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Tariq Modood argues that European states are only 'moderately secular' and that this kind of secularism is compatible with public accommodation of religious groups and provides a model of Muslim integration appropriate for European states. Although attention to the fact of moderate secularism provides a response to a prominent argument against multicultural accommodation of religious minorities, what is really at stake in discussions of multiculturalism and secularism are political principles. Modood's case for accommodation of Muslims along the lines of moderate secularism presupposes a normative conception of equality, but his characterisation of multicultural equality is inadequate in several respects. Adapted from the source document.

Buddhism in the modern world offers an example of (1) the porousness of the boundary between the secular and religious; (2) the diversity, fluidity, and constructedness of the very categories of religious and secular, since they appear in different ways among different Buddhist cultures in divergent national contexts; and (3) the way these categories nevertheless have very real-world effects and become drivers of substantial change in belief and practice. Drawing on a few examples of Buddhism in various geographical and political settings, I hope to take a few modest steps toward illuminating some broad contours of the interlacing of secularism and Buddhism. In doing so, I am synthesizing some of my own and a few others' research on modern Buddhism, integrating it with some current research I am doing on meditation, and considering its implications for thinking about secularism. This, I hope, will provide a background against which we can consider more closely some particular features of Buddhism in the Chinese cultural world, about which I will offer some preliminary thoughts.

Imam Sajjad (AS) Sahifeh, one of the most valuable legacies of Islamic Thought. A collection of prayers that, in terms of document content is very authentic, Sahifeh Sajjadieh and Blessings Imam Sajjad (AS), due to the repression of political and historical situation of his time, after Uprising Ashoora, the enormous load of content exclusive to the person. This study is based on analytical methods - descriptive, and enjoying written and unwritten sources in the field, to review the status of the world and world issues addressed in the Sahifeh Sajjadieh. Studies indicate that the have been trying Sahifeh Sajadieh between this world and the hereafter, the balance should be logical and consistent, and the extremes to avoid being bitten. So the debate on secularism Sajadieh Sahifeh, according to the social and political documents have stated that, in this prayer, to help topics needy, praying for rain and drought fixes, and fix poor, the deprived, and enjoined from denying insurance, Foo and ax, helping neighbors, blessings on Muhammad and his Al (p), mutual respect optimal utilization of riches and so on, pointed out. Also pay special attention to it, lest seduced by this world and the hereafter neglected.

This paper explores the political thought during the 1920s of Lala Lajpat Rai (1865–1928), a prominent anti-colonial nationalist. It outlines the historical context under which a secular politics became vital for Rai, and elaborates the intricate internal texture of his complex, often fluid vision of secularism. The second half of the paper explores the theoretical implications of Rai's dynamic position. It illustrates how Lajpat Rai simultaneously articulated both a Hindu communal politics and a vision of secularism. By so doing, this paper challenges the long-drawn strict dichotomy between Hindu politics or Hindu 'communalism' and Indian secularism. Yet, the paper also pushes back against revisionist scholarship which, in challenging assumptions of strict mutual exclusivity between Indian secularism and Hindu communalism, has tended to overlook and undermine meaningful distinctions that still exist between these categories. This paper insists on the need to retain and respect the analytical distinctions between the two categories, even while recognising that they do not always exist in relation to each other as a strict dichotomy. Unearthing a hitherto-hidden Indian secularism articulated by this 'Hindu communal' politician, the paper will briefly explore the ways in which Rai's complex position overlaps with, and is distinct from, Western variants of secularism, India's constitutional secularism, and the Gandhian-Nehruvian vision, the latter of which became hegemonic till the 1970s. The paper ends by, very briefly, comparing Lajpat Rai's position with Hindutva nationalism – a major influence on the contemporary Hindu right – and by reflecting on the relationship between the Hindu right and secularism.

The paper reverse the famous question of Susan Möller Okin "Is multiculturalism bad for women" and asks the question of the supposed "natural alliance" between secularism and democracy. It takes as an illustration the relation between secularist movement and women's claims in the history of Belgium from the Belgian revolution until now. It presents a first, sketchy description of the alliance, trying to show that three periods can be distinguished : until the end of the schoolwar, the relations between the secularist movement and women's claim are rather weak and the secularists tend to distrust women, they consider as allied of the clerics; during the period of 1960-2000, the alliance is stonger over the claim of "self-disposal of one's body'" ; then, from 2000 until now, there is a strong division between both secularist and feminist movements, and so there are two alliances : radical secularism and mainstream feminist movement are allied against islam while, radical feminist and tolerant secularism are allied against neo-colonialist position. ; Peer reviewed

The place to be attributed to the phenomenon of religion in relation to secularism, has returned to the limelight in the debate on the preamble of the future European Constitution, involving the 'person', with his rights and his dignity. The reference to God is not present in any constitution of democratic countries because it can not and should not legitimize any State. This return of religion in the public sense, has been determined by three factors such as migration influx, globalization and terrorism.