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Within the framework of considérations regarding the training of imams in Belgium, the King Baudouin Foundation sought to produce a report portraying the situation concerning organised secularism and religions in the country. The main aim of such a report was to outline the training of both ministers of recognised religions and secular delegates. In a second phase, a similar approach was taken to describe the situation in a few other European countries. Belgium has no legal provisions or regulations that are recognised as such by the state and impose minimum requirements on the training of religious ministers or secular delegates. Consequently, it is the internal rules laid down by the various religions themselves that define such training requirements. However, some training of this type is organised as part of recognised, subsidised higher education and therefore leads to the conferral of a legally recognised title. Similar situations apply in some other countries. The present study discusses the situation in France, the Netherlands, Great Britain, Germany and Sweden. In all these countries, it is entirely up to the respective religions themselves to stipulate their internal training requirements. However, as in Belgium, such mandatory training may be organised within the framework of higher education that is financed and/or organised by the state and, if need be, incorporated in a bachelor's or master's degree. One significant observation is that in the countries in question combinations of academic and religious requirements apply in various instances, indeed for a relatively large number of religions (at least in the Netherlands and Great Britain). The experience gained in France, the Netherlands and Great Britain also highlights how divided Muslim communities are with respect to the training requirements applying to imams. The establishment of internal standards applying solely within Islam would appear to constitute a first, essential step towards the creation of suitable training that applies to adherents of all the various 'trends' within this particular religious community. In this connection, the Executive of Belgian Muslims could play a crucial role. Furthermore, in Belgium the salaries of religious ministers and secular delegates are paid by the federal government, in line with its recognition of the religions in question, based on criteria that include their 'service to society'. The question arising next concerns the academic qualification to be awarded at the end of such training. No doubt it would make sense to impose at least the requirement equivalent to that expected by the ministers of other religions. Experience gained abroad also underscores the value of calling upon the expertise and skills already on offer at higher education institutions, teaching universities and research establishments when putting together a training course based on a progressive growth model, developing ideas for the short, medium and long term. If training for imams is offered as an option in higher or university education, as a community-related subject, Belgium's various Communities will have to be invited, as appropriate, to join in the associated thought process. Similarly, the constitutionality of making the payment of a religious minister's salary dependent on their having undergone a specific training course will need to be addressed. In this connection, we refer you to the work being done by the committee recently set up by Minister Onkelinx, which is due to publish a report some time in 2006. Finally, the social role played by imams should not be ignored. In this respect, any training project will also have to take on board considerations such as how to meet short-term needs (especially with regard to languages and knowledge of the society in question, particularly compared with serving imams) and subsequent developments (e.g. taking account of young Muslims born in the respective country, most of whom will have the corresponding nationality).

Within the framework of considérations regarding the training of imams in Belgium, the King Baudouin Foundation sought to produce a report portraying the situation concerning organised secularism and religions in the country. The main aim of such a report was to outline the training of both ministers of recognised religions and secular delegates. In a second phase, a similar approach was taken to describe the situation in a few other European countries. Belgium has no legal provisions or regulations that are recognised as such by the state and impose minimum requirements on the training of religious ministers or secular delegates. Consequently, it is the internal rules laid down by the various religions themselves that define such training requirements. However, some training of this type is organised as part of recognised, subsidised higher education and therefore leads to the conferral of a legally recognised title. Similar situations apply in some other countries. The present study discusses the situation in France, the Netherlands, Great Britain, Germany and Sweden. In all these countries, it is entirely up to the respective religions themselves to stipulate their internal training requirements. However, as in Belgium, such mandatory training may be organised within the framework of higher education that is financed and/or organised by the state and, if need be, incorporated in a bachelor's or master's degree. One significant observation is that in the countries in question combinations of academic and religious requirements apply in various instances, indeed for a relatively large number of religions (at least in the Netherlands and Great Britain). The experience gained in France, the Netherlands and Great Britain also highlights how divided Muslim communities are with respect to the training requirements applying to imams. The establishment of internal standards applying solely within Islam would appear to constitute a first, essential step towards the creation of suitable training that applies to adherents of all the various 'trends' within this particular religious community. In this connection, the Executive of Belgian Muslims could play a crucial role. Furthermore, in Belgium the salaries of religious ministers and secular delegates are paid by the federal government, in line with its recognition of the religions in question, based on criteria that include their 'service to society'. The question arising next concerns the academic qualification to be awarded at the end of such training. No doubt it would make sense to impose at least the requirement equivalent to that expected by the ministers of other religions. Experience gained abroad also underscores the value of calling upon the expertise and skills already on offer at higher education institutions, teaching universities and research establishments when putting together a training course based on a progressive growth model, developing ideas for the short, medium and long term. If training for imams is offered as an option in higher or university education, as a community-related subject, Belgium's various Communities will have to be invited, as appropriate, to join in the associated thought process. Similarly, the constitutionality of making the payment of a religious minister's salary dependent on their having undergone a specific training course will need to be addressed. In this connection, we refer you to the work being done by the committee recently set up by Minister Onkelinx, which is due to publish a report some time in 2006. Finally, the social role played by imams should not be ignored. In this respect, any training project will also have to take on board considerations such as how to meet short-term needs (especially with regard to languages and knowledge of the society in question, particularly compared with serving imams) and subsequent developments (e.g. taking account of young Muslims born in the respective country, most of whom will have the corresponding nationality).

Within the framework of considérations regarding the training of imams in Belgium, the King Baudouin Foundation sought to produce a report portraying the situation concerning organised secularism and religions in the country. The main aim of such a report was to outline the training of both ministers of recognised religions and secular delegates. In a second phase, a similar approach was taken to describe the situation in a few other European countries. Belgium has no legal provisions or regulations that are recognised as such by the state and impose minimum requirements on the training of religious ministers or secular delegates. Consequently, it is the internal rules laid down by the various religions themselves that define such training requirements. However, some training of this type is organised as part of recognised, subsidised higher education and therefore leads to the conferral of a legally recognised title. Similar situations apply in some other countries. The present study discusses the situation in France, the Netherlands, Great Britain, Germany and Sweden. In all these countries, it is entirely up to the respective religions themselves to stipulate their internal training requirements. However, as in Belgium, such mandatory training may be organised within the framework of higher education that is financed and/or organised by the state and, if need be, incorporated in a bachelor's or master's degree. One significant observation is that in the countries in question combinations of academic and religious requirements apply in various instances, indeed for a relatively large number of religions (at least in the Netherlands and Great Britain). The experience gained in France, the Netherlands and Great Britain also highlights how divided Muslim communities are with respect to the training requirements applying to imams. The establishment of internal standards applying solely within Islam would appear to constitute a first, essential step towards the creation of suitable training that applies to adherents of all the various 'trends' within this particular religious community. In this connection, the Executive of Belgian Muslims could play a crucial role. Furthermore, in Belgium the salaries of religious ministers and secular delegates are paid by the federal government, in line with its recognition of the religions in question, based on criteria that include their 'service to society'. The question arising next concerns the academic qualification to be awarded at the end of such training. No doubt it would make sense to impose at least the requirement equivalent to that expected by the ministers of other religions. Experience gained abroad also underscores the value of calling upon the expertise and skills already on offer at higher education institutions, teaching universities and research establishments when putting together a training course based on a progressive growth model, developing ideas for the short, medium and long term. If training for imams is offered as an option in higher or university education, as a community-related subject, Belgium's various Communities will have to be invited, as appropriate, to join in the associated thought process. Similarly, the constitutionality of making the payment of a religious minister's salary dependent on their having undergone a specific training course will need to be addressed. In this connection, we refer you to the work being done by the committee recently set up by Minister Onkelinx, which is due to publish a report some time in 2006. Finally, the social role played by imams should not be ignored. In this respect, any training project will also have to take on board considerations such as how to meet short-term needs (especially with regard to languages and knowledge of the society in question, particularly compared with serving imams) and subsequent developments (e.g. taking account of young Muslims born in the respective country, most of whom will have the corresponding nationality).

In the mid-twenties, France was achieving its reconstruction, both economical and political. In 1924, and for the first time since the beginning of the century, the general election took place in a context of a clear bipolarization between left and right, which had a structuring effect on French political field. The victory of the Cartel des gauches at this election appears as a political break-point, that the historiography about political life during interwar years has rather neglected since Jean-Noël Jeanneney's studies upon Cartel des gauches in the seventies. The organizations of the right-wing learnt a few important lessons from this period when they were in the parliamentary opposition. The most important one was that the political majority coming out democratic election could be changed in the middle of the parliamentary legislature. Indeed, in July 1926, weakened by the growing divisions between radicals and socialists incapable of giving an answer to the increasing financial and monetary crisis, the cartellist majority fell definitely. Raymond Poincaré, the main opponent of the left in 1924, came back to the Council presidency, leading a new parliamentary majority of national union. When the right had been defeated again in 1932 and 1936, it remembered this precedent. Another lesson was that the various social and political mobilizations against the Cartel des gauches had played a significant role to weaken the socialist and radical majority. The community movements, such as catholic or professional ones, and the political organizations mobilized in this period, built a culture and abilities of being in political opposition, that they have reactivated later during the interwar years. This episode proved also the persistence, in political opposition, of structural divisions of the political field of the French right-wing, due to the permanence of doctrinal and strategic splits (the first ones about questions of secularism, foreign policy or parliamentary nature of institutions; the second ones about the political attitude toward the radicals, between uncompromising attitude and conciliation). These divisions, but also the nature of the political debates and the political practices which were developed during these two years, had lasted until the mid-thirties. ; Alors que la reconstruction matérielle du pays s'achevait au milieu des années Vingt, il en allait de même pour le champ politique français. A partir de 1924, le retour à une nette bipolarisation entre gauche et droite eut un effet structurant sur le champ politique français, qui n'avait plus connu une telle configuration depuis le début du XXe siècle. Les élections de 1924, marquées par la victoire du Cartel des gauches face au Bloc national, apparaissent comme une césure politique, largement négligée par l'historiographie de l'entre-deux-guerres depuis les travaux de Jean-Noël Jeanneney sur le Cartel des gauches dans les années 1970. De leur passage dans l'opposition en 1924-1926, les droites françaises tirèrent un certain nombre de leçons. La principale était que le verdict des urnes pouvait être renversé en cours de législature : en juillet 1926, la majorité cartelliste, affaiblie par les contradictions entre socialistes et radicaux face à une crise financière et monétaire qui s'aggravait, laissa définitivement place à une majorité d'union nationale, réunie sous l'autorité du principal adversaire des gauches lors de la campagne de 1924, Raymond Poincaré. Pour les droites de nouveau vaincues en 1932 et en 1936, c'était un précédent à retenir. Autre leçon, les mobilisations anticartellistes, dans leur diversité, au sein du champ politique ou du champ social, avaient contribué à affaiblir la majorité radicale et socialiste : l'action militante, politique et sociale, avait une capacité d'influence non négligeable au sein du régime parlementaire de la Troisième République. De 1924 à 1926, les organisations anticartellistes politiques ou associatives, à l'instar de celles entendant représenter les intérêts des catholiques ou des commerçants et artisans, développèrent une culture et des pratiques politiques d'opposition, qu'elles firent rejouer tout au long de l'entre-deux-guerres. Cette expérience démontra également la persistance, dans l'opposition, des divisions structurelles du champ politique des droites, en raison du maintien de clivages tant doctrinaux (sur la laïcité, la politique étrangère ou le parlementarisme), que stratégiques (attitude d'intransigeance ou de conciliation vis-à-vis des radicaux). Dans leur ensemble, ces divisions, mais aussi les débats et les pratiques politiques qui s'épanouirent pendant ces deux années, perdurèrent jusqu'au milieu des années Trente.

Bishop Dupanloup was one of the leading figures of the liberal Catholicism in France in the 19th century. From the private correspondence of the priest of Savoy, the objective is to highlight the networks which were set up and structured by the priest of Savoy to defend the interests of the Catholic Church in a context of revolutionary tensions.Under the Second Republic, from 1848 to 1851, Dupanloup and his networks particularly focused on the struggle for freedom of education and from 1849 on the struggle for the vote of the Falloux bill, a bill aimed to completely reorganize public and private education. Around Dupanloup an ensemble aggregated, made of parties, networks and personalities of various origins, lay and ecclesiastical, religious and political, who were known as the "Dupanloup party". This "party" relied above all on the "duo" Dupanloup-Montalembert, who turned into a "trio" when Alfred de Falloux became minister of public education and worship with the primary objective of obtaining the freedom for the Secondary education and to support the temporal authority of the pope. Strategies appear in the correspondence and private writings of Dupanloup that form the backdrop of the public action of the pedagogical priest. These epistolary exchanges form a tight grid between individuals sharing more or less the same convictions and objectives and aiming to tilt the revolutionary process in their favor. It is in the private space of correspondence that Dupanloup already built his public action. Studying the networks and the battles of the party of Dupanloup under the Second Republic makes it possible to go back more precisely to a part of history which is quite unknown. The conflicts which agitated the political, social and religious life of the Second Republic were indeed revealing of the ideological, political, social and religious bubbling turmoil of the mid-nineteenth century. It crystallized public debates that still animated the Europe of the 21st century, notably on the question of secularism or the secularization of society. The evolution of Dupanloup's thinking during this period reveals the tensions and dissensions which agitated liberal Catholics themselves but also their relationship with the clergy and with society.It seems relevant to understand how a group of conservative Catholics, a minority itself within the liberal Catholic movement, managed to rise to the top of republican institutions, whereas from 1848 to 1851 revolutionary days multiplied and radicalized. Can we conclude with a victory of the "Dupanloup party"? Was the Social Revolution which aborted in June 1848 a Counter-Revolution or paradoxically a Catholic Revolution ? ; Mgr Dupanloup est l'une des figures de proue du catholicisme libéral en France au XIXe siècle. À partir de la correspondance privée du prêtre de Savoie, il s'agit de mettre en exergue les réseaux mis en place et structurés par le prêtre de Savoie pour défendre les intérêts de l'Église catholique dans un contexte de tensions révolutionnaires. Ainsi sous la Seconde République, de 1848 à 1851, Dupanloup et ses réseaux se concentrent particulièrement sur la lutte pour la liberté de l'enseignement et à partir de 1849 sur la lutte pour le vote du projet de loi Falloux, un projet de loi visant à réorganiser entièrement l'instruction publique et privée. Autour de Dupanloup s'agrège tout un ensemble de partis, de réseaux et de personnalités d'origines diverses, laïcs et ecclésiastiques, religieux et politiques qu'on a pu réunir sous l'appellation de « parti Dupanloup ». Ce « parti » repose avant tout sur le « duo » Dupanloup-Montalembert, devenu « trio » dès lors qu'Alfred de Falloux est devenu ministre avec comme objectif prioritaire d'obtenir la liberté de l'enseignement secondaire et de soutenir l'autorité temporelle du pape. Des stratégies apparaissent dans la correspondance et les écrits privés de Dupanloup qui constituent les coulisses de l'action publique du prêtre pédagogue. Ces échanges épistolaires forment un maillage resserré entre des individus partageant plus ou moins les mêmes convictions et objectifs et visant à incliner le processus révolutionnaire en leur faveur. C'est dans l'espace privé de la correspondance que Dupanloup construit déjà son action publique. Étudier les réseaux et le combats du parti de Dupanloup sous la Seconde République permet de revenir plus précisément sur un pan de l'histoire assez méconnu. Les conflits qui agitent la vie politique, sociale et religieuse de la Seconde République sont, en effet, révélateurs du bouillonnement idéologique, politique, social et religieux du milieu du XIXe siècle. Il cristallise des débats publics qui animent encore l'Europe du XXIe siècle, notamment sur la question de la laïcité ou de la sécularisation de la société. L'évolution de la pensée de Dupanloup durant cette période révèle les tensions et dissensions qui agitent les catholiques libéraux dans leur rapport entre eux-mêmes, mais aussi dans leur relation avec le clergé et avec la société.Il semble ainsi pertinent de comprendre comment un groupe de catholiques conservateurs, lui-même en minorité au sein du mouvement catholique libéral, est parvenu à se hisser au sommet d'institutions républicaines alors que de 1848 à 1851 les journées révolutionnaires se multiplient et se radicalisent. Peut-on conclure à une victoire du « parti Dupanloup » ? La Révolution sociale avortée dès juin 1848 s'est-elle mue en Contre-Révolution ou bien paradoxalement en Révolution catholique ?

Bishop Dupanloup was one of the leading figures of the liberal Catholicism in France in the 19th century. From the private correspondence of the priest of Savoy, the objective is to highlight the networks which were set up and structured by the priest of Savoy to defend the interests of the Catholic Church in a context of revolutionary tensions.Under the Second Republic, from 1848 to 1851, Dupanloup and his networks particularly focused on the struggle for freedom of education and from 1849 on the struggle for the vote of the Falloux bill, a bill aimed to completely reorganize public and private education. Around Dupanloup an ensemble aggregated, made of parties, networks and personalities of various origins, lay and ecclesiastical, religious and political, who were known as the "Dupanloup party". This "party" relied above all on the "duo" Dupanloup-Montalembert, who turned into a "trio" when Alfred de Falloux became minister of public education and worship with the primary objective of obtaining the freedom for the Secondary education and to support the temporal authority of the pope. Strategies appear in the correspondence and private writings of Dupanloup that form the backdrop of the public action of the pedagogical priest. These epistolary exchanges form a tight grid between individuals sharing more or less the same convictions and objectives and aiming to tilt the revolutionary process in their favor. It is in the private space of correspondence that Dupanloup already built his public action. Studying the networks and the battles of the party of Dupanloup under the Second Republic makes it possible to go back more precisely to a part of history which is quite unknown. The conflicts which agitated the political, social and religious life of the Second Republic were indeed revealing of the ideological, political, social and religious bubbling turmoil of the mid-nineteenth century. It crystallized public debates that still animated the Europe of the 21st century, notably on the question of secularism or the secularization of society. The evolution of Dupanloup's thinking during this period reveals the tensions and dissensions which agitated liberal Catholics themselves but also their relationship with the clergy and with society.It seems relevant to understand how a group of conservative Catholics, a minority itself within the liberal Catholic movement, managed to rise to the top of republican institutions, whereas from 1848 to 1851 revolutionary days multiplied and radicalized. Can we conclude with a victory of the "Dupanloup party"? Was the Social Revolution which aborted in June 1848 a Counter-Revolution or paradoxically a Catholic Revolution ? ; Mgr Dupanloup est l'une des figures de proue du catholicisme libéral en France au XIXe siècle. À partir de la correspondance privée du prêtre de Savoie, il s'agit de mettre en exergue les réseaux mis en place et structurés par le prêtre de Savoie pour défendre les intérêts de l'Église catholique dans un contexte de tensions révolutionnaires. Ainsi sous la Seconde République, de 1848 à 1851, Dupanloup et ses réseaux se concentrent particulièrement sur la lutte pour la liberté de l'enseignement et à partir de 1849 sur la lutte pour le vote du projet de loi Falloux, un projet de loi visant à réorganiser entièrement l'instruction publique et privée. Autour de Dupanloup s'agrège tout un ensemble de partis, de réseaux et de personnalités d'origines diverses, laïcs et ecclésiastiques, religieux et politiques qu'on a pu réunir sous l'appellation de « parti Dupanloup ». Ce « parti » repose avant tout sur le « duo » Dupanloup-Montalembert, devenu « trio » dès lors qu'Alfred de Falloux est devenu ministre avec comme objectif prioritaire d'obtenir la liberté de l'enseignement secondaire et de soutenir l'autorité temporelle du pape. Des stratégies apparaissent dans la correspondance et les écrits privés de Dupanloup qui constituent les coulisses de l'action publique du prêtre pédagogue. Ces échanges épistolaires forment un maillage resserré entre des individus partageant plus ou moins les mêmes convictions et objectifs et visant à incliner le processus révolutionnaire en leur faveur. C'est dans l'espace privé de la correspondance que Dupanloup construit déjà son action publique. Étudier les réseaux et le combats du parti de Dupanloup sous la Seconde République permet de revenir plus précisément sur un pan de l'histoire assez méconnu. Les conflits qui agitent la vie politique, sociale et religieuse de la Seconde République sont, en effet, révélateurs du bouillonnement idéologique, politique, social et religieux du milieu du XIXe siècle. Il cristallise des débats publics qui animent encore l'Europe du XXIe siècle, notamment sur la question de la laïcité ou de la sécularisation de la société. L'évolution de la pensée de Dupanloup durant cette période révèle les tensions et dissensions qui agitent les catholiques libéraux dans leur rapport entre eux-mêmes, mais aussi dans leur relation avec le clergé et avec la société.Il semble ainsi pertinent de comprendre comment un groupe de catholiques conservateurs, lui-même en minorité au sein du mouvement catholique libéral, est parvenu à se hisser au sommet d'institutions républicaines alors que de 1848 à 1851 les journées révolutionnaires se multiplient et se radicalisent. Peut-on conclure à une victoire du « parti Dupanloup » ? La Révolution sociale avortée dès juin 1848 s'est-elle mue en Contre-Révolution ou bien paradoxalement en Révolution catholique ?

Bishop Dupanloup was one of the leading figures of the liberal Catholicism in France in the 19th century. From the private correspondence of the priest of Savoy, the objective is to highlight the networks which were set up and structured by the priest of Savoy to defend the interests of the Catholic Church in a context of revolutionary tensions.Under the Second Republic, from 1848 to 1851, Dupanloup and his networks particularly focused on the struggle for freedom of education and from 1849 on the struggle for the vote of the Falloux bill, a bill aimed to completely reorganize public and private education. Around Dupanloup an ensemble aggregated, made of parties, networks and personalities of various origins, lay and ecclesiastical, religious and political, who were known as the "Dupanloup party". This "party" relied above all on the "duo" Dupanloup-Montalembert, who turned into a "trio" when Alfred de Falloux became minister of public education and worship with the primary objective of obtaining the freedom for the Secondary education and to support the temporal authority of the pope. Strategies appear in the correspondence and private writings of Dupanloup that form the backdrop of the public action of the pedagogical priest. These epistolary exchanges form a tight grid between individuals sharing more or less the same convictions and objectives and aiming to tilt the revolutionary process in their favor. It is in the private space of correspondence that Dupanloup already built his public action. Studying the networks and the battles of the party of Dupanloup under the Second Republic makes it possible to go back more precisely to a part of history which is quite unknown. The conflicts which agitated the political, social and religious life of the Second Republic were indeed revealing of the ideological, political, social and religious bubbling turmoil of the mid-nineteenth century. It crystallized public debates that still animated the Europe of the 21st century, notably on the question of secularism or the secularization of society. The evolution of Dupanloup's thinking during this period reveals the tensions and dissensions which agitated liberal Catholics themselves but also their relationship with the clergy and with society.It seems relevant to understand how a group of conservative Catholics, a minority itself within the liberal Catholic movement, managed to rise to the top of republican institutions, whereas from 1848 to 1851 revolutionary days multiplied and radicalized. Can we conclude with a victory of the "Dupanloup party"? Was the Social Revolution which aborted in June 1848 a Counter-Revolution or paradoxically a Catholic Revolution ? ; Mgr Dupanloup est l'une des figures de proue du catholicisme libéral en France au XIXe siècle. À partir de la correspondance privée du prêtre de Savoie, il s'agit de mettre en exergue les réseaux mis en place et structurés par le prêtre de Savoie pour défendre les intérêts de l'Église catholique dans un contexte de tensions révolutionnaires. Ainsi sous la Seconde République, de 1848 à 1851, Dupanloup et ses réseaux se concentrent particulièrement sur la lutte pour la liberté de l'enseignement et à partir de 1849 sur la lutte pour le vote du projet de loi Falloux, un projet de loi visant à réorganiser entièrement l'instruction publique et privée. Autour de Dupanloup s'agrège tout un ensemble de partis, de réseaux et de personnalités d'origines diverses, laïcs et ecclésiastiques, religieux et politiques qu'on a pu réunir sous l'appellation de « parti Dupanloup ». Ce « parti » repose avant tout sur le « duo » Dupanloup-Montalembert, devenu « trio » dès lors qu'Alfred de Falloux est devenu ministre avec comme objectif prioritaire d'obtenir la liberté de l'enseignement secondaire et de soutenir l'autorité temporelle du pape. Des stratégies apparaissent dans la correspondance et les écrits privés de Dupanloup qui constituent les coulisses de l'action publique du prêtre pédagogue. Ces échanges épistolaires forment un maillage resserré entre des individus partageant plus ou moins les mêmes convictions et objectifs et visant à incliner le processus révolutionnaire en leur faveur. C'est dans l'espace privé de la correspondance que Dupanloup construit déjà son action publique. Étudier les réseaux et le combats du parti de Dupanloup sous la Seconde République permet de revenir plus précisément sur un pan de l'histoire assez méconnu. Les conflits qui agitent la vie politique, sociale et religieuse de la Seconde République sont, en effet, révélateurs du bouillonnement idéologique, politique, social et religieux du milieu du XIXe siècle. Il cristallise des débats publics qui animent encore l'Europe du XXIe siècle, notamment sur la question de la laïcité ou de la sécularisation de la société. L'évolution de la pensée de Dupanloup durant cette période révèle les tensions et dissensions qui agitent les catholiques libéraux dans leur rapport entre eux-mêmes, mais aussi dans leur relation avec le clergé et avec la société.Il semble ainsi pertinent de comprendre comment un groupe de catholiques conservateurs, lui-même en minorité au sein du mouvement catholique libéral, est parvenu à se hisser au sommet d'institutions républicaines alors que de 1848 à 1851 les journées révolutionnaires se multiplient et se radicalisent. Peut-on conclure à une victoire du « parti Dupanloup » ? La Révolution sociale avortée dès juin 1848 s'est-elle mue en Contre-Révolution ou bien paradoxalement en Révolution catholique ?

Bishop Dupanloup was one of the leading figures of the liberal Catholicism in France in the 19th century. From the private correspondence of the priest of Savoy, the objective is to highlight the networks which were set up and structured by the priest of Savoy to defend the interests of the Catholic Church in a context of revolutionary tensions.Under the Second Republic, from 1848 to 1851, Dupanloup and his networks particularly focused on the struggle for freedom of education and from 1849 on the struggle for the vote of the Falloux bill, a bill aimed to completely reorganize public and private education. Around Dupanloup an ensemble aggregated, made of parties, networks and personalities of various origins, lay and ecclesiastical, religious and political, who were known as the "Dupanloup party". This "party" relied above all on the "duo" Dupanloup-Montalembert, who turned into a "trio" when Alfred de Falloux became minister of public education and worship with the primary objective of obtaining the freedom for the Secondary education and to support the temporal authority of the pope. Strategies appear in the correspondence and private writings of Dupanloup that form the backdrop of the public action of the pedagogical priest. These epistolary exchanges form a tight grid between individuals sharing more or less the same convictions and objectives and aiming to tilt the revolutionary process in their favor. It is in the private space of correspondence that Dupanloup already built his public action. Studying the networks and the battles of the party of Dupanloup under the Second Republic makes it possible to go back more precisely to a part of history which is quite unknown. The conflicts which agitated the political, social and religious life of the Second Republic were indeed revealing of the ideological, political, social and religious bubbling turmoil of the mid-nineteenth century. It crystallized public debates that still animated the Europe of the 21st century, notably on the question of secularism or the secularization of society. The evolution of Dupanloup's thinking during this period reveals the tensions and dissensions which agitated liberal Catholics themselves but also their relationship with the clergy and with society.It seems relevant to understand how a group of conservative Catholics, a minority itself within the liberal Catholic movement, managed to rise to the top of republican institutions, whereas from 1848 to 1851 revolutionary days multiplied and radicalized. Can we conclude with a victory of the "Dupanloup party"? Was the Social Revolution which aborted in June 1848 a Counter-Revolution or paradoxically a Catholic Revolution ? ; Mgr Dupanloup est l'une des figures de proue du catholicisme libéral en France au XIXe siècle. À partir de la correspondance privée du prêtre de Savoie, il s'agit de mettre en exergue les réseaux mis en place et structurés par le prêtre de Savoie pour défendre les intérêts de l'Église catholique dans un contexte de tensions révolutionnaires. Ainsi sous la Seconde République, de 1848 à 1851, Dupanloup et ses réseaux se concentrent particulièrement sur la lutte pour la liberté de l'enseignement et à partir de 1849 sur la lutte pour le vote du projet de loi Falloux, un projet de loi visant à réorganiser entièrement l'instruction publique et privée. Autour de Dupanloup s'agrège tout un ensemble de partis, de réseaux et de personnalités d'origines diverses, laïcs et ecclésiastiques, religieux et politiques qu'on a pu réunir sous l'appellation de « parti Dupanloup ». Ce « parti » repose avant tout sur le « duo » Dupanloup-Montalembert, devenu « trio » dès lors qu'Alfred de Falloux est devenu ministre avec comme objectif prioritaire d'obtenir la liberté de l'enseignement secondaire et de soutenir l'autorité temporelle du pape. Des stratégies apparaissent dans la correspondance et les écrits privés de Dupanloup qui constituent les coulisses de l'action publique du prêtre pédagogue. Ces échanges épistolaires forment un maillage resserré entre des individus partageant plus ou moins les mêmes convictions et objectifs et visant à incliner le processus révolutionnaire en leur faveur. C'est dans l'espace privé de la correspondance que Dupanloup construit déjà son action publique. Étudier les réseaux et le combats du parti de Dupanloup sous la Seconde République permet de revenir plus précisément sur un pan de l'histoire assez méconnu. Les conflits qui agitent la vie politique, sociale et religieuse de la Seconde République sont, en effet, révélateurs du bouillonnement idéologique, politique, social et religieux du milieu du XIXe siècle. Il cristallise des débats publics qui animent encore l'Europe du XXIe siècle, notamment sur la question de la laïcité ou de la sécularisation de la société. L'évolution de la pensée de Dupanloup durant cette période révèle les tensions et dissensions qui agitent les catholiques libéraux dans leur rapport entre eux-mêmes, mais aussi dans leur relation avec le clergé et avec la société.Il semble ainsi pertinent de comprendre comment un groupe de catholiques conservateurs, lui-même en minorité au sein du mouvement catholique libéral, est parvenu à se hisser au sommet d'institutions républicaines alors que de 1848 à 1851 les journées révolutionnaires se multiplient et se radicalisent. Peut-on conclure à une victoire du « parti Dupanloup » ? La Révolution sociale avortée dès juin 1848 s'est-elle mue en Contre-Révolution ou bien paradoxalement en Révolution catholique ?