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Abstract
This paper, by the founder of the UK based Secular Liturgies Network and Forum, explores the concept and purpose of secular liturgy, and the potential for liturgical events in modern secular societies. It examines the practice of writing secular liturgy, discusses potential contributions from atheists, agnostics, humanists and religious progressives, and considers the new pastoral roles that may evolve alongside a secular liturgies movement. The author argues that secular liturgies and liturgical events have the potential to enrich secular culture, nurture community, facilitate healthy social interaction, advance ethical thought, promote creative writing and other arts, and galvanise people in their efforts towards sustainability and the creation of cultures and environments of health.

In Secular Grace Dana Freibach-Heifetz addresses the crisis of modernity, proposing an ethic of love based on a new philosophical concept of "secular grace\' as intersubjective relations. Anchored in secular humanism as well as within the existentialist tradition, yet recognizing their limitations, Secular Grace seeks to protrude them by means of dialogue with their other: Christianity. Inspired by a variety of intellectual roots from ancient Greece to post modernist thinkers - chiefly the deliberations of Buber and Levinas in the encounter with the other, and notions of gift and friendship - it offers a rich concept of Secular Grace . It furthermore examines the possibilities of grace towards the dead, self-grace and secular salvation.

Religions do not contribute with any kind of relevant knowledge in processes of democratic decision making, and they do not hold any authority in a democracy. Religions have to be referred to the private sphere and requests of special attention and sensitivity towards religious citizens would potentially undermine the commonality of democracy. Furthermore, religious experiences, practices and traditions are defended as reservoirs of meaning and knowledge and sources of engagement in democratic public life, that secularists neglect. Democratic public life should open up for religious reasons and emotions as legitimate utterances in the processes of democratic decision making and acceptable signs and symbols in the public life as such. Adapted from the source document.

In this essay, I maintain that although atheism, minimally construed, consists simply of the belief that there is no God or gods, atheists must embrace a secular worldview of one kind or another. Since they cannot be without a worldview, atheists must develop an alternative to the religious, especially the theistic, worldviews which they, by implication, reject. Further, I argue that there are, at the very least, two options available to atheists and that these should not be conflated or treated as one and the same. The two options that I explore and distinguish are scientism and secular humanism. I also maintain that the things that might count as good grounds for or against secular or religious worldviews are shaped significantly by whether atheists embrace scientism or secular humanism.

The post-secular turn at the intersection of the fields of political philosophy, anthropology, religious, postcolonial and cultural studies has highlighted theological political formations which have informed differential histories of the secular. This essay examines how debates around the secular and the post-secular play out in the Indian context. Some questions that the essay addresses are: What does a reconsideration of the secular, a probing of its discomforts, offer in the Indian context? And what are the limits of a post-secular turn—in the sense of a reconsideration of spiritual belief or theological conventions as a resource for co-existence—if we think through the forms of power generated by this turn?

El crecimiento económico es impulsado por tres factores principales: innovación tecnológica, descubrimiento de nuevos recursos y aumento de población, al menos esto es lo que se había visto en la práctica durante el siglo XIX, pero fue refutado por los efectos económicos de las guerras mundiales y la Gran Depresión. Alvin H. Hansen estudia este contexto y plantea que existe un estancamiento secular originado por el cierre de las fronteras económicas, la lentitud del progreso técnico y el decrecimiento de la población. Argumenta que dicho decrecimiento disminuye inversiones y causa que los recursos se subutilicen y haya alto desempleo. Además, analiza algunas propuestas de solución, mientras resalta la importancia del papel de los economistas para actuar ante esta situación.

Od czasu kiedy Carl Schmitt po raz pierwszy opisał pewne współczesne ideologie jako świeckie analogie systemów religijnych, dalsze poszukiwanie takich teologii politycznych, lub – w szerszym sensie – politycznych lub świeckich religii, stało się czymś w rodzaju mody. Wszystkie te podejścia równocześnie utrzymują, że polityczne i świeckie teologie i religie nie są "prawdziwymi" teologiami i religiami, a tylko "z tego świata", "zapożyczonymi", "pseudo", "quasi" czy "ersatz" wersjami oryginału. Niemniej jednak, szybki przegląd literatury przedmiotu może rodzić pewne wątpliwości co do samej możliwości dokonania wyraźnego rozróżnienia: ludzie/społeczeństwo w myśli demokratycznej, proletariat w komunizmie, państwo w religii świeckiej, rynek albo pieniądze w poszczególnych szkołach ekonomicznych, czy Matka Natura w głębokiej ekologii (żeby tylko wymienić kilka przykładów) wydają się nie bardziej empirycznymi jednostkami niż transcendentny Absolut w kilku "prawdziwych" religiach. Dlatego też mówienie o "świeckości" – przynajmniej w powyższych przypadkach – bardziej zaciemnia niż rozjaśnia – szczególnie fakt, że te ideologie mogą rywalizować z tradycyjnymi religiami właśnie dlatego, że należą one do tej samej kategorii. Nazywanie ich świeckimi będzie tylko pomagało im aby odróżniać się jako bardziej "obiektywne", "realistyczne" czy "naukowe" niż tradycyjne systemy religijne, co najprawdopodobniej nie jest prawdą.