Suchergebnisse

Riconoscere che i concetti di laicità e secolarismo possiedono un'origine e uno sviluppo condizionato dalla cultura occidentale e dal cristianesimo significa prendere in considerazione l'eventualità di un ripensamento della distinzione tra ordine politico, religione e diritto nelle democrazie multiculturali e multireligiose. L'obiettivo di questo lavoro è mettere in discussione una concezione neutralista del secolarismo, alla cui base vi è il convincimento per cui l'esclusione dell'elemento religioso dalla sfera pubblica e normativa sono garanzia di eguaglianza in un contesto caratterizzato dal 'fatto del pluralismo'. Pertanto abbiamo analizzato il pensiero di due fra i più influenti filosofi politici, John Rawls e Jürgen Habermas, portavoci di una visione neutralista del secolarismo, e le critiche a essi rivolte da alcuni teorici del multiculturalismo – Bikhu Parekh e Tariq Modood –, che propongono, invece, l'abbandono della retorica della neutralità nella costruzione della sfera politica e normativa. Di conseguenza questi ultimi si rivolgono con maggiore apertura rispetto alle richieste provenienti dagli individui appartenenti a minoranze religiose e culturali, senza respingerle sulla base della loro natura culturale o religiosa. Al contrario, in particolare quando tali richieste di riconoscimento riguardano aree rilevanti della vita degli individui, come possono essere la famiglia, il matrimonio, le questioni ereditarie ecc., ossia aree in cui la natura culturalmente condizionata di alcune istituzioni è maggiormente visibile, viene presa qui in considerazione la possibilità che esse possano essere regolate e gestite in maniera differente. A tal proposito si è approfondita la proposta di far fronte a queste richieste attraverso l'adozione di sistemi di pluralismo normativo, con una particolare attenzione a un esperimento avviato in Gran Bretagna, che prevede per le comunità religiose la possibilità del risolvere le proprie controversie in materia di diritto di famiglia in tribunali arbitrali religiosi, che tuttavia operano sotto il controllo indiretto delle corti inglesi. La descrizione di questo caso è stata finalizzata a mettere in luce la necessità di ricercare nuovi strumenti coerenti con la visione del secolarismo che abbiamo cercato di proporre, ossia di una laicità che di fronte alle nuove istanze presenti nei contesti culturalmente e religiosamente plurali, piuttosto che arroccarsi dietro la convinzione che si possa garantire uguaglianza solo se si dà una sfera pubblica e normativa neutrale e che vi sia una soluzione razionale ai conflitti tra valori, tenta di accogliere la diversità nei suoi propri termini, andando alla ricerca di nuovi strumenti teorico-politici. Infatti, i canali di partecipazione attraverso i quali i sistemi democratici hanno cercato d'integrare la diversità non sembrano riuscire a far fronte alle richieste provenienti da individui che non si riconoscono a pieno titolo nella cultura della maggioranza. Ciò significa pensare a nuove strategie d'inclusione – di cui il pluralismo normativo può essere un esempio –, se si vogliono garantire proprio quei presupposti di valore che la democrazia promuove, ossia il pluralismo e l'eguale libertà di tutti i cittadini. ; If we recognize that the concept of secularism originates and develops from the influence of Western culture and Christianity, we must take into account the possibility to rethink the distinction between politics, religion and law in multicultural and multireligious democracies. The aim of this work is to question the neutralist conception of secularism, which is characterized by the belief that the exclusion of religious elements from public sphere and legislation to guarantee of equality in a context characterized by religious pluralism. At this aim, I analyze the thought of two of the most influential political philosophers, John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas, who represent the neutralist view of secularism, as well as the criticism addressed to them by multiculturalist theorists – Bhikhu Parekh and Tariq Modood –, who suggest giving up the abandon of the rhetoric of neutrality in the construction of the political sphere and regulations, to pay more attention to the demands coming from individuals belonging to religious and cultural minorities. Indeed, particularly when these issues involve significant areas where the culturally conditioned nature of some institutions is more visible – family, marriage, hereditary issues – the possibility that they can be regulated in a different way is also taken into account. Therefore, a detailed analysis of the proposal is given to adopt a system of legal pluralism, with a special attention to an experiment started in the UK, which provides religious communities the possibility to go to religious arbitration tribunals, operating under the indirect control of the English courts, related to family law. The description of this case aims at emphasizing the need to seek for new consistent means with the idea of secularism I have tried to suggest. Such a secularism is based upon the belief that only a neutral public sphere and legislation can guarantee equality, but tries to embrace diversity and to suggest new political theories. As matter of fact, the channels of participation through which democratic systems have tried to integrate diversity do not seem to be able to face the requests from individuals who do not fully identify into the majority culture, which means thinking about new strategies of inclusion – for example legal pluralism – so to ensure the very value assumptions promoted by democracy, that is to say pluralism and equal liberty. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Relazioni e processi interculturali (XXV ciclo)

Dignitatis humanae, the declaration of Vatican ii on religious freedom, represents an important step in the Church's presentation of human freedom as expressed also in the political arena. By enshrining conscience and religious freedom as supreme, Dignitatis humanae completes the reflection of Gaudium et spes on the Church in the modern world. It establishes Christianity as a religion of the Logos and so of dialogue and free inquiry. In today's era of globalization and ever more multiethnic societies, Dignitatis humanae contributes to renewing the role of religions in the public sphere and to elaborating the broader notions of religion in relation with secularity. ; La declaración sobre la libertad religiosa, Dignitatis humanae, representa un paso importante tanto en la presentación de la libertad humana dentro de la Iglesia como en el campo político. Al consagrar la conciencia y la libertad religiosa como un bien supremo, Dignitatis humanae completa la reflexión de Gaudium et spes sobre la Iglesia en el mundo moderno. Se establece el cristianismo como una religión del Logos, del diálogo y de la búsqueda. En la actual era de la globalización y de sociedades cada vez más multiétnicas, Dignitatis humanae contribuye a renovar el papel de las religiones en la esfera pública y a elaborar conceptos más amplios de la religión en relación a la laicidad.

It seems to take growing root in the West a certain idea of marriage, which appears to descend from the French secularism model, in being "counter-traditional", respectful of the individual autonomy, and devoted to an "integral" application of the principle of equality. The proof is that it putted down roots in legal contexts poles apart from the above model, for their way to set the space and the relevance of religion in the public sphere. The study examines the emblematic English case, where this notion has led to the introduction of "same-sex marriage", without the peculiar framework of the relations between the State and his national Church, with his singular legal tecnical implications (the "ecclesiastical law" as integral part of the general law of England; the "constitutional" principle for which the canon law cannot be contrary to the latter; the correspondence – until then – between "anglican marriage" and the civil one; the clergy's duty to solemnise the marriage of all the residents in the Country irrespective of the couple's religious beliefs or lack of them) have rapresented a barrier or a scruple. The goal of the paper is, on one hand, focusing the political and legal reasons that underlie this outcome, and, on the other hand, look into the impact that the latter has resulted on the Church of England's legal system, its legally relevant reactions, and the adopted "style of presence", also as a "benchmark" for the more comprehensive anglican world.

Resumo:O artigo trata da relação entre religião e política na definição de comportamentos políticos em debate na esfera pública institucional brasileira, procurando mostrar como o tema da secularização do Estado pode ser trabalhado sob a perspectiva da diferenciação funcional, tal qual utilizada na teoria social de Niklas Luhmann. Na busca de uma compreensão sistêmica da comunicação religiosa e de sua complexa aliança com a moral socialmente difundida, levantar-se-á a hipótese da reprodução de uma seletividade dos discursos sobre o secularismo no Brasil, que, longe de garantir a equidistância estatal em relação às diversas crenças, possibilita uma ocupação privilegiada do espaço público por determinados grupos religiosos na pauta discursiva sobre diversas políticas públicas.Palavras-chave:Religião e Política; Diferenciação Funcional; Esfera Pública; Laicidade Abstract:The paper discusses the relationship between religion and politics in the definition of political behavior in institutional public sphere in Brazil, trying to show how the theme of secularization of the state can be worked from the perspective of functional differentiation, conceptual categories used in Niklas Luhmann's social theory. In search of a systemic understanding of religious communication and its alliance with the complex moral socially pervasive, it will raise the chance of playing a selectivity of discourses on secularism in Brazil, which, far from guaranteeing the impartiality state in relation the diverse beliefs, enables a privileged occupation of public space by certain religious groups in discursive agenda on various public policies.Keywords:Religion and Politics; Functional Differentiation; Public Sphere; Secularism

This study concerns the construction and the preservation of religious buildings, mainly from an historical point of view by reconstructing the urban city laws since the Italian Unification, through Fascism, the two World Wars and finally the rebuilding during the second postwar period. At the beginning of the Seventies, the first devolution occurred and places of worship, that had been constructed or consecrated for religious purposes, began to be provided with city plans and each federalist intervention occurred without any constitutional changes. It was only at the beginning of the new Millennium that the most significant constitutional reform happened with the overturning of the State and the Regions' legislative competences: the general legislative competence had been conferred to the Regions, while the State remained in charge of specific topics listed in the Constitution. However, even if the competence of the State and the religious Confessions relationships continued to be regulated by the State's laws, the construction of religious buildings began to be controlled by the local authorities. In the last chapter I have focused my attention on the specific case of Lombardia's law for the governance of territories (legge per il governo del territorio), in which five articles concerns the construction of religious buildings. The Lombard law maker demands a long series of requirements of religious Confessions in order to consider a probable construction of a religious edifice or a change in the use of an existing building. There seems to be no problem at present if the religious faith has stipulated an "agreement" with the State. However, the attempt to exclude the Islamic faith is evident, since that it has not made any agreements with the Public Authority. The unconstitutionality of Lombardia's urban city law is therefore evident because it is in contrast with the Italian Constitution articles 3,8, 19 and 20, which represent Italian Secularism and therefore an equal treatment for every religious faith without discrimination or preference for any of them.

Il contributo trae l'abbrivio dall'intervento svolto dall'autore in occasione del Convegno di studi "Il principio di laicità", tenutosi presso l'Università degli Studi di Macerata in data 5 e 6 febbraio 2013. Sbozzata una minimale cornice storico-giuridica del principio di laicità, si additano tre possibili svolgimenti di esso come: 1. principio metodologico, 2. declinazione del principio del pluralismo ordinamentale e 3. principio di interpretazione del diritto. Sotto il primo sembiante, la laicità viene letta come neutralità metafisico-religiosa della scienza giuridica; sotto il secondo, si indagano la co-originarietá e co-sovranitá degli ordinamenti ecclesiastico e statuale; sotto il terzo, infine, si mette capo ad una tecnica interpretativa laicamente orientata. ; The article takes the cue from the paper presented by the author on the occasion of the Study Conference entitled "The Principle of Laicity", held at the University of Macerata on February 5 and 6 2013. After outlining a minimal historical and legal framework of the Principle of Laicity, the author indicates three possible developments of it as: 1. methodological principle, 2. specification of the principle of pluralism of the legal systems and 3. principle of legal interpretation. As to 1. Laicity is read as metaphysical-religious neutrality of legal science; in relation to 2. the author deals with the subjects of co-originality (co-originarietà) and cosovereignty of the ecclesiastical legal system and of the state legal system; as regards 3., finally, a laically oriented interpretative technique is presented.

This thesis covers a survey about the political life in my home country Lebanon where I have approached the different political parties and the political families that were involved in the social and political life dating back to the Lebanese independence, in addition to the tight relation between politics and religions, which constitutes the pillars of our political regime. Before getting core of my thesis, I highlighte and the scientific approach among which I tackled the history of the political parties and families My thesis is divided into 3 chapters: Chapter 1: In the first section, I defined the concept of a party and its creation in the western side of the globe and the Arabic East in addition to the ideological transfer from West to East. I tackled as well the adaptation of the East to this eastern understanding of political parties within its environment and society. The second section tackles the creation of the civil society in the West and its adoption in the eastern region especially in Lebanon, which allows the development of the social life by authorizing the creation of political parties and communities. I discussed as well the creation of the political parties in the West and its impact on the East and the role of freedom and democracy in allowing the creation of civil and non-political communities. Regarding Chapter 2, I tackled the history of the communities and the political parties in Lebanon stressing on those who had high impact on the national and regional political situation dating back to World War I and passing through the French mandate period and the Lebanese independence until the civil war. I have shown the situation of the Lebanese parties and their division nowadays into 2 blocs inside the community, each founding its principles based on the 18 religions recognized in Lebanon. In this Chapter, there is a clear picture about the tight relation between religion and politics, the latter based on religion instead of citizenship and civil secularism. In the last Chapter, I approached the concept of the Lebanese political families involved in politics and public affairs acquiring official positions in the government but on the other hand offering social, cultural and educational services to their communities. In my country, those services are called clientele services where the family offers its help to the citizens in exchange of their vote during the elections. In this regard, I have mentioned 3 standards political families, their foundation and most important personalities in addition to their roles in politics. I have also tackled the role of the Lebanese political families in the political life and their contribution in reaching our independence in addition to their perseverance in protection our liberty until nowadays despite the hard phases my country have gone through. In the second section from this chapter, I have landed into the history of the foundation of the Lebanese Parliament and its principles, the electoral voting operation of its members upon religious law instead of civil and the development of the electoral law that have differed from a round to another. At the end of the chapter, I have focused on the political families that have founded political parties in order to organize their political activities attracting supporters that follow the same ideas and political ideology. I have also focused on the historical and current role of these parties on the Lebanese scene and their impact on the Lebanese community who majorly belong to the families of those parties. In the conclusion of my thesis, I have recapitulated the 3 chapters with my personal opinion to constitute a Lebanese state based on secularism instead of religion despite the diversified religions inside the Lebanese society.

Scopo del presente lavoro è analizzare in modo critico la legge n. 40/2004, evidenziandone le numerose lacune ed imprecisioni tecniche, e soprattutto i suoi diversi profili di illegittimità costituzionale (in particolare sotto il profilo del principio di laicità, ragionevolezza e del diritto alla salute), nonché il rapporto fra essa e la disciplina sull'aborto, stabilendo altresì un confronto con le norme presenti nei principali Paesi europei. In particolare vengono affrontati tre temi. Il primo riguarda l'originario divieto di produrre per ogni ciclo di trattamento di PMA un numero di embrioni superiore a tre, nonché l'obbligo di trasferire contemporaneamente tutti gli embrioni prodotti, a cui era originariamente correlato il divieto di crioconservazione e di soppressione degli embrioni prodotti; il secondo riguarda l'implicito divieto di effettuare la diagnosi genetica preimpianto, che è stato però recentemente rimosso grazie all'intervento di giudici sovranazionali e nazionali; e l'ultimo il divieto, tuttora esistente, di praticare forme di procreazione di tipo eterologo. Per ciascuno di essi vengono messi in luce i diversi profili di illegittimità costituzionale, evidenziando, in particolare, come nel corso degli ultimi anni alcuni di essi siano stati corretti grazie alle diverse pronunce della giurisprudenza nazionale e sovranazionale, mentre altri siano rimasti pressoché immutati, ed esaminando infine quali prospettive vi siano per rimediarvi. ; The purpose of this paper is to critically analyse the law n . 40/2004 , highlighting the numerous omissions and technical inaccuracies, and, above all, its different profiles of unconstitutionality (in particular in terms of the principle of secularism, reasonableness and the right to health), and also the relationship between it and the discipline on abortion, providing in such a mannaer a comparison with the legislation of the main European countries. In particular, three issues are addressed. The first issue is the original prohibition to produce, for each treatment cycle of a PMA, more than three embryos, and the obligation to transfer at the same time all the embryos, which was originally related to the prohibition and suppression of cryopreservation of embryos products; the second issue is the implicit prohibition of PGD, which was recently removed thanks to the intervention of supranational and national courts; the last ban, which still remains, is to practice forms of heterologous procreation. For each of the aforesaid issues the paper focuses on the different profiles of unconstitutionality, highlighting, in particular, as in the past few years some of them have been corrected thanks to several national and supranational court's decisions, while others have remained virtually unchanged, and finally this paper examines what prospects there are to solve them.

Abstract (fr)Les printemps arabes ont partout libéré l'espace public : un espace de liberté que tous les segments de la société ont soudainement occupé, notamment ceux qui, comme les islamistes, en avaient été privés. La rue a arraché une liberté d'expression longtemps confisquée.Même si l'islam n'était pas la première référence dans les slogans criés dans les rues, les militants des mouvements islamistes n'étaient pas absents. Ayant été les cibles de la répression sous les régimes autoritaires, qui les avaient incarcérés et condamnés à la clandestinité, ils ont bénéficié de cette nouvelle donne, récupérant une liberté d'action et une visibilité grandissante, associée ou non à un dessein politique de prise de pouvoir. Ils se sont trouvés engagés, dans certains pays, dans des compétions électorales qui n'étaient pas jouées d'avance et qui ont dicté l'élaboration de nouvelles stratégies où la pratique militante, la présence sur le terrain et le travail de proximité constituaient des avantages. En concurrence avec les autres mouvements et partis présents sur la scène politique, les partis et mouvements islamistes se trouvent actuellement au cœur des polarisations en cours dans les pays du Proche-Orient et du Maghreb, qu'ils soient engagés dans des phases de transition ou, bien plus tragiquement, dans des processus de confrontation armée. Ces polarisations – politiques au début des printemps arabes - ont aussi pris une tournure confessionnelle sans merci, impliquant l'ensemble du monde arabe et posent clairement la question de la viabilité de certains Etats.Les articles du présent ouvrage sont en grande partie issus du colloque sur ces sujets organisé à Paris les 26 et 27 mars 2014 conjointement par le Groupe Sociétés, Religions, Laïcités (GSRL), l'université Roma Tre, l'Institut d'Études de l'Islam et des Sociétés du Monde Musulman (IISMM), l'École Pratique des Hautes Études (EPHE) et l'École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS). Abstract (en)The Arab Springs have liberated the public arena far and wide: an arena of freedom that all segments of society have suddenly occupied, notably those that, as the Islamists, had been deprived of. The Street extracted a freedom of speech that had long been confiscated. Even if Islam was not the first reference among the slogans shouted in the streets, the militants of the Islamist movements were not absent. Having been the target of repression under authoritarian regimes, which had imprisoned and relegated them to the underground, they have benefited from this new deal, while retrieving a freedom of action and a growing visibility, associated or not with a political purpose of take over of power. They found themselves engaged, in certain countries, in electoral competitions where nothing could be taken for granted and which dictated the development of new strategies where militant practice, presence in the field and outreach work constituted advantages. In competition with the other movements and parties present on the political scene, the Islamist parties and movements find themselves currently in the heart of ongoing polarizations in the countries of the Middle East and the Maghreb, whether they are engaged in phases of transition or, much more tragically, in processes of armed confrontation. These polarisations – political at the beginning of the Arab Springs - also took a merciless denominational turn, implicating the whole Arab world, and clearly question the viability of certain States.The articles in this book issue, for a large part, from the symposium on these topics held in Paris on 26 and March 27, 2014 jointly by the Group Societies, Religions, Secularisms (GSRL), the Roma Tre University, the Institute for Studies of Islam and the Societies of the Muslim world (IISMM), the Practical School of Advanced Studies (EPHE) and the School of Advanced Studies in Social Sciences (EHESS).