Secularisms
In: Contemporary South Asia, Volume 19, Issue 3, p. 337-338
ISSN: 1469-364X
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In: Contemporary South Asia, Volume 19, Issue 3, p. 337-338
ISSN: 1469-364X
In: Political theory: an international journal of political philosophy, Volume 39, Issue 2, p. 276-288
ISSN: 0090-5917
In: The Indian journal of political science, Volume 68, Issue 3, p. 607-614
ISSN: 0019-5510
In: Contemporary South Asia, Volume 21, Issue 3, p. 348-349
ISSN: 1469-364X
In: Contemporary South Asia, Volume 21, Issue 3, p. 348-349
ISSN: 0958-4935
In: Perspectives on politics: a political science public sphere, Volume 11, Issue 1, p. 295-296
ISSN: 1537-5927
In: Comparative studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, Volume 31, Issue 1, p. 46-52
ISSN: 1548-226X
The Islamic revolution in Iran at the closing decades of the twentieth century was a shocking, unexpected phenomenon in the context of modern history. Its religious emblem, the presence of the Shiite clerics as it's mobilizing motor for mass demonstrations and, eventually, the bizarre composition of Islam and revolution—an amalgam of two conceptually alien elements, with unprecedented ideological claims— created a new peculiar model of state and statecraft. The substitution of a fundamentalist regime for a semisecular monarchy replaced the crown with the turban as the paramount symbol of the Iranian national sovereignty, under the fundamentalist formulation of the "governance of the canonist" (velayat-e faqih). This new state manifesting itself through specific signs, symbols, slogans, discourses, and behaviors, as well as by appropriation of modern means of ideological propaganda, the use of revolutionary violence, and organized terror, embodied in the very structure of a state, addressed itself to the world as a new militant ideological and political power aiming, once again, to change the world. How could this extremely unexpected event happen? Explanations are various and they focus either on the dictatorial manners and erroneous actions of the shah, alongside the role played by the Western powers, specifically the United States, or on the presence and the political role of Shiism and its clergy in Iranian history. However, a few fundamental questions remain unanswered. How could a radically traditionalist religious establishment, which was normally marked by modern revolutionaries as reactionary, merge with the most radical revolutionary groups and views? What are the universal results of such a "chemical" composition for both the otherworldly religionism and secular revolutionism? How do they essentially differ in action and discourse from what they had been previously? What were the innermost historical forces that made possible this seemingly impossible phenomenon?
In: New perspectives quarterly: NPQ, Volume 27, Issue 3, p. 67-70
ISSN: 1540-5842
In: Australian quarterly: AQ, Volume 82, Issue 1, p. 12-17
ISSN: 0005-0091, 1443-3605
Explores the notion that there is a perceived imbalance in governmental support for religious vs secularist worldviews in Australia. Discussion opens with an explanation of political secularism that focuses on policy options rather than the concept itself; a political secularist preoccupation with church-state separation is noted. In looking at separation in the realms of education & charities, various political secularist ideological assumptions are identified. Attention is given to the Special Religious Education debate; structural pluralism as the theoretical policy framework in play in Victoria; & a typology for the democratic governance of religious diversity. It is asserted that Australian political secularists are now seeing the value in lobbying for rather than simply articulating their agenda. D. Edelman
In: Politics, religion & ideology, Volume 15, Issue 4, p. 630-631
ISSN: 2156-7697
In: New perspectives quarterly: NPQ, Volume 24, Issue 3, p. 22-24
ISSN: 1540-5842
In this age of confrontation, the secular Turkish model has been seen as a bridge between Islam and the West as well as the link between Europe and Asia. Now that model faces the most severe test in its history. How the current crisis is settled will frame future relations between Islam and the West no less than the events of 9/11.
In: French politics, culture and society, Volume 26, Issue 1
ISSN: 1558-5271
In: Thesis eleven: critical theory and historical sociology, Volume 128, Issue 1, p. 126-140
ISSN: 1461-7455, 0725-5136
In recent years, the intellectual tide has moved strongly against the kind of secular thinking that characterized Gellner's work. Whether couched in terms of postcolonialism, multiculturalism, genealogy, global understanding, political theology, or the revival of normative, metaphysical and openly religious perspectives, today's postsecular and even anti-secular mood in social theory seems to consign Gellner's project to the dustbin of history: a stern but doomed attempt to shore up western liberal rationalism. Under some revisionary lights, it has even become pointless to distinguish flexible secular thinking which still retains some firm 'bottom lines' from what is routinely portrayed as rampant ideological secularism. Unconvinced by key assumptions and motivations on this terrain, I reactivate Gellner's essential concerns and propositions around secularity and secularism, feeding these into the current debates. Whilst Gellner's stringent, unrivalled exposure of intellectual cant continues to be hugely valuable, and his sense of the utter historicity of social life and thought indispensable, Gellner's critical positivism could not, by his own admission, produce a coherent cultural politics.
In: Telos, Issue 167, p. 162-180
ISSN: 0040-2842, 0090-6514
Ward talks about secularism, which is a state-sponsored mythology that has evolved to replace the monarchic mythology of cuius regius eius religio. Laicite itself -- a complex and evolving idea that came to be understood in terms of state-monitored secularism -- goes back to laws preceding, including, and succeeding the Separation of Churches and State Act 1905. The fight here was State control of Roman Catholicism following years of conflict between republican anti-clericalism and Catholic anti-republicans. The 1905 law become the legal basis for laicite, but it has to be understood in terms of what it did not do. Adapted from the source document.
In: Journal of Middle East women's studies: JMEWS ; the official publication of the Association for Middle East Women's Studies, Volume 15, Issue 3, p. 392-394
ISSN: 1558-9579