It is deeply misleading to consider the United States as a democratic regime under the supervision of Christian guidelines, for it is indeed a secular state the principles of which are clearly set out in the First Amendment to the Constitution. In fact, since the colonial period, two antagonistic rationales have constantly meshed: a spirit of religion aiming to place all aspects of life under the auspices of divine law, & a spirit of secularity regularly consolidated by Supreme Court jurisprudential progress. Seven major periods can be identified, each marked by the dominance of one tendency or the other. If at times the theocratic position has won out, it has always been thwarted by the reactivation of the secular perspective. The history of this ebb & glow teaches us that the current fundamentalist revival fits in line with a secular tradition. It also prompts us to seek the balancing element that has enabled this paradoxical combination to remain coherent. Civil religion provides a key to this enigma. It refers to three principles: respect for God, considered to preside over the country's destiny, the conviction that the republican model offers an example for all of humanity & the desire to defend its underlying values. This is how, beyond the potentially conflictual dimension of the theocratic-separatist mix, civil religion has made the theocratic aspiration of radical Protestants compatible with the separatist will of the partisans of a secular state. Adapted from the source document.
Laïcité is considered a pillar of the French Republican model and is used, today, as a model of integration concerning immigrants and cultural and religious minorities in France. Research in socialpsychology studying the impact of support for the principle of laïcité on intergroup relations reveal that this principle negatively predicts the tolerance of cultural diversity. However, many sociologists, political analysts and historians agree to say that laïcité, as it is understood today, does not correspond to its initial definition, at the time of the creation of the law of Separation of Churches and the State, in 1905. Thus, it would seem that several, not only one, conceptions of laïcité exit. The objective of this thesis is to highlight the different conceptions of laïcité, and to study, to what extent, these reduce, or, on contrary, promote the tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. This objective is delineated in three lines of research: the first is to construct a measure of beliefs concerning laïcité taking into account the different interpretations of laïcité expressed in the public debate; the second is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité is related to more or less tolerance of cultural diversity; the third is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité reduces, or, on the contrary, promotes tolerance of religious diversity. In conclusion, this thesis shows that different conceptions of laïcité exist. These either promote tolerance of cultural and religious diversity, or on the contrary, reduce tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. The contributions of this work, both at the level of academic research, and at the societal level are discussed in the general conclusion ; La laïcité est considérée comme un pilier du modèle républicain français et est, aujourd'hui, utilisée en tant que modèle d'intégration concernant les immigrés et les minorités culturelles et religieuses en France. Les travaux en psychologie sociale étudiant l'impact de ...
Laïcité is considered a pillar of the French Republican model and is used, today, as a model of integration concerning immigrants and cultural and religious minorities in France. Research in socialpsychology studying the impact of support for the principle of laïcité on intergroup relations reveal that this principle negatively predicts the tolerance of cultural diversity. However, many sociologists, political analysts and historians agree to say that laïcité, as it is understood today, does not correspond to its initial definition, at the time of the creation of the law of Separation of Churches and the State, in 1905. Thus, it would seem that several, not only one, conceptions of laïcité exit. The objective of this thesis is to highlight the different conceptions of laïcité, and to study, to what extent, these reduce, or, on contrary, promote the tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. This objective is delineated in three lines of research: the first is to construct a measure of beliefs concerning laïcité taking into account the different interpretations of laïcité expressed in the public debate; the second is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité is related to more or less tolerance of cultural diversity; the third is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité reduces, or, on the contrary, promotes tolerance of religious diversity. In conclusion, this thesis shows that different conceptions of laïcité exist. These either promote tolerance of cultural and religious diversity, or on the contrary, reduce tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. The contributions of this work, both at the level of academic research, and at the societal level are discussed in the general conclusion ; La laïcité est considérée comme un pilier du modèle républicain français et est, aujourd'hui, utilisée en tant que modèle d'intégration concernant les immigrés et les minorités culturelles et religieuses en France. Les travaux en psychologie sociale étudiant l'impact de ...
Laïcité is considered a pillar of the French Republican model and is used, today, as a model of integration concerning immigrants and cultural and religious minorities in France. Research in socialpsychology studying the impact of support for the principle of laïcité on intergroup relations reveal that this principle negatively predicts the tolerance of cultural diversity. However, many sociologists, political analysts and historians agree to say that laïcité, as it is understood today, does not correspond to its initial definition, at the time of the creation of the law of Separation of Churches and the State, in 1905. Thus, it would seem that several, not only one, conceptions of laïcité exit. The objective of this thesis is to highlight the different conceptions of laïcité, and to study, to what extent, these reduce, or, on contrary, promote the tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. This objective is delineated in three lines of research: the first is to construct a measure of beliefs concerning laïcité taking into account the different interpretations of laïcité expressed in the public debate; the second is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité is related to more or less tolerance of cultural diversity; the third is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité reduces, or, on the contrary, promotes tolerance of religious diversity. In conclusion, this thesis shows that different conceptions of laïcité exist. These either promote tolerance of cultural and religious diversity, or on the contrary, reduce tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. The contributions of this work, both at the level of academic research, and at the societal level are discussed in the general conclusion ; La laïcité est considérée comme un pilier du modèle républicain français et est, aujourd'hui, utilisée en tant que modèle d'intégration concernant les immigrés et les minorités culturelles et religieuses en France. Les travaux en psychologie sociale étudiant l'impact de l'adhésion au principe de laïcité sur les relations intergroupes révèlent que ce principe prédit négativement la tolérance envers la diversité culturelle. Cependant, de nombreux sociologues, politologues et historiens s'accordent à dire que la laïcité, telle qu'elle est conçue aujourd'hui, ne correspond pas à ce qu'elle était initialement, au moment de la création de la Loi de Séparation des Eglises et de l'Etat, en 1905. Il semblerait donc qu'il existe, non pas une laïcité, mais plusieurs conceptions de celle-ci. L'objectif de cette thèse se décline en trois axes de recherche : le premier est de construire une échelle permettant de prendre en compte les différentes croyances de la laïcité ; le deuxième est d'étudier, dans quelle mesure, l'adhésion aux différentes croyances sous-jacentes à la laïcité est liée à plus ou moins de tolérance envers la diversité culturelle ; le troisième est d'étudier comment l'adhésion aux différentes dimensions sous-jacentes à la laïcité prédit plus ou moins de tolérance envers la diversité religieuse. Globalement, les résultats indiquent qu'il existe différentes conceptions de la laïcité, permettant soit de promouvoir la tolérance envers la diversité culturelle et religieuse, soit, au contraire, d'atténuer la tolérance envers la diversité culturelle et religieuse. Les apports de ce travail, tant au niveau de la recherche, qu'au niveau sociétal sont discutés lors de la conclusion générale
Au Portugal, au début des années 1930, quand cesse l'expérience républicaine et laïque qui avait été très marquée par l'intervention politique des médecins, le psychiatre type était neurologue, positiviste et anticlérical. Avec le régime conservateur de l'Estado Novo, les médecins catholiques, dont les psychiatres, ont opéré une reprise en main qui, en quelques décennies, a changé la nature sociopolitique de la psychiatrie institutionnalisée. Nourris par de nouveaux courants scientifiques, religieux et idéologiques, les savoirs et les pratiques cliniques des psychiatres se sont accommodés du contexte politique et religieux de l'Estado Novo. Un de ces courants, la psychanalyse, a joué un rôle inattendu dans le rapprochement entre psychiatrie et catholicisme. Ce rapprochement est analysé, ainsi que ses conséquences épistémiques, pratiques et institutionnelles. ; In Portugal of the early 1930s, in the aftermath of the secularist regime of the First Republic, marked by a significant political involvement of doctors, the typical psychiatrist was a positivist and anticlerical neurologist. With the conservative regime of Estado Novo, Catholic doctors, including psychiatrists, undertook a takeover which, in a few decades, changed the socio-political nature of institutionalized psychiatry. Influenced by new scientific, religious and ideological trends, the knowledge and clinical practices of psychiatrists adapted to the political and religious context of Estado Novo. One of these currents, psychoanalysis, played an unexpected role in the rapprochement between psychiatry and Catholicism. This process of rapprochement is analysed as well as its epistemic consequences and institutional practices. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Are there Muslim pupils in French schools? this question does not have a place in the managerial approach of national education current reform. Neither does it in French secularist ethos. Moreover, it is uncomfortable because it arouses Islam social categorization whilst education is supposed to be meritocratic. But this question has to be asked if one is to take seriously the cognitive and civic missions of public education. For it matters a lot for Muslims to be accepted as such. And it matters that others be educated to accept Muslims. This determines the capacity of each other to make a common polity, while formal silence maintains a fantastical view of Muslims as threatening outsiders, even in schools. ; Y a-t-il des élèves musulmans ? La question n'a pas sa place dans l'orientation managériale de la réforme dans l'Education nationale. Elle n'en a pas non plus dans l'éthos français de la laïcité. Enfin, elle est inconfortable, car elle éveille la catégorisation sociale de l'islam alors que l'école se veut fondamentalement un espace de méritocratie universelle. Mais cette question devrait être posée si l'on prend au sérieux la mission cognitive et civique de l'école. Car il importe pour les confessants de l'islam d'être acceptés comme tels. Et il importe que les autres soient éduqués à cette acceptation. De cela dépend la capacité des uns et des autres à faire ensemble une communauté politique, tandis que le silence officiel entretient la vision fantasmagorique de l'islam comme groupe extérieur menaçant, jusqu'au sein de l'école
Are there Muslim pupils in French schools? this question does not have a place in the managerial approach of national education current reform. Neither does it in French secularist ethos. Moreover, it is uncomfortable because it arouses Islam social categorization whilst education is supposed to be meritocratic. But this question has to be asked if one is to take seriously the cognitive and civic missions of public education. For it matters a lot for Muslims to be accepted as such. And it matters that others be educated to accept Muslims. This determines the capacity of each other to make a common polity, while formal silence maintains a fantastical view of Muslims as threatening outsiders, even in schools. ; Y a-t-il des élèves musulmans ? La question n'a pas sa place dans l'orientation managériale de la réforme dans l'Education nationale. Elle n'en a pas non plus dans l'éthos français de la laïcité. Enfin, elle est inconfortable, car elle éveille la catégorisation sociale de l'islam alors que l'école se veut fondamentalement un espace de méritocratie universelle. Mais cette question devrait être posée si l'on prend au sérieux la mission cognitive et civique de l'école. Car il importe pour les confessants de l'islam d'être acceptés comme tels. Et il importe que les autres soient éduqués à cette acceptation. De cela dépend la capacité des uns et des autres à faire ensemble une communauté politique, tandis que le silence officiel entretient la vision fantasmagorique de l'islam comme groupe extérieur menaçant, jusqu'au sein de l'école
Are there Muslim pupils in French schools? this question does not have a place in the managerial approach of national education current reform. Neither does it in French secularist ethos. Moreover, it is uncomfortable because it arouses Islam social categorization whilst education is supposed to be meritocratic. But this question has to be asked if one is to take seriously the cognitive and civic missions of public education. For it matters a lot for Muslims to be accepted as such. And it matters that others be educated to accept Muslims. This determines the capacity of each other to make a common polity, while formal silence maintains a fantastical view of Muslims as threatening outsiders, even in schools. ; Y a-t-il des élèves musulmans ? La question n'a pas sa place dans l'orientation managériale de la réforme dans l'Education nationale. Elle n'en a pas non plus dans l'éthos français de la laïcité. Enfin, elle est inconfortable, car elle éveille la catégorisation sociale de l'islam alors que l'école se veut fondamentalement un espace de méritocratie universelle. Mais cette question devrait être posée si l'on prend au sérieux la mission cognitive et civique de l'école. Car il importe pour les confessants de l'islam d'être acceptés comme tels. Et il importe que les autres soient éduqués à cette acceptation. De cela dépend la capacité des uns et des autres à faire ensemble une communauté politique, tandis que le silence officiel entretient la vision fantasmagorique de l'islam comme groupe extérieur menaçant, jusqu'au sein de l'école
