On 30 June 1989, a military coup overthrew the democratically elected government of al-Sadiq al-Mahdi in Sudan and replaced it with a fundamentalist Muslim dictatorship headed by Colonel ʿUmar Hasan al-Bashir and adhering to the radical Islamic ideology of the National Islamic Front (NIF), under the leadership of Dr. Hasan al-Turabi. Since June 1881 when Muhammad Ahmad ibn ʿAbdallah declared that he was the expected mahdī, the religious-political scene of Sudan had been largely dominated by Mahdists and Khatmiyya adherents. Even under colonial rule, in the years 1899–1955, Mahdism continued to flourish despite the fact that the British rulers treated it with suspicion and preferred Sayyid ʿAli al-Mirghani, leader of the more docile Khatmiyya Sufi order. The defeat of the Mahdist Umma Party in the first general elections in 1953, by a coalition of secularists and Khatmiyya supporters was only a temporary setback. After Sudan became independent, in 1956, Mahdist supremacy was challenged both by the Khatmiyya and other groups, but its mass support among the Ansar, a political Islamic movement, enabled them to gain control, except during brief periods when so-called secularists governed independent Sudan. This happened in 1953–56 when the Khatmiyya joined forces with the intelligentsia, and again between October 1964 and March 1965 when the country was governed by a secular, transitional, nonelected government that was ousted from power as soon as the sects regained control. Secularism also thrived briefly under the military dictatorship of Jaʿfar al-Numayri between 1969 and 1977.
ONCE IRAN HAD CALLED FOR AN ISLAMIC REVOLUTION, THERE was speculation that the message might elicit a similar response elsewhere in the Islamic world. In fact, soon after the events in Iran, a group of foreign journalists arrived in Turkey and rumour had it that they had come to report on the Islamic revolt expected in Turkey as well. The expected, however, did not take place: instead, had the journalists stayed on, what they would have witnessed was the breakdown of democraci, and the installation of authoritarian rule by the staunchest de enders of secularism, the Turkish military. Islamic politics had been instrumental in exacerbating the democratic crisis, and hence the military takeover was partially directed against the Islamic politics of the National Salvation Party (NSP) and the street politics of radical Islamic groups. Islamic politics was strong enough to figure in the equation of democratic breakdown, but far too weak to detonate an Islamic revolution.The purpose of this essay is to look into the nature of Islamic politics in Turkey in terms of its past ventures in society, its recent involvement in party politics and its prospects for the future. Our fundamental assumption is that the specific characteristics of Islamic politics in Turkey are closely bound up with the state-dominant nature of Turkish political culture and society. More specifically, we attempt to show that changes in the nature of Islamic politics and movements, their organization, aims and strategies, have been in large part shaped by the changing structure and ideology of the state and the centralist elites.
Viewed in historical terms, the image which Jewish teen-agers have of their milieu represents a decisive break with the past. The sense of uniqueness, of special destiny, seems to be fading. Jewish life is conceived of as middle class, nonideological, and entirely consonant with the dominant modes of American life. The younger teens have even less sense of being differentiated from the mass of Amer ican teen-agers than have the older teen-agers. If there is any significant difference between Jewish teen-age culture and the dominant models, it is that the Jewish version is somewhat less cultistic and less sharply set off from adult life. With respect to two touchstones of Jewish life—the scholarly tradi tion and the cohesion of family life—counterimages have developed among Jewish teen-agers. And, except among Orthodox children, the attitude toward religion shows a not unexpected downward arc toward indifference and secularism. It is significant in Jewish culture in the older teen years that it is largely college-oriented. Although their attitudes hardly differentiate these teen-agers from their non-Jewish peers, they tend to live in a vast, self-enclosed Jewish cosmos with relatively little contact with the non-Jewish world. Social life is characterized by extraordinary zeal and singular lack of privacy. Marriage, particularly for girls, is a prime value. Jewish teen-age culture is predominantly urban in environ ment. Small-town residence encourages one vein of Jewish teen-age contraculture. Other veins are Orthodoxy and critical intellectualism.—Ed.
The conflicting and different reactions to Covid-19 pandemic, ranging from a willingness to cooperate with health authorities to a violent rejection of all decisions and measures suggested or taken by local and international authorities are but expressions of framing meanings of and finding answers to why Covid-19 broke out on a such global scale beyond biological boundaries. This is to show why epidemics such as Covid-19 deserve to be investigated within their broader cultural, political, scientific, and geographic contexts. Religion or the religious rationale once again has made itself a site of interest in the public space; both as one of the many competing explanatory frameworks and as a scapegoat for contributing to the breakdown of the social order and for promoting unscientific, irrational and superstitious understandings and interpretations of Covid-19. As a matter of fact, certain religious communities across all the Abrahamic religions do present theological and eschatological interpretations of the pandemic. As we shall see, Messianic Jewish groups actually present a hermeneutical framework that consists of a theological-eschatological framework of the Covid-19 pandemic and a socio-political pantheism plan of action the aim of which is to maintain the believer immune to the attacks of secularism and its ills. On the latter point, I find Rabbi Amnon Yitzhak's explanatory framework of the Covid-19 pandemic very informative as both to how the religious rationale is still at work in post-secular societies, and why Jewish ultra-orthodoxy's theological-eschatological explanation and social pantheist response are worth investigating. In this article, Rabbi Amnon Yitzhak's "perception, interpretation and response" to the Covid-19 pandemic and its global impact on both the biological and the social aspects shall be the primary subject of our analysis. Tidsskrift for ; The conflicting and different reactions to Covid-19 pandemic, ranging from a willingness to cooperate with health authorities to a violent rejection of all decisions and measures suggested or taken by local and international authorities are but expressions of framing meanings of and finding answers to why Covid-19 broke out on a such global scale beyond biological boundaries. This is to show why epidemics such as Covid-19 deserve to be investigated within their broader cultural, political, scientific, and geographic contexts. Religion or the religious rationale once again has made itself a site of interest in the public space; both as one of the many competing explanatory frameworks and as a scapegoat for contributing to the breakdown of the social order and for promoting unscientific, irrational and superstitious understandings and interpretations of Covid-19. As a matter of fact, certain religious communities across all the Abrahamic religions do present theological and eschatological interpretations of the pandemic. As we shall see, Messianic Jewish groups actually present a hermeneutical framework that consists of a theological-eschatological framework of the Covid-19 pandemic and a socio-political pantheism plan of action the aim of which is to maintain the believer immune to the attacks of secularism and its ills. On the latter point, I find Rabbi Amnon Yitzhak's explanatory framework of the Covid-19 pandemic very informative as both to how the religious rationale is still at work in post-secular societies, and why Jewish ultra-orthodoxy's theological-eschatological explanation and social pantheist response are worth investigating. In this article, Rabbi Amnon Yitzhak's "perception, interpretation and response" to the Covid-19 pandemic and its global impact on both the biological and the social aspects shall be the primary subject of our analysis. Tidsskrift for
An incisive look at Hmong religion in the United States, where resettled refugees found creative ways to maintain their traditions, even as Christian organizations deputized by the government were granted an outsized influence on the refugees' new lives.Every year, members of the Hmong Christian Church of God in Minneapolis gather for a cherished Thanksgiving celebration. But this Thanksgiving takes place in the spring, in remembrance of the turbulent days in May 1975 when thousands of Laotians were evacuated for resettlement in the United States. For many Hmong, passage to America was also a spiritual crossing. As they found novel approaches to living, they also embraced Christianity-called kev cai tshiab, "the new way"-as a means of navigating their complex spiritual landscapes.Melissa May Borja explores how this religious change happened and what it has meant for Hmong culture. American resettlement policies unintentionally deprived Hmong of the resources necessary for their time-honored rituals, in part because these practices, blending animism, ancestor worship, and shamanism, challenged many Christian-centric definitions of religion. At the same time, because the government delegated much of the resettlement work to Christian organizations, refugees developed close and dependent relationships with Christian groups. Ultimately the Hmong embraced Christianity on their own terms, adjusting to American spiritual life while finding opportunities to preserve their customs.Follow the New Way illustrates America's wavering commitments to pluralism and secularism, offering a much-needed investigation into the public work done by religious institutions with the blessing of the state. But in the creation of a Christian-inflected Hmong American animism we see the resilience of tradition-how it deepens under transformative conditions
This book examines how Christian love can inform legal thought. The work introduces love as a way to advance the emergent conversation between constructive theology and jurisprudence that will also inform conversations in philosophy and political theory. Love is the central category for Christian ethical understanding. Yet, the growing field of law and religion, and relatedly law and theology, rarely addresses how love can shape our understanding of law. This reflects, in part, a common assumption that law and love stand in necessary tension. Love applies to the private and the personal. Law, by contrast, applies to the public and the political, realms governed by power. It is thus a mistake to envisage love as having anything but a negative relationship to law. This conclusion continues to govern Christian understandings of the meaning and vocation of law. The animating idea of this volume is that the concept of love can and should inform Christian legal thought. The project approaches this task from the perspective of both historical and constructive theology. Various contributions examine how such thinkers as Augustine, Aquinas, and Calvin utilised love in their legal thought. These essays highlight often neglected aspects of the Christian tradition. Other contributions examine Christian love in light of contemporary legal topics including civility, forgiveness, and secularism. Love, the book proposes, not only matters for law but can transform the terms on which Christians understand and engage it. The book will be of interest to academics and researchers working in the areas of legal theory; law and religion; law and philosophy; legal history; theology and religious studies; and political theory.
This book examines how Christian love can inform legal thought. The work introduces love as a way to advance the emergent conversation between constructive theology and jurisprudence that will also inform conversations in philosophy and political theory. Love is the central category for Christian ethical understanding. Yet, the growing field of law and religion, and relatedly law and theology, rarely addresses how love can shape our understanding of law. This reflects, in part, a common assumption that law and love stand in necessary tension. Love applies to the private and the personal. Law, by contrast, applies to the public and the political, realms governed by power. It is thus a mistake to envisage love as having anything but a negative relationship to law. This conclusion continues to govern Christian understandings of the meaning and vocation of law. The animating idea of this volume is that the concept of love can and should inform Christian legal thought. The project approaches this task from the perspective of both historical and constructive theology. Various contributions examine how such thinkers as Augustine, Aquinas, and Calvin utilised love in their legal thought. These essays highlight often neglected aspects of the Christian tradition. Other contributions examine Christian love in light of contemporary legal topics including civility, forgiveness, and secularism. Love, the book proposes, not only matters for law but can transform the terms on which Christians understand and engage it. The book will be of interest to academics and researchers working in the areas of legal theory; law and religion; law and philosophy; legal history; theology and religious studies; and political theory.
1. Introduction -- 2. Ashleen Menchaca-Bagnulo, Rome and the Education of Mercy in Augustine's City of God -- 3. Michelle Kundmueller and Jeremy Castle, When a Law is No Law At All: Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Use of Augustine and Aquinas in the Battle Against Segregation -- 4. Jonathan Price and Bede Mullens, O.P., Augustine's "Inner Self" and Identity Politics -- 5. Veronica Roberts Ogle, Cultus Hominum: Political Reflections on Augustine's Theological Anthropology -- 6. Greg Forster, In Rome but Not of It: Augustine between Eusebius and Donatus -- 7. Wei Hua, Augustine, Political Obedience and Chinese House Churches -- 8. Gladden Pappin, Augustine and Gallicanism -- 9. Edmund Waldstein, O.Cist, Spiritual Ends and Temporal Power: An Integralist Reading of The City of God -- 10. Paul Miller, Augustinian Liberalism -- 11. Kody Cooper, Existential Humility and the Critique of Civil Religion in Augustine's Political Theology -- 12. Peter Busch, Augustine's Call to Citizenship -- 13. Mary Keys, Elitism and Secularism, Old and New: Augustine on Humility, Pride, and Philosophy in The City of God VIII-X -- 14. Paul Weithman, Pride in a Time of Crisis -- 15. Michael Lamb, Augustine and Contemporary Political Theory: Toward an Augustinian Republicanism -- 16. Boleslaw Z. Kabala and Caleb Morefield, Speech and Silence: Republican Toleration in Augustine -- 17. Elżbieta Ciżewska-Martyńska, Augustine and Polish Republicans on the Fragility of Liberty: Questions for Today -- 18. Matthew Hallgarth, Augustine's Principled Realism -- 19. Douglas Kries, Augustine and the Flexibility of True Justice -- 20. Eric Gregory, Beyond Critique: Just War as Theological Political Theology -- 21. Nathan Pinkoski, "Love, but Be Careful What You Love": Arendt's Augustinian Fragments on Thinking -- 22. Daniel Strand, Augustine's Privation, Arendt's Banality -- 23. Conclusions.
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"The revolutionary wave of demonstrations and protests that began to sweep across numerous countries in North Africa and the Middle East in December 2010 shocked the world. The significance of the uneven phenomenon which has often been named the 'Arab Spring' is still not fully understood. What is certain is that the events triggered partly by the self-immolation of the Tunisian fruit-stall owner, Mohammed Bouazizi, have changed this diverse region irrevocably, leading to the explosion of enduring political frameworks or - in Syria - to civil war and mass exodus. These Revolutions - like other Revolutions in diverse modern historical contexts - have often tended to be articulated, internally and externally, in black and white terms of success or failure, liberation or constraint, for or against, friend or enemy. The complex range of perspectives in Tunisia has, for example, at times, been reduced to binary perceptions of secularism and religion or, more extremely, a 'Western' notion of democracy and a radical version of Islamism. The metaphor of an 'Arab Spring' was swiftly replaced, in both journalism and scholarship, by that - equally reductive - of an 'Islamist Winter'. The Revolutions came often to be presented as a closed chapter. Yet, art engaging with this phenomenon frequently contributes an alternative perspective. A striking range of art evokes, and encourages, a more nuanced understanding of these Revolutions, and of the idea of 'revolution', more widely. In this book I ask how such work - in photography, sculpture, graffiti, performance, video and installation - forges a way between internal and external clichés. How does this art evoke the idea of revolution? How does it invent new aesthetics? How do these works call for alternative critical approaches?"--
Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- The Authors -- Table of Contents -- List of Abbreviations -- Acknowledgements -- General Introduction -- 1. AN OUTLINE OF FRENCH CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY -- I. From Constitutional Revolutions to the Emergence of the Parliamentary Regime (1789-1875) -- II. The Third Republic (1875-1940) -- A. The Institutions of the Third Republic -- B. The Practice of the Regime -- III. The Fourth Republic (1946-1958) -- A. The Institutions of the Fourth Republic -- B. The Practice of the Regime -- IV. The Fifth Republic (1958 to Present) -- A. Adoption of the Constitution -- B. Evolution of the Constitution -- 2. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FRENCH STATE -- I. The Indivisibility of the Republic -- A. A Unitary State -- B. A Decentralized Organization -- II. Secularism -- III. A Democratic and Social Republic -- A. Democracy and the Rule of Law -- B. A Social Republic -- IV. The Political Regime -- A. A Parliamentary Republic -- B. A Semi-Presidential Regime -- 1. The Pre-eminence of the President of the Republic -- 2. The Periods of Cohabitation -- 3. STATE TERRITORY -- I. A Complex Territorial Organization -- II. Powers of Local Authorities -- 4. POPULATION AND DEMOGRAPHICS -- Selected Further Reading -- Part I. Sources of Constitutional Law -- Chapter 1. Treaties -- 1. THE TREATY-MAKING POWER -- 2. THE POSITION OF INTERNATIONAL TREATIES IN THE DOMESTIC NORMATIVE HIERARCHY -- I. The Supra-Legislative and Infra-Constitutional Position of International Treaties -- II. The Subordination of International Treaties to the Constitution -- A. The General Subordination of International Treaties to the Constitution -- B. The Special Constitutional Position of EU Law -- Chapter 2. The Constitution -- 1. THE CHARACTERISTICS OF CONSTITUTIONAL NORMS -- I. The Supremacy of the Constitution.
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Intro -- Foreword -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- About the Author -- Note on Transliteration and Other Conventions -- Chapter 1 Introduction -- Abstract -- 1.1 Objectives of the Book -- 1.2 Muslim Modernism and Muslim Modernists -- 1.3 Structure of the Thesis -- 1.4 Brief Literature Survey and Significance of the Book -- Chapter 2 Life and Character: From Birth to the Formation of a Social Reformer -- Abstract -- 2.1 Early Life-The Formative Period -- 2.2 Academic Endeavour -- 2.3 Making and Unmaking of Nassirism -- 2.4 Islamic Activist in the Making -- 2.5 Next Destination-France/Life in France -- 2.6 Back Home (Tunisia) and Social Reformer in the Making -- Chapter 3 Sociopolitical Activities -- Abstract -- 3.1 Post-independent Tunisian Atmosphere and the Emergence of a Social Reformer -- 3.2 Transformation: Social Activism to Political Activism -- 3.3 Formation of Ḥarkah al-Ittijah al-Islāmı and the Period Onward -- Chapter 4 Works of Rāshid al-Ghannūshiˉ: An Exploration -- Abstract -- 4.1 Al-HurrIˉyyāt al-'Āmah fIˉ al-Dawlah al-Islāmiyyah (Civil Liberties in the Islamic State) -- 4.2 Al-Mar'ah Bayn al-Qur'ān wa Wāqi' al-MuslimIˉn (The Woman Between the Qur'ān and the Muslim Reality) -- 4.3 Ḥuqūq al-Muwāṭanah: Ḥuqūq ghayr al-Muslim fIˉ al-Mujtama' al-IslāmIˉ (The Right to Nationality Status of Non-Muslim Citizens in a Muslim Nation) -- 4.4 Muqāribāt fIˉ al-'Ilmāniyyah wa al-Mujtama' al-MadanIˉ (Approaches to Secularism and Civil Society) -- 4.5 Min al-Fikr al-IslāmIˉ fIˉ Tūnis (From the Islamic Thought in Tunisia) -- 4.6 Al-Qadar 'Inda Ibn Taymiyyah (Predestination: Ibn Taymiiyyah's Perspective) -- Chapter 5 Rāshid al-Ghannūshiˉ on Islam-West Relationship and Human Rights -- Abstract -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Islam-West Relationship -- 5.3 Human Rights -- 5.3.1 Concept of Freedom.
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Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Preface -- Introduction -- Part 1 Colonialism and Postcolonial Legacies -- 1 Anthropologists Versus Missionaries: The Influence of Presuppositions, Claude E. Stipe -- 2 From Tupa to the Land Without Evil: The Christianization of Tupi -Guarani Cosmology, -- 3 Shamanism and Christianity: Modern-Day Tlingit Elders Look at the Past, Sergei Kan -- 4 Reflections on Christianity in China, Morton H. Fried -- Part 2 Gender and Sexuality -- 5 Menstruation and Reproduction: An Oglala Case, -- 6 The Domestication of Religion: The Spiritual Guardianship of Elderly Jewish Women, Susan Sered -- 7 Becoming a Mujercita: Rituals, Fiestas, and Religious Discourses, Valentina Napolitano -- 8 Erotic Anthropology: "Ritualized Homosexuality" in Melanesia and Beyond, Deborah A. Elliston -- Part 3 The Healing Touch and Altered States -- 9 Exorcists, Psychiatrists, and the Problems of Possession in Northwest Madagascar, Lesley A. Sharp -- 10 The Woman Who Wanted To Be Her Father: A Case Analysis of Dybbuk Possession in a Hasidic Community, Yoram Bilu -- 11 Hypnosis and Trance Induction in the Surgeries of Brazilian Spiritist Healer-Mediums, Sidney M. Greenfield -- 12 Zar as Modernization in Contemporary Sudan, Susan M. Kenyon -- Part 4 Religion and the State -- 13 Pockets Full of Mistakes: The Personal Consequences of Religious Change in a Toraja Village, Douglas Hollan -- 14 Bandits, Beggars, and Ghosts: The Failure of State Control over Religious Interpretation in Taiwan, Robert P. Weller -- 15 Muslim Identity and Secularism in Contemporary Turkey: "The Headscarf Dispute -- " Emelie A. Olson -- 16 The Interpretation of Politics: A Hopi Conundrum, Peter M. Whiteley -- Part 5 Changes and Continuities -- 17 Cargoism in Irian Jaya Today, Benny Giay and fan A. Godschalk
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"Education and Extremisms addresses one of the most pressing questions facing societies today: how is education to respond to the challenge of extremism? It argues that the implementation of new teaching techniques, curricular reforms or top-down changes to education policy alone cannot solve the problem of extremism in educational establishments across the world. Instead, the authors of this thought-provoking volume argue that there is a need for those concerned with radicalisation to reconsider the relationship between instrumentalist ideologies shaping education and the multiple forms of extremisms that exist.Beginning with a detailed discussion of the complicated and contested nature of different forms of extremism, including extremism of both a religious and secular nature, the authors show that common assumptions in contemporary discourses on education and extremism are problematic. Chapters in the book provide a careful selection of pertinent and topical case studies, policy analysis and insightful critique of extremist discourses. Taken together, the chapters in the book make a powerful case for re-engaging with liberal education in order to foster values of individual and social enrichment, intellectual freedom, criticality, open-mindedness, flexibility and reflection as antidotes to extremist ideologies. Recognising recent criticisms of liberalism and liberal education, the authors argue for a new understanding of liberal education that is suitable for multicultural societies in a rapidly globalising world. This book is essential reading for academics, researchers and postgraduate students with an interest in religion, citizenship education, liberalism, secularism, counter-terrorism, social policy, Muslim education, youth studies and extremism. It is also relevant to teacher educators, teachers and policymakers."--Provided by publisher
Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- System of Translation and Transliteration -- Introduction -- 1 The Emergence of the Tunisian Islamic Movement -- Economic and Political Factors -- Religious and Cultural Factors -- The Movement's First Founders -- Embarking on a Mission -- 2 The Politicisation Process -- Conflict on Campus -- The Government's Role in the Emergence of the Movement -- The Impact of the Liberal Experiment -- The Iranian Factor -- Secrecy: The Benefits and Costs -- The Discovery of the Secret Organisation -- The Creation of the Political Party -- 3 Islamists v. Bourguiba 1981-1987 -- The First Confrontation, 1981-1984 -- The Truce of 1984-1986 -- The End of Bourguiba's Era -- 4 Islamists v. Ben Ali 1987-1993 -- The Strategy of the New President -- Ben Ali Against the Islamists -- The Panic of the Islamists -- 5 The Basis for a "Political" Islam -- The Party of Islam -- The Meaning and Implications of Jāhiliyya -- The "Muslim" and the "Islamist -- Islamism or Fundamentalism? -- The Principle of Comprehensiveness -- Islam and Secularism -- 6 The Islamists' Islamic State -- The Evolution of Ghannouchi's Political Thought -- Islamic Democracy -- The Implications of Trusteeship -- Basic Human Rights in Islam -- The People's Authority -- The Status of Non-Muslims -- A Note on Tunisian Modernism -- The Response of Tunisian Élites -- The Implications of the Islamists' Programme -- The Question of Originality -- 7 Issues of Identity and Westernisation -- Islam, Arabism, and Tunisian Identity -- The Role of Mzali -- The Fight Against Westernisation -- Signing the National Pact -- Conclusion -- Appendixes -- Appendix 1 The Founding Manifesto of Ḥarakat al-Ittijāh al-Islāmī (1981) -- Appendix 2 The Manifesto of Al-Nahḍa Movement of Tunisia (1988)
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