Suchergebnisse

This thesis relates to the problems of secularity and religion to Tunisia. The stake is to study these two concepts in a new ground : Tunisia. This study rises from independence until the revolution.In the first left, the thesis concentrates on the genesis of the concept of secularity, its originality and the specificity of the Tunisian policy. This part constitutes first cross between the political power and religious.In the second part, the thesis concentrates on the Tunisian society. It focuses hard tearing between the adhesion of the movement reformist forced by Bourguiba and the Islamism represented by the movement of the Islamic Tendency. This part will be an opportunity to explore new social space. A new social architecture will be drawn, between female warping and the blooming of the religiosity.In the last part, we are accentuated on the excitement of the contemporary Tunisian thought in front of the choice between appropriation and adaptation to the secularism. The initial question in this part is doubly ambiguous. how does the Islamic company lay out the questions which disturbs it? Religious freedom, apostasy, wine, testimony : concepts subjected to endless debates. How can we interpret the delay of the Muslim company? The studies of Charfi and Talbi give us some tracks of thought. A new feminine generation will be present in Tunisia. It will be time to discover how the female thought occupies it the cultural scene in Tunisia. This thesis tries to answer if secularity is the cause of the crisis of the Tunisian society or the solution. ; Cette thèse porte sur la problématique de la laïcité et religion en Tunisie. L'enjeu est d'étudier ces deux notions dans un terrain nouveau : la Tunisie. Cette étude découle de l'indépendance jusqu'à la révolution. Dans le première partie, la thèse se concentre sur la genèse du concept de la laïcité, son originalité et la spécificité de la politique tunisienne. Cette partie constitue une première croisée entre le pouvoir politique et religieux. Dans la deuxième ...

International audience ; What should be the right place for religions in France ? Our debates are old and sharp. France has two legislations : a concordat (Napoléon) for two departments and the common rule (1905). The word "Laîcité" was not employed at the beginning, but appears progressively. Do Muslims living in France are changing the concept ? Do they imply a new manner of seeing things ? What are the results of the attacks of 2015 and 2016 on the opinion ? We analyse in this communication for the universities of Bucharest and Craiova articles published in the newspaper Le Monde. What is the reflection about the concept of "laïcité", what are the traditional arguments and the new ones ? ; La définition de la place des religions est une question récurrente en France. Les débats sont anciens, notamment depuis la période révolutionnaire. Ils ont abouti à un régime de concordat, puis à la loi de 1905 de séparation des Églises et de l'État. Le concept de laïcité est apparu au fil des arguments. La présence de l'islam sur le sol français pose-t-elle des problèmes spécifiques ? Les terroristes islamistes peuvent-ils avoir raison de notre manière de vivre ensemble ? Après un retour sur les débats qui ont accompagné la loi de 1905, nous analyserons ici les articles d'opinion parus dans le journal Le Monde après les attentats de 2015 et de 2016. Il s'agira de présenter les thématiques et les arguments développés, avec un triple souci : identifier ce que l'on pourrait nommer les thèmes et arguments qui concernent indistinctement toutes les religions, les thèmes spécifiquement liés à l'islam, et enfin les thèmes nouveaux qui émergent.

International audience ; What should be the right place for religions in France ? Our debates are old and sharp. France has two legislations : a concordat (Napoléon) for two departments and the common rule (1905). The word "Laîcité" was not employed at the beginning, but appears progressively. Do Muslims living in France are changing the concept ? Do they imply a new manner of seeing things ? What are the results of the attacks of 2015 and 2016 on the opinion ? We analyse in this communication for the universities of Bucharest and Craiova articles published in the newspaper Le Monde. What is the reflection about the concept of "laïcité", what are the traditional arguments and the new ones ? ; La définition de la place des religions est une question récurrente en France. Les débats sont anciens, notamment depuis la période révolutionnaire. Ils ont abouti à un régime de concordat, puis à la loi de 1905 de séparation des Églises et de l'État. Le concept de laïcité est apparu au fil des arguments. La présence de l'islam sur le sol français pose-t-elle des problèmes spécifiques ? Les terroristes islamistes peuvent-ils avoir raison de notre manière de vivre ensemble ? Après un retour sur les débats qui ont accompagné la loi de 1905, nous analyserons ici les articles d'opinion parus dans le journal Le Monde après les attentats de 2015 et de 2016. Il s'agira de présenter les thématiques et les arguments développés, avec un triple souci : identifier ce que l'on pourrait nommer les thèmes et arguments qui concernent indistinctement toutes les religions, les thèmes spécifiquement liés à l'islam, et enfin les thèmes nouveaux qui émergent.

International audience ; When it comes to studying the problems of secularism today, philosophers are not the most competent of individuals for doing so. They can, however, study the idea of secularism in itself in order to avoid overly severe divisions that result in misunderstandings in the use of concepts. Secularism is a response to current nihilism, but it cannot be a pure criticism of religion. Religion is not a purely private matter. Moreover, secularism is greater than any particular historical achievement. Not only is secularism evolving, but one must accept the great diversity of its possible expression depending on the situation. Secularism should not be an act of excluding certain people; it must also be a space of expression for religions. Interreligious dialogue and reciprocal recognition between the state and religion make secularism possible, which is the foundation of the unity of a people. Philosophers cannot eliminate all of the difficulties involved, but they can bring them to light. ; Le philosophe n'a pas de compétence particulière pour étudier les problèmes contemporains de la laïcité, mais il peut étudier l'idée de laïcité en elle-même de manière à éviter les séparations trop brutales comme les confusions dangereuses. Si la laïcité se veut une réponse au nihilisme actuel, elle ne peut pas être simplement le rejet de la religion dans la sphère privée ; elle ne peut pas non plus s'identifier totalement à l'une de ses formes historiques particulières et il est nécessaire d'envisager non seulement une évolution de la pratique de la laïcité, mais également une très grande diversité de sa réalisation. Toute la difficulté est de ne pas transformer la laïcité en un processus d'exclusion de toute une catégorie de la population. Cela suppose de concevoir la laïcité aussi comme un espace d'expression des religions. Cela n'est possible que par un dialogue interreligieux et par une reconnaissance réciproque du religieux et du politique, en ayant bien soin de donner un sens large au religieux. Il ne s'agit pas de lever toutes les apories, mais au moins de parvenir à les mettre en lumière.

International audience ; When it comes to studying the problems of secularism today, philosophers are not the most competent of individuals for doing so. They can, however, study the idea of secularism in itself in order to avoid overly severe divisions that result in misunderstandings in the use of concepts. Secularism is a response to current nihilism, but it cannot be a pure criticism of religion. Religion is not a purely private matter. Moreover, secularism is greater than any particular historical achievement. Not only is secularism evolving, but one must accept the great diversity of its possible expression depending on the situation. Secularism should not be an act of excluding certain people; it must also be a space of expression for religions. Interreligious dialogue and reciprocal recognition between the state and religion make secularism possible, which is the foundation of the unity of a people. Philosophers cannot eliminate all of the difficulties involved, but they can bring them to light. ; Le philosophe n'a pas de compétence particulière pour étudier les problèmes contemporains de la laïcité, mais il peut étudier l'idée de laïcité en elle-même de manière à éviter les séparations trop brutales comme les confusions dangereuses. Si la laïcité se veut une réponse au nihilisme actuel, elle ne peut pas être simplement le rejet de la religion dans la sphère privée ; elle ne peut pas non plus s'identifier totalement à l'une de ses formes historiques particulières et il est nécessaire d'envisager non seulement une évolution de la pratique de la laïcité, mais également une très grande diversité de sa réalisation. Toute la difficulté est de ne pas transformer la laïcité en un processus d'exclusion de toute une catégorie de la population. Cela suppose de concevoir la laïcité aussi comme un espace d'expression des religions. Cela n'est possible que par un dialogue interreligieux et par une reconnaissance réciproque du religieux et du politique, en ayant bien soin de donner un sens large au religieux. Il ne ...

International audience ; L'Union Européenne est-elle laïque ? Comment les États promeuvent-ils des valeurs communes ou des compétences civiques ? Ces questions pouvaient sembler relativement disjointes il y a quelques décennies, mais deviennent de plus en plus étroitement reliées entre elles. En France du moins, la laïcité est perçue comme un élément central des valeurs communes (les « valeurs de la République »). Je propose d'aborder ces thèmes en prenant pour exemple quatre pays européens (Angleterre, France, Irlande, Pologne). Après un questionnement sur l'existence ou non d'une « laïcité européenne », il s'agira de clarifier le lien entre laïcité et ce qu'on appelle l' « identité nationale » d'une part, et entre valeurs communes et école commune d'autre part. Loin de constituer une spécificité française, la laïcité serait déjà plus ou moins mise en oeuvre en Europe : il y aurait « à l'échelle européenne, une consécration globale des principes fondamentaux de la laïcité » incluant la liberté de conscience et de pensée, ainsi que la non-discrimination par l'État des personnes en fonction de leur appartenance religieuse ou philosophique (Willaime, 2007, 5). De façon plus nuancée, Philippe Portier défend une conception « inclusiviste » de la laïcité, consistant à repérer ses différentes réalisations historiques dans plusieurs pays, ce qui va à l'encontre des conceptions « exclusivistes » tendant à ériger le modèle français en idéal normatif. Ces différentes orientations peuvent être discutées. Par exemple, les États polonais et irlandais discriminent-ils les citoyens en raison de leur (non-)appartenance religieuse ? Si la réponse est oui, alors il devient difficile d'adhérer à la thèse d'une laïcité européenne. En outre, le modèle français de laïcité suscite un intérêt dans des pays non-laïques où l'État exerce des discriminations au quotidien à l'encontre de citoyens sur la base de critères religieux. La question est donc scientifique autant que politique. Si l'on adopte sur le plan scientifique une conception ...

International audience ; L'Union Européenne est-elle laïque ? Comment les États promeuvent-ils des valeurs communes ou des compétences civiques ? Ces questions pouvaient sembler relativement disjointes il y a quelques décennies, mais deviennent de plus en plus étroitement reliées entre elles. En France du moins, la laïcité est perçue comme un élément central des valeurs communes (les « valeurs de la République »). Je propose d'aborder ces thèmes en prenant pour exemple quatre pays européens (Angleterre, France, Irlande, Pologne). Après un questionnement sur l'existence ou non d'une « laïcité européenne », il s'agira de clarifier le lien entre laïcité et ce qu'on appelle l' « identité nationale » d'une part, et entre valeurs communes et école commune d'autre part. Loin de constituer une spécificité française, la laïcité serait déjà plus ou moins mise en oeuvre en Europe : il y aurait « à l'échelle européenne, une consécration globale des principes fondamentaux de la laïcité » incluant la liberté de conscience et de pensée, ainsi que la non-discrimination par l'État des personnes en fonction de leur appartenance religieuse ou philosophique (Willaime, 2007, 5). De façon plus nuancée, Philippe Portier défend une conception « inclusiviste » de la laïcité, consistant à repérer ses différentes réalisations historiques dans plusieurs pays, ce qui va à l'encontre des conceptions « exclusivistes » tendant à ériger le modèle français en idéal normatif. Ces différentes orientations peuvent être discutées. Par exemple, les États polonais et irlandais discriminent-ils les citoyens en raison de leur (non-)appartenance religieuse ? Si la réponse est oui, alors il devient difficile d'adhérer à la thèse d'une laïcité européenne. En outre, le modèle français de laïcité suscite un intérêt dans des pays non-laïques où l'État exerce des discriminations au quotidien à l'encontre de citoyens sur la base de critères religieux. La question est donc scientifique autant que politique. Si l'on adopte sur le plan scientifique une conception ...

Cours given at the summer session of the Institute of French Studies in NYU, branch of Paris.graduated level. From the successive cases of headscarf to Manif for all, religious issues occupy a central place in contemporary French political debates and contradict France's representations as a secular country where religion is completely relegated to the private sphere. This course will propose to revisit the specific features of political regulation of religion in France, as well as the idea of a 'return of religion' in France. It will address issues such as the visibility of religion in public spaces; the articulation between religious practice and political participation; the diversity of movements claiming secularism today; relations between state and religious leaders Catholic, Muslim and Jewish. ; Master ; Cours given at the summer session of the Institute of French Studies in NYU, branch of Paris.graduated level. From the successive cases of headscarf to Manif for all, religious issues occupy a central place in contemporary French political debates and contradict France's representations as a secular country where religion is completely relegated to the private sphere. This course will propose to revisit the specific features of political regulation of religion in France, as well as the idea of a 'return of religion' in France. It will address issues such as the visibility of religion in public spaces; the articulation between religious practice and political participation; the diversity of movements claiming secularism today; relations between state and religious leaders Catholic, Muslim and Jewish. ; Cours dispensé lors de la session d'été de l'Institute of French Studies à NYU, antenne de Paris.Niveau graduate. Depuis les successives affaires du foulard jusqu'à la Manif pour tous, les questions religieuses occupent une place centrale dans les débats politiques français contemporains et contredisent les représentations de la France comme un pays laïque où la religion serait totalement reléguée dans la ...

In France, research in history and political philosophy has produced a body of knowledge describing the values and principles that are at the heart of the « republican model of integration ». However, this work has been theoretical and conceptual in nature such that we have in fact very little knowledge about the psychological aspects of the republican model. This thesis is organized in three chapters that present in total seven distinct empirical studies It addressed two major questions: 1) What factors explain the strong support that is observed in France for the principle of republican equality and laïcité? and 2) what are the consequences of this support for prejudice and intergroup relations? In chapter one, the research confirms this strong endorsement of the republican principles among teachers in high schools (Study 1, N = 82) or among university students in widely different fields of study such as psychology (N = 72) or law (N = 234, Study 2). Using a measure of attachment to laïcité that is distinct from a measure of support for principles that are theoretically linked with laïcité, Study 2 showed, for the first time to our knowledge, the distinction between two types of laïcité: an historic laïcité based on freedom of conscience and equality of respects for all beliefs and a new laïcité that emphasizes the need for keep religion private and to ban conspicuous religious signs from public places. In chapter two, three studies examined the psychological motives underlying attachment to the republican principles. As expected, it was shown first, among a representative sample of the French population (N = 1001), that support for republican equality and new laïcité are two variables that explain variance in antiimmigrant prejudice over and above factors that are usually considered in sociology or social psychology. Moreover, whereas egalitarian individuals are usually more supportive of these principles compared to inegalitarians, the results also showed that people who wish to maintain group-based ...

In France, research in history and political philosophy has produced a body of knowledge describing the values and principles that are at the heart of the « republican model of integration ». However, this work has been theoretical and conceptual in nature such that we have in fact very little knowledge about the psychological aspects of the republican model. This thesis is organized in three chapters that present in total seven distinct empirical studies It addressed two major questions: 1) What factors explain the strong support that is observed in France for the principle of republican equality and laïcité? and 2) what are the consequences of this support for prejudice and intergroup relations? In chapter one, the research confirms this strong endorsement of the republican principles among teachers in high schools (Study 1, N = 82) or among university students in widely different fields of study such as psychology (N = 72) or law (N = 234, Study 2). Using a measure of attachment to laïcité that is distinct from a measure of support for principles that are theoretically linked with laïcité, Study 2 showed, for the first time to our knowledge, the distinction between two types of laïcité: an historic laïcité based on freedom of conscience and equality of respects for all beliefs and a new laïcité that emphasizes the need for keep religion private and to ban conspicuous religious signs from public places. In chapter two, three studies examined the psychological motives underlying attachment to the republican principles. As expected, it was shown first, among a representative sample of the French population (N = 1001), that support for republican equality and new laïcité are two variables that explain variance in antiimmigrant prejudice over and above factors that are usually considered in sociology or social psychology. Moreover, whereas egalitarian individuals are usually more supportive of these principles compared to inegalitarians, the results also showed that people who wish to maintain group-based ...

In France, research in history and political philosophy has produced a body of knowledge describing the values and principles that are at the heart of the « republican model of integration ». However, this work has been theoretical and conceptual in nature such that we have in fact very little knowledge about the psychological aspects of the republican model. This thesis is organized in three chapters that present in total seven distinct empirical studies It addressed two major questions: 1) What factors explain the strong support that is observed in France for the principle of republican equality and laïcité? and 2) what are the consequences of this support for prejudice and intergroup relations? In chapter one, the research confirms this strong endorsement of the republican principles among teachers in high schools (Study 1, N = 82) or among university students in widely different fields of study such as psychology (N = 72) or law (N = 234, Study 2). Using a measure of attachment to laïcité that is distinct from a measure of support for principles that are theoretically linked with laïcité, Study 2 showed, for the first time to our knowledge, the distinction between two types of laïcité: an historic laïcité based on freedom of conscience and equality of respects for all beliefs and a new laïcité that emphasizes the need for keep religion private and to ban conspicuous religious signs from public places. In chapter two, three studies examined the psychological motives underlying attachment to the republican principles. As expected, it was shown first, among a representative sample of the French population (N = 1001), that support for republican equality and new laïcité are two variables that explain variance in antiimmigrant prejudice over and above factors that are usually considered in sociology or social psychology. Moreover, whereas egalitarian individuals are usually more supportive of these principles compared to inegalitarians, the results also showed that people who wish to maintain group-based ...

Despite the review of these pages, they cannot be used to compare the case law of the US Constitutional Council and Supreme Court on the issue of state-religion relations. As recently pointed out by a member of the Council ahead of a judge of the Supreme Court, it is scarcely possible to put on the same footing the argued judgments produced across the Atlantic and the decisions of the Council, whose statement of reasons is "more than discussing and demonstrating" 1. The "revolution" of the motivation that would be in motion in 2 remains too recent and limited to contradict this finding. Moreover, the abstract review carried out by the Council does not in any way enable it to be confronted with the variety of cases which lead the Supreme Court to forge and refine case-law. Nor is it possible to carry out an overall study of the multiple questions posed by 'secularism' in France and the United States 3. The subject will therefore be addressed differently, focusing on a particular problem faced by courts in France and the United States. French news has two themes, each of which has to look at a crèche. The first appears to be a false runway. It is in terms of 'secularism' that the issue of prohibiting the wearing of veil is often dealt with in France. However, when it is addressed recently to private individuals, such a measure does not concern secularism but freedom of religion. The rules that give concrete expression to secularism impose an obligation only on public authorities and persons acting on their behalf 4. The numerous judgments of the Supreme Court dealing with these issues, in particular from the point of view of religious exemptions to be granted to rules of general application 5, are therefore beside the point. If secularism is understood as a requirement of government neutrality towards religions, it is another recent controversy that is relevant. In recent years, several French administrative courts have reached opposing conclusions about the scenes of the Christmas nexus in public buildings 6. ...

The times in which we live constantly remind us that the fight against discrimination is a major challenge for our societies. In social psychology, the study of the causes of discrimination has been at the heart of research for many years. Nevertheless, the work done to date often offers explanations presented as identical in all countries and in all cultures. In the context of research on prejudice and discrimination, recent studies have highlighted the existence of culture-specific norms, derived from laws in each country and focused on the behaviors to be adopted to integrate within each society: the cultural norms of integration. The existence of such norms in a given society influences the level of prejudice of its members. On the basis of this work, the aim of this thesis is to study the effect of cultural integration norms on the emergence of discriminatory behaviors. Specifically, this thesis focuses on a political principle little studied in psychology: laïcité. Previous work has shown that this principle can be interpreted in two very different ways: a historical, inclusive form, and a new, exclusive form. Can cultural norms relating to this principle of laïcité be considered as important factors in the emergence of discrimination against ethnic or religious minorities? In order to study this fundamental question, this thesis is structured in six chapters: two theoretical chapters (chapters 1 and 6) and four empirical chapters, composed of eight studies (chapters 2, 3, 4 and 5).Chapter 1 introduces theoretically the different notions addressed in the thesis. Chapter 2 is composed of two pilot studies that form the basis of this thesis. Study 1 aims to compare five countries, including France, in terms of cultural norms of integration. This study highlights the importance of the norm of new laïcité in France. Study 2 aims to validate a computerized task to measure discriminatory behavior. In Chapter 3, two studies (Studies 3 and 4) were conducted to test the effect of new and historical laïcité norms on ...