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I am sympathetic to the problem enunciated by Professors Glenn and Stack, viz., "that contemporary American democracy, by constitutionally privileging secularism, offers Catholics in public life a strong inducement to abandon, relativize, or remain silent about, their moral beliefs, insofar as these conflict with secularism. Catholics have to act like, not necessarily be, secularists. That makes it spiritually and politically unsafe, not to say impossible, for Catholics to be democrats now." However, while they have circled in on an important problem—the totalitarian impulse of contemporary liberals—they have not hit the bull's-eye exactly

It is 50 years since the Constitution of the Republic of India came into force. It has stood the test of time better than most of its counterparts in the postcolonial world. One reason for its durability has been its deliberate (& necessary) ambiguity in dealing with potentially explosive issues of religious identity. The interpretation of secularism to suit Indian conditions was an important aspect of this approach. The article examines the debate in the Indian Constituent Assembly to discover how "Indian secularism" found expression & how the arguments made then find their echo in contemporary politics. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

It is 50 years since the Constitution of the Republic of India came into force. It has stood the test of time better than most of its counterparts in the postcolonial world. One reason for its durability has been its deliberate (& necessary) ambiguity in dealing with potentially explosive issues of religious identity. The interpretation of secularism to suit Indian conditions was an important aspect of this approach. The article examines the debate in the Indian Constituent Assembly to discover how "Indian secularism" found expression & how the arguments made then find their echo in contemporary politics. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

Argues that Islam has played a key role in its formation and has been gradually accommodated within the officially secular nationalism of the modern Turkish state founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in 1923 and that the current debate between Islamists and secularists concerns only Islam's importance, not its existence, in shaping national identity.

The question implies that the First Amendment's "separation of church and state," as interpreted by the Supreme Court, is an insufficient solution to the old conflict between American democracy and Catholicism. Catholicism has become unsafe in contemporary American democracy in ways that the original constitutional arrangement, of which the First Amendment was only a part, does not help. The contemporary danger is rooted partly in the old conflict between classical liberalism and revealed religion as such. But the more proximate danger is the secular "civil liberties" regime that has been instituted by the Supreme Court since 1940. That regime permits Catholics to follow their religion in public affairs only insofar as it is in agreement with the secularism which the "civil liberties" regime both instituted and understands liberal democracy to require.

Im Zuge der allgemeinen Kampagne des Militärs gegen Islamismus und für Säkularismus und Modernisierung hat die alevitische Bevölkerung der Türkei deutlich Stellung zu Gunsten des Säkularismus und der Modernisierung bezogen. Die alevitische Bevölkerung wird heute auf 10 bis 25 Prozent geschätzt. Seit Ende der 1980er Jahre vertritt sie ihre kulturelle Identität und politische Orientierung zunehmend offen. Die Studie gibt einen Überblick der politischen Gruppen innerhalb der alevitischen Bevölkerung. Ihre Haltung gegenüber dem politischen Islam steht im Mittelpunkt des Interesses. (DÜ-Mjr)