachée au mobile général de la sola Scriptura selon des liens d'implications doctrinales dont nous tâchons ici de préciser la nature, cette proclamation protestante de la clarté de la Bible a favorisé ou accompagné, à l'époque moderne et dans un contexte de controverses religieuses, le développement d'argumentations et de constructions théoriques nouvelles, dans des domaines du savoir aussi divers que la théologie, les arts du discours, la théorie de la connaissance ou la science juridique. Nous nous efforçons ici de retracer l'histoire de l'élaboration et des évolutions de ce dogme dans la diversité des espaces confessionnels de l'Europe moderne, à partir de l'étude du jeu des conjonctures intellectuelles et contextuelles qui en ont motivé l'affirmation ou transformer le sens. À cette occasion, nous tentons de nous rendre particulièrement attentifs à l'hétérogénéité des figures et des motivations qui ont porté cette construction lente, aussi bien qu'à l'éclatement des genres discursifs au sein desquels celle-ci a pu trouver un cadre d'expression privilégié (écrits de controverses, écrits apologétiques, confessions de foi, sommes théologiques, manuels et catéchismes, traités philosophiques.) Suivant le fil de cette évolution, depuis les premières expressions luthériennes du principe de la claritas scripturae dans les années 1520 jusqu'au crépuscule des « orthodoxies » protestantes au début du XVIIIe siècle, nous nous confrontons, sous une perspective originale, à certains des plus grands débats – et peut-être des plus grands mythes – de l'historiographie protestante, du point de vue d'une histoire des idées déployée tant dans ses ramifications philosophiques (l'invention de l'herméneutique et de l'exégèse critique, l'invention de la subjectivité moderne), que dans ses aspects théologiques (la continuité doctrinale de la première Réforme et de l'orthodoxie, l'émergence du rationalisme et de la théologie naturelle) ou politiques (l'invention de la liberté de conscience, le problème de la confessionnalisation).
The claritas Scripturae constitutes a fundamental dogma of Protestantism, common, at least in its essential principle, to both Lutheran and Reformed confessions, and very widely shared by most of the marginal or dissenting Protestant tendencies (arminian, socinian, baptist.) Attached to the general motive of the sola Scriptura, this Protestant proclamation of the clarity of the Bible has favored or accompanied, in modern times and in a context of religious controversies, the development of new theoretical arguments in fields of knowledge as diverse as theology, the arts of discourse, gnoseology or legal science. We endeavor here to retrace the history of the development and the evolutions of this dogma in the various confessional spaces of modern Europe, starting from the study of the intellectual and contextual conjunctures which motivated it. On this occasion, we try to pay particular attention to the figures and the motivations which led to this slow construction, as well as to the bursting of discursive genres within which it was able to find a privileged expression (controversies, apologetics, confessions of faith, theological systems, catechisms, philosophical treatises .) Following the thread of this evolution, since the first Lutheran expressions of the principle of claritas scripturae in the 1520s until the twilight of Protestant 'orthodoxies' at the beginning of the 18th century, we then confront, from an original perspective, with some of the greatest debates – and perhaps the greatest myths – of Protestant historiography, from the point of view of of an history of ideas deployed both in its philosophical ramifications (the invention of hermeneutics and critical exegesis, the invention of modern subjectivity), whether in its theological (the doctrinal continuity of the First Reformation and orthodoxy, the emergence of rationalism and natural theology) or political aspects (the invention of freedom of conscience, the problem of confessionalization). ; L'affirmation de la claritas Scripturae constitue ...
" Gnosis and experience in the chemical philosophy of Van Helmont " Recent research on Van Helmont has shown that his chemical philosophy cannot be separated from his Paracelsian theory of knowledge. Against the Aristotelian way of investigation, Van Helmont recommends the joined use of illuminist interpretation of the Holy Scripture and laboratory experience. When applied to the constitutive elements of matter, this method leads him to a dualistic system (air and water) where elementary water is subjected to the action of ferments and seeds (semina ).
Efim Etkind, Biblical terms in the Russian poetic language. Church Slavic vocabulary significantly enriches the Russian language. It has remained in the language thanks to the Bible that passed it on to secular literature which evolved into belles- lettres in the mid-eighteenth century. French underwent an ever-increasing purification process that culminated in Racine's two-thousand-word-rich poetry. Racine's biblical tragedies, Esther and Athalie, differ only very slightly in style from other tragedies. For the German language, biblical locutions were lost in Luther's 1521 and M. Mendelssohn's 1779 translations which took away the sacred aura of the Scriptures. Russian poetry, on the other hand, kept a significant amount of Church Slavic turns of phrase. Lomonosov, Derzhavin, and Pushkin used them in their own ways. During the Soviet era, poets found other ways of expressing solemnity. For example, Zabolotskii borrowed from the scientific language of mathematics, natural science, and philosophy. Anna Akhmatova's poetry is very individualized. Throughout her work, biblical terms no longer serve the purpose of ornamentation, but reflect the essence of man's inner world.
A discussion of selected clandestine philosophical works, including William Lyons's The Infallibility, Dignity and Excellence of Humane Judgment; Being a New Art of Reasoning and Discovering Truth (1719), which was widely circulated in manuscript form in a French translation. As a merciless attack on the articles of the Symbol of St. Athanase, Lyons argued against Catholicism, Calvinism, & Trinitarianism, & proposed a reasonable, demystified Christianity. Because the French text intimates Lyons's indebtedness to John Locke's philosophy, it is considered a prime example of problematic cultural transfer. Clandestine works translated into French of latitudinarian English theologians Francis Hare, Arthur Ashley Sykes, & Thomas Chubb are also reviewed. It is noted that the expatriate contextualized understanding of these works served to support the works of French contemporaries such as Pierre Bayle. In the appendix, the clandestine French translation of Arthur Ashley Sykes's L'Innocence de l'erreur soutenue et justifiee dans une lettre a M. XXX ([The Innocence of the Error Sustained and Justified in a Letter to Mr. XXX] 1714) is reprinted. Arguing that a just God could never smite involuntary faults, Sykes distinguishes strongly between failings of intelligence & failings of the will. He also asserts the incomprehensibility & difficulty of the Scriptures; indicates the heterodoxy of various Christian denominations; & ironically supports the Anglican Church as the one true ecumenism. 1 Appendix. J. Sadler
Preliminary Material /Alan Stephens and Raphael Walden -- The Transition from Hospitals to Community Care /David Abrahamson -- Luniversel Et Le Particulier /Louis Bloch -- Religious Leaders Must Challenge Holy Scriptures /Sidney Brichto -- Beyond Anne Frank Dutch (Pre-)Wartime Collaboration with Nazi Germany and Its Aftermath /Jan Herman Brinks -- Replacing Replacement Theology a Fresh Look at Relationships between the Abrahamic Faiths /Martin Forward -- Writing into the Heart /Kendra H. Gaines -- Muslims and Jews Then, Now and in the Future /Lucien Gubbay -- Gener Al the Lord Guthrie of Cr Aigiebank Terrorism: How Dangerous Is the Threat? /Alan Stephens and Raphael Walden -- World War II Compensation Schemes /Arthur Harverd -- Towards an Ethic of Human Solidarity /Prince Hassan -- Jean Améry Cultural Exile, Homelessness and Jewish Solidarity /K. Hannah Holtschneider -- Israel and JewishChristian Relations /Edward Kessler -- Color My World a Personal Scientific Odyssey into the Art of Ancient Dyes /Zvi C. Koren -- Religion and Religious Thinking in the New Millennium /Julius Lipner -- The Anglo-Jewish Association past and Present /David Loewe -- Imitatio and Ethics in Judaism and Christianity /Raphael Loewe -- The United Nations and theFuture of International Law /Bertr and Ramcharan -- Crime an Assault on Human Rights /Aubrey Rose -- Volunteering in the Jewish Community /Ruth Rothenberg -- Ethical Investment: a Jewish Perspective /Daniel Sperber -- Droits De Lhomme Et Valeurs Juives /Ady Steg -- Holocaust-Era Reparations Morality, History and Money /Gideon Taylor -- Remembering Refugees Lost at Sea the Struma, the Wilhelm Gustloff and the Cap Anamur /Edward Timms -- Radical Orthodox Anti-Globalism 19992002 Electronic Tax Codes a Topical Theme for Fundamentalists /Alexander Verkhovsky -- De La Clemence Réflexions Sur Quelques Textes De La Tradition Juive /Jean-Jacques Wahl -- Reforming the Un Commission on Human Rights /George R . Wilkes -- Contributors /Alan Stephens and Raphael Walden.
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Mäkwännǝn Wäldä-Mikaʾel (1852-1906) is an officer of the reign of Menelik II. Governour of Harär in 1887, he is in contact with Westerners as diplomat, while also being charged with the security of the Ethiopian territory. Indeed, the province he rules has common boundaries with the expanding European colonies of the Horn of Africa. However, Mäkwännǝn's political and diplomatic ability as well as his military skill fuel the eulogistic currents which run through his public image, often represented as that of a good prince according to Erasmus' conception of power. Two Amharic biographies have allowed us to deepen our understanding of the values Ethiopian society attributes to the man of power embodied in Mäkwännǝn and the perception of the outside world in parallel. One is written by a specialist of the Scriptures, the author of the other one being close to the imperial court of Haylä-Sǝllase, ras Mäkwännǝn's son. The cultural elements these documents carry do not blind us to the pitfalls of hagiographical packaging in an analysis of the quest for ideal power through the celebration of a just government which echoes not only in East Africa, but also in Europe. ; Mäkwännǝn Wäldä-Mikaʾel (1852-1906) est un officier du règne de l'empereur d'Éthiopie Menilek II. Gouverneur de Harär en 1887, il est en contact avec les Occidentaux et est en charge de la sécurité du territoire éthiopien, sa province étant limitrophe des colonies européennes de la Corne de l'Afrique. Conseiller diplomatique, il est désigné pour accomplir deux missions officielles à l'étranger en même temps qu'il combat efficacement à Adwa. Son habileté politique et militaire, ses capacités d'administrateur, son sens de la diplomatie, son style personnel, construisent une personnalité publique, sur qui la plupart des textes, tant européens qu'éthiopiens, sont élogieux. Dans cette perception de Mäkwännǝn apparaît le premier écueil d'une approche historique du personnage : Mäkwännǝn est le père de Täfäri / Haylä-Sǝllase, dont le règne impérial organise une ...
International audience ; Byzantine monarchy may be defined as an autocracy of theocratic origin: the basileus was considered as God's representative – hence the part ceremonial played in underlining the emperor's sacred character. Nevertheless, several rituals existed in Byzantium to protect the basileus from hubris – rituals that reminded him of the transitory character of power and of his necessary subservience to the Almighty (uncrowning rite, memento mori, derision practices, mimesis Christou). The mirrors of princes express similar admonishing: they insist upon the emperor's human frailty and solidarity with other men, and put emphasis on the Christian virtue of humility. These texts show how much Byzantine political theory was influenced by Holy Scripture: the Bible was read as a repertory of models and counter-examples, with which contemporary events were to be compared, according to a typological interpretation of history, prone to see hubris as the main dividing criterion between good and bad people. ; La monarchie byzantine, monarchie absolue, de caractère théocratique, passait pour émaner de Dieu même, d'où l'importance prise à Byzance par les cérémonies destinées à souligner la sacralité de l'empereur. Il existait néanmoins diverses parades rituelles visant à protéger le basileus contre la tentation de l'hybris, en lui rappelant la précarité du pouvoir et sa nécessaire soumission au Tout-Puissant (rite du découronnement, memento mori, conduites de dérision, mimesis Christou). Les miroirs des princes formulent d'identiques mises en garde, en insistant sur l'humaine fragilité de l'empereur, sur sa solidarité avec les autres hommes, et en valorisant par-dessus tout la vertu chrétienne d'humilité. On peut y observer l'influence profonde exercée sur la pensée politique des Byzantins par le texte de la Bible, considérée au Moyen Âge comme un répertoire de modèles et d'antimodèles, permettant d'évaluer l'histoire du présent, soumis à une interprétation typologique, qui fait bien souvent de la démesure la ...
International audience ; Byzantine monarchy may be defined as an autocracy of theocratic origin: the basileus was considered as God's representative – hence the part ceremonial played in underlining the emperor's sacred character. Nevertheless, several rituals existed in Byzantium to protect the basileus from hubris – rituals that reminded him of the transitory character of power and of his necessary subservience to the Almighty (uncrowning rite, memento mori, derision practices, mimesis Christou). The mirrors of princes express similar admonishing: they insist upon the emperor's human frailty and solidarity with other men, and put emphasis on the Christian virtue of humility. These texts show how much Byzantine political theory was influenced by Holy Scripture: the Bible was read as a repertory of models and counter-examples, with which contemporary events were to be compared, according to a typological interpretation of history, prone to see hubris as the main dividing criterion between good and bad people. ; La monarchie byzantine, monarchie absolue, de caractère théocratique, passait pour émaner de Dieu même, d'où l'importance prise à Byzance par les cérémonies destinées à souligner la sacralité de l'empereur. Il existait néanmoins diverses parades rituelles visant à protéger le basileus contre la tentation de l'hybris, en lui rappelant la précarité du pouvoir et sa nécessaire soumission au Tout-Puissant (rite du découronnement, memento mori, conduites de dérision, mimesis Christou). Les miroirs des princes formulent d'identiques mises en garde, en insistant sur l'humaine fragilité de l'empereur, sur sa solidarité avec les autres hommes, et en valorisant par-dessus tout la vertu chrétienne d'humilité. On peut y observer l'influence profonde exercée sur la pensée politique des Byzantins par le texte de la Bible, considérée au Moyen Âge comme un répertoire de modèles et d'antimodèles, permettant d'évaluer l'histoire du présent, soumis à une interprétation typologique, qui fait bien souvent de la démesure la ...
International audience ; Byzantine monarchy may be defined as an autocracy of theocratic origin: the basileus was considered as God's representative – hence the part ceremonial played in underlining the emperor's sacred character. Nevertheless, several rituals existed in Byzantium to protect the basileus from hubris – rituals that reminded him of the transitory character of power and of his necessary subservience to the Almighty (uncrowning rite, memento mori, derision practices, mimesis Christou). The mirrors of princes express similar admonishing: they insist upon the emperor's human frailty and solidarity with other men, and put emphasis on the Christian virtue of humility. These texts show how much Byzantine political theory was influenced by Holy Scripture: the Bible was read as a repertory of models and counter-examples, with which contemporary events were to be compared, according to a typological interpretation of history, prone to see hubris as the main dividing criterion between good and bad people. ; La monarchie byzantine, monarchie absolue, de caractère théocratique, passait pour émaner de Dieu même, d'où l'importance prise à Byzance par les cérémonies destinées à souligner la sacralité de l'empereur. Il existait néanmoins diverses parades rituelles visant à protéger le basileus contre la tentation de l'hybris, en lui rappelant la précarité du pouvoir et sa nécessaire soumission au Tout-Puissant (rite du découronnement, memento mori, conduites de dérision, mimesis Christou). Les miroirs des princes formulent d'identiques mises en garde, en insistant sur l'humaine fragilité de l'empereur, sur sa solidarité avec les autres hommes, et en valorisant par-dessus tout la vertu chrétienne d'humilité. On peut y observer l'influence profonde exercée sur la pensée politique des Byzantins par le texte de la Bible, considérée au Moyen Âge comme un répertoire de modèles et d'antimodèles, permettant d'évaluer l'histoire du présent, soumis à une interprétation typologique, qui fait bien souvent de la démesure la ...
Book law is made up of legal elements from private and public law. It is necessary to bring together both the economical and cultural aspects of books. As a support for knowledge, one must find the right balance between authors' rights and readers' rights. Therefore, studying book law implies looking at contract law, competition law, and intellectual property law with rights to public loan, among others. The public's access to books takes on a new dimension with new information and communication technologies. Digital content is quickly associated with free content. Consequently, representatives of book professionals try to take the necessary means to maintaining the book chain : author, editor, printer, publisher, distributor, library, public. However, the dematerialized format of the work invites one to think about adapting the legal framework « of books ».The problem concerning books is in determining how to maintain the economy of books, while the internet makes it easier for multinationals to implant themselves in commercial relations of cultural goods on one hand, and makes data transmission easier on the other hand. These new modes are the occasion for the Internet giants to get hold of digital scripture and to broadcast it using less restrictive techniques than the traditional book trade established in France. In order to deal with this problem, the question has been divided into two parts. The first one is to consider the modes of economic book distribution. The second one is to look back at the the cultural aspect of books and how the digital world could maintain a fair sharing of rights between those of the author and those of the contents user.Via these two conceptions of the book file, it is possible to suggest distribution mechanisms for digital and scanned books in which the user is taken into consideration. However, taking the public into account for legislative choices is not likely to call all intellectual property law into question. The Open movement, particularly well-known in the field of ...
Book law is made up of legal elements from private and public law. It is necessary to bring together both the economical and cultural aspects of books. As a support for knowledge, one must find the right balance between authors' rights and readers' rights. Therefore, studying book law implies looking at contract law, competition law, and intellectual property law with rights to public loan, among others. The public's access to books takes on a new dimension with new information and communication technologies. Digital content is quickly associated with free content. Consequently, representatives of book professionals try to take the necessary means to maintaining the book chain : author, editor, printer, publisher, distributor, library, public. However, the dematerialized format of the work invites one to think about adapting the legal framework « of books ».The problem concerning books is in determining how to maintain the economy of books, while the internet makes it easier for multinationals to implant themselves in commercial relations of cultural goods on one hand, and makes data transmission easier on the other hand. These new modes are the occasion for the Internet giants to get hold of digital scripture and to broadcast it using less restrictive techniques than the traditional book trade established in France. In order to deal with this problem, the question has been divided into two parts. The first one is to consider the modes of economic book distribution. The second one is to look back at the the cultural aspect of books and how the digital world could maintain a fair sharing of rights between those of the author and those of the contents user.Via these two conceptions of the book file, it is possible to suggest distribution mechanisms for digital and scanned books in which the user is taken into consideration. However, taking the public into account for legislative choices is not likely to call all intellectual property law into question. The Open movement, particularly well-known in the field of ...
First full study and translation of Taiping Jing shengjun mizhi (a text from the taoist canon of Ming), this article discusses modern Chinese editions and translations of the text, reviews its paternity and timing problems, investigates its ideology and textual sources and clarifies its literary structure. The analysis reveals an old textual stratum (II or III) and draws parallels between the received text and several traditional taoist texts and their comments, composed during the division period and up to the time of the Tang. The text thus regains its place in the history of Chinese religions in the first millennium of our era. ; International audience The first complete study and translation of the Taiping jing shengjun mizhi (a text from the Ming dynasty Taoist Canon), this paper discusses the modern editions and translations of the text, then re-examines the issues of its paternity and dating, traces its ideology and textual sources, and clarifies its literary structure. This analysis unearths an early textual layer (2nd or 3rd cent.) and establishes parallels between the received text and several Taoist classics with commentaries through the period of division up to the Tang dynasty. The text is thus reinstated in the history of Chinese religions throughout the first millennium of our era. ; First full study and translation of Taiping Jing shengjun mizhi (a text from the taoist canon of Ming), this article discusses modern Chinese editions and translations of the text, reviews its paternity and timing problems, investigates its ideology and textual sources and clarifies its literary structure. The analysis reveals an old textual stratum (II or III) and draws parallels between the received text and several traditional taoist texts and their comments, composed during the division period and up to the time of the Tang. The text thus regains its place in the history of Chinese religions in the first millennium of our era. ; Première étude et traduction complètes du Taiping jing shengjun mizhi (un texte du ...
Mäkwännǝn Wäldä-Mikaʾel (1852-1906) is an officer of the reign of Menelik II. Governour of Harär in 1887, he is in contact with Westerners as diplomat, while also being charged with the security of the Ethiopian territory. Indeed, the province he rules has common boundaries with the expanding European colonies of the Horn of Africa. However, Mäkwännǝn's political and diplomatic ability as well as his military skill fuel the eulogistic currents which run through his public image, often represented as that of a good prince according to Erasmus' conception of power. Two Amharic biographies have allowed us to deepen our understanding of the values Ethiopian society attributes to the man of power embodied in Mäkwännǝn and the perception of the outside world in parallel. One is written by a specialist of the Scriptures, the author of the other one being close to the imperial court of Haylä-Sǝllase, ras Mäkwännǝn's son. The cultural elements these documents carry do not blind us to the pitfalls of hagiographical packaging in an analysis of the quest for ideal power through the celebration of a just government which echoes not only in East Africa, but also in Europe. ; Mäkwännǝn Wäldä-Mikaʾel (1852-1906) est un officier du règne de l'empereur d'Éthiopie Menilek II. Gouverneur de Harär en 1887, il est en contact avec les Occidentaux et est en charge de la sécurité du territoire éthiopien, sa province étant limitrophe des colonies européennes de la Corne de l'Afrique. Conseiller diplomatique, il est désigné pour accomplir deux missions officielles à l'étranger en même temps qu'il combat efficacement à Adwa. Son habileté politique et militaire, ses capacités d'administrateur, son sens de la diplomatie, son style personnel, construisent une personnalité publique, sur qui la plupart des textes, tant européens qu'éthiopiens, sont élogieux. Dans cette perception de Mäkwännǝn apparaît le premier écueil d'une approche historique du personnage : Mäkwännǝn est le père de Täfäri / Haylä-Sǝllase, dont le règne impérial organise une mise en spectacle du pouvoir, à laquelle le culte de la mémoire de Mäkwännǝn participe. Cette commémoration prend notamment la forme biographique. Deux biographies amhariques connues à ce jour sont le matériau à partir duquel nous nous efforçons d'analyser la perception du pouvoir en Éthiopie. La première œuvre publiée en 1946, intitulée Yälǝʾul ras Mäkwännǝn tarik, est le travail d'un spécialiste des textes sacrés du christianisme. L'autre biographie, écrite par un auteur proche de la cour est publiée en 1960-61. Nos documents qui relèvent de l'historiographie éthiopienne qui traite du pouvoir à travers l'individu, en dehors des éléments propres à la culture éthiopienne et des incursions vers le genre hagiographique, fournissent des informations de premier ordre sur la façon dont la société perçoit le monde extérieur ainsi que des valeurs qu'elle attribue au pouvoir en place. Les biographies amhariques produisent un modèle de gouvernement idéal qui trouve cependant des correspondances en Afrique de l'Est et en Europe-même.
