Suchergebnisse

The purpose of the article is to assess the degree of presence of the idea of secularism in the election programs of the main political parties participating in the Polish parliamentary elections in 2019. The article adopts the understanding of the so-called political secularism which was referred to the institution of the Roman Catholic Church due to the context of research, as well as the fact that Catholics constitute the dominant part of Polish society and because of the major socio-political importance of the Catholic Church in Poland. The research material were the electoral programs of party election committees, as well as the speeches of their political leaders delivered during the main electoral program conventions. The article increases the cognitive value of the issue of political communication regarding the idea of secularism during the parliamentary campaign of 2019. Research has shown that religion has become an important factor in political discourse during the parliamentary campaign in Poland in 2019. The topic about the role of the Catholic Church institutions in the public sphere was, however, taken up only through Law and Justice and the Left. A clear polarization of views of these election committees was noted. Law and Justice spoke out against the idea of secularism, while the Left supported this idea. The Confederation, Polish People's Party and Civic Coalition remained silent in the election programs about the idea of a secular state. ; Celem artykułu jest ocena stopnia obecności idei sekularyzmu w programach wyborczych głównych partii politycznych startujących w polskich wyborach parlamentarnych 2019 roku. W artykule przyjęto rozumienie tzw. sekularyzmu politycznego i odniesiono je do instytucji Kościoła rzymskokatolickiego ze względu na kontekst badań, a także na fakt, że katolicy stanowią dominującą część społeczeństwa polskiego i ze względu na doniosłe znaczenie społeczno-polityczne Kościoła katolickiego w Polsce.Materiał badawczy stanowiły programy wyborcze partyjnych komitetów wyborczych, jak również przemówienia ich liderów politycznych wygłoszone podczas głównych wyborczych konwencji programowych.Artykuł zwiększa wartość poznawczą zagadnienia komunikowania politycznego dotyczącego idei sekularyzmu w okresie kampanii parlamentarnej 2019 r. Badania dowiodły, że religia stała się istotnym czynnikiem dyskursu politycznego w czasie kampanii parlamentarnej w Polsce w 2019 r. Temat dotyczący roli instytucji Kościoła katolickiego w sferze publicznej był jednak podjęty jedynie przez Prawo i Sprawiedliwość oraz Lewicę. Odnotowano wyrazistą dychotomiczność poglądów tychże komitetów wyborczych. PiS wypowiedział się przeciw idei sekularyzmu, zaś Lewica tę ideę wsparła. Konfederacja, PSL oraz KW Koalicja Obywatelska przemilczały w programach wyborczych kwestię idei państwa świeckiego.

Riconoscere che i concetti di laicità e secolarismo possiedono un'origine e uno sviluppo condizionato dalla cultura occidentale e dal cristianesimo significa prendere in considerazione l'eventualità di un ripensamento della distinzione tra ordine politico, religione e diritto nelle democrazie multiculturali e multireligiose. L'obiettivo di questo lavoro è mettere in discussione una concezione neutralista del secolarismo, alla cui base vi è il convincimento per cui l'esclusione dell'elemento religioso dalla sfera pubblica e normativa sono garanzia di eguaglianza in un contesto caratterizzato dal 'fatto del pluralismo'. Pertanto abbiamo analizzato il pensiero di due fra i più influenti filosofi politici, John Rawls e Jürgen Habermas, portavoci di una visione neutralista del secolarismo, e le critiche a essi rivolte da alcuni teorici del multiculturalismo – Bikhu Parekh e Tariq Modood –, che propongono, invece, l'abbandono della retorica della neutralità nella costruzione della sfera politica e normativa. Di conseguenza questi ultimi si rivolgono con maggiore apertura rispetto alle richieste provenienti dagli individui appartenenti a minoranze religiose e culturali, senza respingerle sulla base della loro natura culturale o religiosa. Al contrario, in particolare quando tali richieste di riconoscimento riguardano aree rilevanti della vita degli individui, come possono essere la famiglia, il matrimonio, le questioni ereditarie ecc., ossia aree in cui la natura culturalmente condizionata di alcune istituzioni è maggiormente visibile, viene presa qui in considerazione la possibilità che esse possano essere regolate e gestite in maniera differente. A tal proposito si è approfondita la proposta di far fronte a queste richieste attraverso l'adozione di sistemi di pluralismo normativo, con una particolare attenzione a un esperimento avviato in Gran Bretagna, che prevede per le comunità religiose la possibilità del risolvere le proprie controversie in materia di diritto di famiglia in tribunali arbitrali religiosi, che tuttavia operano sotto il controllo indiretto delle corti inglesi. La descrizione di questo caso è stata finalizzata a mettere in luce la necessità di ricercare nuovi strumenti coerenti con la visione del secolarismo che abbiamo cercato di proporre, ossia di una laicità che di fronte alle nuove istanze presenti nei contesti culturalmente e religiosamente plurali, piuttosto che arroccarsi dietro la convinzione che si possa garantire uguaglianza solo se si dà una sfera pubblica e normativa neutrale e che vi sia una soluzione razionale ai conflitti tra valori, tenta di accogliere la diversità nei suoi propri termini, andando alla ricerca di nuovi strumenti teorico-politici. Infatti, i canali di partecipazione attraverso i quali i sistemi democratici hanno cercato d'integrare la diversità non sembrano riuscire a far fronte alle richieste provenienti da individui che non si riconoscono a pieno titolo nella cultura della maggioranza. Ciò significa pensare a nuove strategie d'inclusione – di cui il pluralismo normativo può essere un esempio –, se si vogliono garantire proprio quei presupposti di valore che la democrazia promuove, ossia il pluralismo e l'eguale libertà di tutti i cittadini. ; If we recognize that the concept of secularism originates and develops from the influence of Western culture and Christianity, we must take into account the possibility to rethink the distinction between politics, religion and law in multicultural and multireligious democracies. The aim of this work is to question the neutralist conception of secularism, which is characterized by the belief that the exclusion of religious elements from public sphere and legislation to guarantee of equality in a context characterized by religious pluralism. At this aim, I analyze the thought of two of the most influential political philosophers, John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas, who represent the neutralist view of secularism, as well as the criticism addressed to them by multiculturalist theorists – Bhikhu Parekh and Tariq Modood –, who suggest giving up the abandon of the rhetoric of neutrality in the construction of the political sphere and regulations, to pay more attention to the demands coming from individuals belonging to religious and cultural minorities. Indeed, particularly when these issues involve significant areas where the culturally conditioned nature of some institutions is more visible – family, marriage, hereditary issues – the possibility that they can be regulated in a different way is also taken into account. Therefore, a detailed analysis of the proposal is given to adopt a system of legal pluralism, with a special attention to an experiment started in the UK, which provides religious communities the possibility to go to religious arbitration tribunals, operating under the indirect control of the English courts, related to family law. The description of this case aims at emphasizing the need to seek for new consistent means with the idea of secularism I have tried to suggest. Such a secularism is based upon the belief that only a neutral public sphere and legislation can guarantee equality, but tries to embrace diversity and to suggest new political theories. As matter of fact, the channels of participation through which democratic systems have tried to integrate diversity do not seem to be able to face the requests from individuals who do not fully identify into the majority culture, which means thinking about new strategies of inclusion – for example legal pluralism – so to ensure the very value assumptions promoted by democracy, that is to say pluralism and equal liberty. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Relazioni e processi interculturali (XXV ciclo)

Dignitatis humanae, the declaration of Vatican ii on religious freedom, represents an important step in the Church's presentation of human freedom as expressed also in the political arena. By enshrining conscience and religious freedom as supreme, Dignitatis humanae completes the reflection of Gaudium et spes on the Church in the modern world. It establishes Christianity as a religion of the Logos and so of dialogue and free inquiry. In today's era of globalization and ever more multiethnic societies, Dignitatis humanae contributes to renewing the role of religions in the public sphere and to elaborating the broader notions of religion in relation with secularity. ; La declaración sobre la libertad religiosa, Dignitatis humanae, representa un paso importante tanto en la presentación de la libertad humana dentro de la Iglesia como en el campo político. Al consagrar la conciencia y la libertad religiosa como un bien supremo, Dignitatis humanae completa la reflexión de Gaudium et spes sobre la Iglesia en el mundo moderno. Se establece el cristianismo como una religión del Logos, del diálogo y de la búsqueda. En la actual era de la globalización y de sociedades cada vez más multiétnicas, Dignitatis humanae contribuye a renovar el papel de las religiones en la esfera pública y a elaborar conceptos más amplios de la religión en relación a la laicidad.

The paper begins displaying the main stages of the historical process that has led to the definitive distinction between religious authority and civil authority in Europe. After identifying the foundation of politics in the freedom of the Church; and the foundation of the State in religious freedom; the Author comes to two conclusions: the first is that Christianity played a key role in the birth and development of secularization. The second, which in his opinion deserves to be clarified and put to the test of the times, consists in the claim of relegating State and politics in the narrow limits of worldliness. The claim of excluding that State and politics have spiritual implications. He therefore intends to test the idea that the liberal state of law could resist, at the expense of the many lacerations that fragment its social body, without the help of principles and values which it could not justify. Considering the problem under this particular perspective, it is clear that two concepts that characterize the European tradition, such as the principle of tolerance and an "healthy secularism", could represent the keystone that allows us to overcome the implicit contradictions and the unresolved tensions which still cross our post-modern and secular society.

The aim of this essay is to examine the connection between contemporary debates on political secularism and institutional arrangements between State and religions on one hand, and, on the other, on secularization theory and its latest 'rebirth': postsecularism. Analysing the link between the theories and concept of postsecular society and the debate on political secularism and its institutional forms and practices allows to understand the multidimensionality of the latter in its very latest theorisations and realizations.

It seems to take growing root in the West a certain idea of marriage, which appears to descend from the French secularism model, in being "counter-traditional", respectful of the individual autonomy, and devoted to an "integral" application of the principle of equality. The proof is that it putted down roots in legal contexts poles apart from the above model, for their way to set the space and the relevance of religion in the public sphere. The study examines the emblematic English case, where this notion has led to the introduction of "same-sex marriage", without the peculiar framework of the relations between the State and his national Church, with his singular legal tecnical implications (the "ecclesiastical law" as integral part of the general law of England; the "constitutional" principle for which the canon law cannot be contrary to the latter; the correspondence – until then – between "anglican marriage" and the civil one; the clergy's duty to solemnise the marriage of all the residents in the Country irrespective of the couple's religious beliefs or lack of them) have rapresented a barrier or a scruple. The goal of the paper is, on one hand, focusing the political and legal reasons that underlie this outcome, and, on the other hand, look into the impact that the latter has resulted on the Church of England's legal system, its legally relevant reactions, and the adopted "style of presence", also as a "benchmark" for the more comprehensive anglican world.

Il sistema politico Iraniano, basato dal 1979 sulla legge islamica (la legge della Shari'a), così come il suo governo in carica, stanno affrontando numerose sfide e vere e proprie crisi esistenziali, tipiche di una società segnata dalle contraddizioni delle società in transizione. In questo caso, una delle contraddizioni principali riguarda il rispetto dei principi giuridicomorali islamici, che erano l'obiettivo fondamentale della Repubblica Islamica dell'Iran. Questo articolo intende mettere in discussione, almeno in par t e, le radici profonde degli attuali problemi attraverso analisi approfondite del potere politico iraniano e della sua evoluzione, ritornando al primo movimento popolare moderno del paese e al fallimento della rivoluzione costituzionale del 1906, i cui effetti durano fino ad oggi. In questo quadro, anche una riflessione sul ruolo degli intellettuali secolari e degli scienziati religiosi iraniani e sulla loro influenza nel dibattito pubblico sarà considerato. Infine, è opportuno concentrarsi sulla carta costituzionale attuale e su come venne stabilita, in particolare sul principio del velāyat-e faqih (tutela del giurisperito) e sulle sue conseguenze teorico-pratiche, dopo che il popolo iraniano è stato governato da un governo laico come quello di Pahalvi (1925- 1979) per quasi mezzo secolo. ; The Iranian political system, based on Islamic law (Shari'a law) since 1979, as well as its current government, are facing various challenges typical of a society marked by the contradictions of societies in transition. One of the main such contradictions concerns the respect of Islamic legalmoral principles, which were the fundamental aim behind the rise of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This article intends to question, at least in part, the deep roots of the current problems through an analysis of the Iranian political power and its evolution, returning to the country's first modern popular movement and the failure of the first Persian constitution of 1907, the effects of which continue to today. In this framework, a reflection on the role of the Iranian secular intellectuals and religious scholars and their influence on the public debate will be considered. Finally, the current constitutional charter and on how it was established will be examined, in particular the principle of velāyat-e faqih (guardianship of the jurist) and its theoretical-practical consequences, after the Iranian people had been governed by a secular government like Pahalvi (1925 -1979) for almost half a century

This article reconstructs the main political tensions inside the Italian Catholic movement during the two pontificates of Pius IX and Pius X, therefore between the end of the nineteenth Century and the beginning of the twentieth Century. The approach outlined is historical and critical-analytical. The main currents of Catholicism, socialism and Italian liberalism are reviewed: social Catholicism, trade unionism, the positions of Luigi Sturzo, Filippo Meda, Arturo Labriola and Benedetto Croce are enlightened. In the conclusion, it is argued that, from the early years of Giovanni Giolitti's government and of the liberal phase of the Italian post-unification history, the clerical idea of building a state without secularism becomes unreal. ; Questo articolo ricostruisce le principali tensioni e vicende del movimento cattolico italiano nel corso dei due pontificati di Pio IX e Pio X, dunque tra la fine del XIX secolo e gli inizi del XX secolo. L'approccio delineato è storico e critico-analitico. Vengono prese in rassegna le principali correnti del cattolicesimo, del socialismo e del liberalismo italiano: il cattolicesimo sociale, il sindacalismo, sono analizzate le posizioni di Luigi Sturzo, Filippo Meda, Arturo Labriola e Benedetto Croce. Nella conclusione si argomenta come, a partire dai primi anni di governo di Antonio Giolitti e della fase liberale della storia italiana postunificazione, l'idea clericale della costruzione di uno stato senza laicismo diventi irreale.

The essay analyzes some aspects of the freedom of religion enshrined in the Italian Constitution in relation to the principle of secularism as supreme principle of the Italian Republic, according to the definition of the italian Constitutional Court; and the extension of religious symbols and, in particular, the crucifix. First of all, the essay analyzes the question of «Italian» secularism, verifying the disparities and similarities among the various declinations of this principle, reconstructing the debate in the constituent assembly and the main jurisprudential approaches of the Italian Constitutional Court in this matter. Secondly, the essay analyzes the issue of religious symbols in public spaces and, in particular, a leading case concerning the exhibition of the crucifix in the classrooms, both at the jurisprudence level (Administrative Judge, Constitutional Court, EDU Court), and at doctrinal one. The essay, then, notes the cd. Bavarian solution, adopted by the Government of the homonymous German region, in search of a reconciliation between the religious freedom of each person and the quantitative factor per single religion. There is also an excursus on the main case law of the European Court of Human Rights about secularity, religious freedom and religious symbols.

Intro -- المقدمة -- الفصل التمهيدي -- الفصل الأول : مفهوم الإرهاب الفكري -- الفصل الثاني : الإرهاب الفكري بين الأديان السماوية والفكر العلماني -- الفصل الثالث : أسباب الإرهاب الفكري -- الفصل الرابع : أهم سلوكيات الإرهاب الفكري -- الفصل الخامس : الإرهاب الفكري وأهم أشكاله الممارسة -- الفصل السادس : بين الحرية الفكرية والإرهاب الفكري -- الفصل السابع : أهم سبل الوقاية من الإرهاب الفكري -- الخاتمة -- المراجع -- فهرس

Intro -- تقديم -- الإسلام في أوروبا: إعادة اكتشاف الذات -- مسلمو أوروبا: أطوار الاعتدال والتطرف -- الإسلام الأوروبي: إشكاليات مفاهيمية -- الإسلام الأوروبي: صراع الهوية والاندماج -- مسلمو أوروبا بين الديني والعلماني -- سؤال المرجعية: نحو فقه جديد لمسلمي أوروبا -- الإسلام السياسي والجالية الجزائرية في فرنسا -- أطروحة الاندماج عند طارق رمضان -- المسلمون البريطانيون أم المسلمون في بريطانيا؟ -- الإسلام والغرب: معوقات التحاور والتجاور -- الإسلام بين المنظورين الأميركي والأوروبي -- الوجود الإسلامي والتفاعل الحضاري في الغرب