Suchergebnisse

AbstractMany charges have been made against Catalan secessionism from a normative or ideological point of view. In this article we would like to focus on the accusation that the secessionist movement is xenophobic, racist or ethnicist. Between 2017 and 2019, and particularly since Quim Torra was named president of the Generalitat, this has been the dominant criticism in the arguments set out against secessionism. We are interested in evaluating the strength of this accusation in this contribution. In this respect, we focus on the discourse and the main legislative actions adopted by the Catalan institutions since embarking on a determined bid for sovereignty, popularly called the Process, in 2010. Our conclusion is that both from discursive and legislative points of view, it can be concluded that Catalan secessionism cannot be considered as an ethnicist movement.

Through primary source research and the re-analysis of the rich historical literature about the antebellum era and the causes of the Civil War, Lawrence A. Anderson explores the relationship between federalism and the movement for secession in the United States during the pre-civil war era

Europe remains an essentially contested project, in relation to its boundaries, institutions, and functional scope. In a context characterised by the detachment of key functions from the state, by legal pluralism and complex, overlapping transnational regimes, this article sheds light on the possibilities for plurinational accommodation in the evolving European order. Focusing on secessionist mobilisation, which is a major challenge to territorial integrity and the state, it explores how this plays out within the national and supranational order. Specifically, it explores how the discourses and frames around European institutions and (dis-)integration are built and evolved in the Catalan secessionist movement. In spite of strong variation of discourses across secessionist milieus, pessimistic narratives about the EU predominate, with a progressive estrangement between secessionists and European institutions – having in turn important implications for the prospects of a compromise solution. ; This work was supported by Scuola Normale Superiore: [grant Democracy in the EU and the Potential of a European Society (DEMOS); PI Donatella della Porta].

The econometric study of civil war is increasing recognized to suffer from problems of 'over-aggregation'. As such, there is a high risk of estimation biases, ecological fallacies, and endogeneity problems. In this paper, I seek to contribute to the disaggregation of the study of civil war by focusing on the socio-economic dynamics of secessionist conflict as an identifiably distinct subset of 'civil wars', and by using a new subnational dataset compiled for this purpose. I test a series of hypotheses relating to the socio-economic conditions that encourage secessionism and political institutions that might mediate it. In contrast to the mainstream literature on civil war, I find a very strong predictive role for a measure of ethnic diversity in accounting for the incidence of secession. I also find a relatively straightforward set of socio-economic relationships. The relationship between relative socio-economic performance and conflict incidence is non-linear: regions that suffer from high 'horizontal inequalities'-whether relatively poor or relatively rich-in relation to the rest of the country are more prone to secessionism. The presence of hydrocarbon deposits also dramatically increases the likelihood of secessionism. But the institutional story is more complex and contingent upon interaction effect with the degree of ethnic diversity and the level of horizontal inequality.

Intro; Half Title; Title Page; Copyright page; Dedication; Table of Contents; Lists of illustrations; Notes on contributors; Acknowledgments; 1 Introduction: secessionism and terrorism; 2 Terrorism from the Troubles to Good Friday: the IRA in Northern Ireland and the British Isles; 3 Contingent violence: Arana, Franco, and ETA's terrorist actions in the Basque Country; 4 Surviving the Jacobin state: separatist terrorism in Brittany's ARB and Corsica's FLNC; 5 From separatism to terrorism and back: the case of Kosovo and the KLA

The USSR's dissolution resulted in the creation of not only fifteen recognized states but also of four non-recognized statelets: Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and Transnistria. Their polities comprise networks with state-like elements. Since the early 1990s, the four pseudo-states have been continously dependent on their sponsor countries (Russia, Armenia), and contesting the territorial integrity of their parental nation-states Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Moldova. In 2014, the outburst of Russia-backed separatism in Eastern Ukraine led to the creation of two more para-states, the Donetsk People's Republic (DNR) and the Luhansk People's Republic (LNR), whose leaders used the experience of older de facto states. In 2020, this growing network of de facto states counted an overall population of more than 4 million people. The essays collected in this volume address such questions as: How do post-Soviet de facto states survive and continue to grow? Is there anything specific about the political ecology of Eastern Europe that provides secessionism with the possibility to launch state-making processes in spite of international sanctions and counteractions of their parental states? How do secessionist movements become embedded in wider networks of separatism in Eastern and Western Europe? What is the impact of secessionism and war on the parental states?

In this essay, we trace the symbolic conundrums of belonging, and of the reconciliation of identities, in the context of Catalan and Scottish sport and politics. Our discussion will commence with a necessarily concise consideration of past academic contentions regarding the national 'psyches' which have been argued to shape contemporary notions of identity and politics in Catalonia and Scotland, before turning our attention to the specific role of sport vis-à-vis these 'psyches' and the growing clamour for greater political autonomy for each of these stateless nations. Based on evidence drawn from the interaction between sport and politics in the two nations, we argue that secessionism is a liminal field of transformation as it includes what is seen as mutually exclusive sets of relationships (Catalans vs. Spaniards; Scottish vs. British, secessionists vs. unionists/centralists), which at the same time allows subjects to pass from one state to another and occupy them non-exclusively.

AbstractIn this essay, we trace the symbolic conundrums of belonging and of the reconciliation of identities, in the context of Catalan and Scottish sport and politics. Our discussion will commence with a necessarily concise consideration of past academic contentions regarding the national "psyches," which have been argued to shape contemporary notions of identity and politics in Catalonia and Scotland, before turning our attention to the specific role of sport vis‐à‐vis these psyches and the growing clamour for greater political autonomy for each of these stateless nations. On the basis of the evidence drawn from the interaction between sport and politics in the two nations, we argue that secessionism is a liminal field of transformation as it includes what is seen as mutually exclusive sets of relationships (Catalans vs. Spaniards, Scottish vs. British, and secessionists vs. unionists/centralists), which at the same time allows subjects to pass from one state to another and occupy them nonexclusively.

Intro -- Post-Soviet Secessionism. Introductory Remarks -- Abkhazia, Transnistria and North Cyprus. Recognition and Non-Recognition in Ceasefire and Trade Agreements -- The World-System and Post-Soviet De Facto States -- Small State or Big Bargainer? Azerbaijan's and Georgia's Agency in Russia's and Turkey's Near Abroad -- War and State-Making in Ukraine. Forging a Civic Identity from Below? -- Internal Legitimacy and Governance in the Absence of Recognition. The Cases of the Donetsk and Luhansk "People's Republics" -- Post-Soviet Separatism in Historical Perspective -- Our Authors -- Index.