Suchergebnisse

Despite the review of these pages, they cannot be used to compare the case law of the US Constitutional Council and Supreme Court on the issue of state-religion relations. As recently pointed out by a member of the Council ahead of a judge of the Supreme Court, it is scarcely possible to put on the same footing the argued judgments produced across the Atlantic and the decisions of the Council, whose statement of reasons is "more than discussing and demonstrating" 1. The "revolution" of the motivation that would be in motion in 2 remains too recent and limited to contradict this finding. Moreover, the abstract review carried out by the Council does not in any way enable it to be confronted with the variety of cases which lead the Supreme Court to forge and refine case-law. Nor is it possible to carry out an overall study of the multiple questions posed by 'secularism' in France and the United States 3. The subject will therefore be addressed differently, focusing on a particular problem faced by courts in France and the United States. French news has two themes, each of which has to look at a crèche. The first appears to be a false runway. It is in terms of 'secularism' that the issue of prohibiting the wearing of veil is often dealt with in France. However, when it is addressed recently to private individuals, such a measure does not concern secularism but freedom of religion. The rules that give concrete expression to secularism impose an obligation only on public authorities and persons acting on their behalf 4. The numerous judgments of the Supreme Court dealing with these issues, in particular from the point of view of religious exemptions to be granted to rules of general application 5, are therefore beside the point. If secularism is understood as a requirement of government neutrality towards religions, it is another recent controversy that is relevant. In recent years, several French administrative courts have reached opposing conclusions about the scenes of the Christmas nexus in public buildings 6. ...

Secularism was originally adopted by the Turkish nation in order to join the club of civilized European nations. In our present times, however, secularism, as interpreted and applied in Turkey, has become one of the major obstacles to its accession to the European Union. While respect for human rights is a precondition for accession, secularism is often perceived and used as a basis to restrict many fundamental freedoms in Turkey. Indeed, by confining religion within well established bounds and thus reducing its influence on state affairs and social life, an authoritarian conception of secularism enabled the state and the Turkish nation to modernize and consequently become closer to European civilization. At the same time, such an application of secularism has slowed the development of democracy and human rights in Turkey. Having become a dogma, safeguarding secularism has been invoked by the Turkish armed forces as one of the main reasons justifying their intervention in poli tics. It has also served as the basis for the dissolution of several political parties and the repression of peaceful expression of opinions by the Turkish courts. This judicial and military activism impairs the development of democracy and the situation of human rights in Turkey. Yet there are other ways to protect the secular nature of the state against the danger of islamization and to guarantee the fundamental rights and freedoms, thus facilitating the country's accession to the EU: the protection and promotion of the religious pluralism existing within Turkish society. It is through the development of tolerance with regard to different religious identities in Turkish society that the state will find the best defence against the danger of fundamentalism. ; Initialement adoptée en tant que moyen permettant à la nation turque d' accéder au club des nations européennes civilisées, la laïcité, telle qu'elle est interprétée et appliquée en Turquie, est aujourd'hui devenue l'un des obstacles majeurs à l'adhésion de ce pays à l'Union ...

International audience ; Cet article analyse les pratiques ordinaires de la laïcité à Boulogne-Billancourt à travers les relations qui s'établissent sur le plan local, entre autorités politiques et autorités religieuses dans le cadre de l'édification de nouveaux lieux de culte de cette ville des « beaux quartiers » de l'Ouest parisien. À un premier niveau, la politique municipale à l'égard des principales communautés religieuses — catholique, juive et musulmane — est légitimée par les principes de neutralité et d'égalité, la ville soutenant toutes ces communautés. À un second niveau, le régime de visibilité ou d'invisibilité des lieux de culte permet de prendre la mesure des rapports de pouvoir au sein desquels s'inscrivent ces relations entre acteurs religieux et acteurs politiques, adossés à une conception municipale de la laïcité largement inspirée par la doctrine et l'expérience de l'Église catholique dans ce domaine.

The times in which we live constantly remind us that the fight against discrimination is a major challenge for our societies. In social psychology, the study of the causes of discrimination has been at the heart of research for many years. Nevertheless, the work done to date often offers explanations presented as identical in all countries and in all cultures. In the context of research on prejudice and discrimination, recent studies have highlighted the existence of culture-specific norms, derived from laws in each country and focused on the behaviors to be adopted to integrate within each society: the cultural norms of integration. The existence of such norms in a given society influences the level of prejudice of its members. On the basis of this work, the aim of this thesis is to study the effect of cultural integration norms on the emergence of discriminatory behaviors. Specifically, this thesis focuses on a political principle little studied in psychology: laïcité. Previous work has shown that this principle can be interpreted in two very different ways: a historical, inclusive form, and a new, exclusive form. Can cultural norms relating to this principle of laïcité be considered as important factors in the emergence of discrimination against ethnic or religious minorities? In order to study this fundamental question, this thesis is structured in six chapters: two theoretical chapters (chapters 1 and 6) and four empirical chapters, composed of eight studies (chapters 2, 3, 4 and 5).Chapter 1 introduces theoretically the different notions addressed in the thesis. Chapter 2 is composed of two pilot studies that form the basis of this thesis. Study 1 aims to compare five countries, including France, in terms of cultural norms of integration. This study highlights the importance of the norm of new laïcité in France. Study 2 aims to validate a computerized task to measure discriminatory behavior. In Chapter 3, two studies (Studies 3 and 4) were conducted to test the effect of new and historical laïcité norms on ...

The times in which we live constantly remind us that the fight against discrimination is a major challenge for our societies. In social psychology, the study of the causes of discrimination has been at the heart of research for many years. Nevertheless, the work done to date often offers explanations presented as identical in all countries and in all cultures. In the context of research on prejudice and discrimination, recent studies have highlighted the existence of culture-specific norms, derived from laws in each country and focused on the behaviors to be adopted to integrate within each society: the cultural norms of integration. The existence of such norms in a given society influences the level of prejudice of its members. On the basis of this work, the aim of this thesis is to study the effect of cultural integration norms on the emergence of discriminatory behaviors. Specifically, this thesis focuses on a political principle little studied in psychology: laïcité. Previous work has shown that this principle can be interpreted in two very different ways: a historical, inclusive form, and a new, exclusive form. Can cultural norms relating to this principle of laïcité be considered as important factors in the emergence of discrimination against ethnic or religious minorities? In order to study this fundamental question, this thesis is structured in six chapters: two theoretical chapters (chapters 1 and 6) and four empirical chapters, composed of eight studies (chapters 2, 3, 4 and 5).Chapter 1 introduces theoretically the different notions addressed in the thesis. Chapter 2 is composed of two pilot studies that form the basis of this thesis. Study 1 aims to compare five countries, including France, in terms of cultural norms of integration. This study highlights the importance of the norm of new laïcité in France. Study 2 aims to validate a computerized task to measure discriminatory behavior. In Chapter 3, two studies (Studies 3 and 4) were conducted to test the effect of new and historical laïcité norms on ...

The times in which we live constantly remind us that the fight against discrimination is a major challenge for our societies. In social psychology, the study of the causes of discrimination has been at the heart of research for many years. Nevertheless, the work done to date often offers explanations presented as identical in all countries and in all cultures. In the context of research on prejudice and discrimination, recent studies have highlighted the existence of culture-specific norms, derived from laws in each country and focused on the behaviors to be adopted to integrate within each society: the cultural norms of integration. The existence of such norms in a given society influences the level of prejudice of its members. On the basis of this work, the aim of this thesis is to study the effect of cultural integration norms on the emergence of discriminatory behaviors. Specifically, this thesis focuses on a political principle little studied in psychology: laïcité. Previous work has shown that this principle can be interpreted in two very different ways: a historical, inclusive form, and a new, exclusive form. Can cultural norms relating to this principle of laïcité be considered as important factors in the emergence of discrimination against ethnic or religious minorities? In order to study this fundamental question, this thesis is structured in six chapters: two theoretical chapters (chapters 1 and 6) and four empirical chapters, composed of eight studies (chapters 2, 3, 4 and 5).Chapter 1 introduces theoretically the different notions addressed in the thesis. Chapter 2 is composed of two pilot studies that form the basis of this thesis. Study 1 aims to compare five countries, including France, in terms of cultural norms of integration. This study highlights the importance of the norm of new laïcité in France. Study 2 aims to validate a computerized task to measure discriminatory behavior. In Chapter 3, two studies (Studies 3 and 4) were conducted to test the effect of new and historical laïcité norms on ...

Članak razmatra tri relevantna principa demokracije, inherentna suvremenom društvu: modernost, politika priznanja i sekularizam. Glavno pitanje kojim se bavi je održivost ovih principa kao temelja za zasnivanje kozmopolitske demokracije i utjecaja na daljnju demokratizaciju ljudskog svijeta. Članak (i) istražuje vezu između modernizacije i demokracije kroz perspektivu višestruke moderne kao mogućnosti za proširenje demokracije na nedemokratsko područje svijeta, (ii) analizira politiku priznanja kao temelj za kulturnu koegzistenciju i politički pluralizam, (iii) razmatra problem a) kako ideja sekularizma ugrožava (prijeti) ideju religioznosti i obratno te čine li to uopće; b) koliko je sekularizam sekularan te je li uopće (problem privatne i javne sfere); c) može li sekularizam ostati temeljni princip (kozmopolitske) demokracije. ; This paper reflects on three relevant principles of democracy which are inherent to the contemporary society. These principles are modernity, the politics of recognition, and secularism. The main question is concerned with the sustainability of these principles as the grounds for the foundation of cosmopolitan democracy, and further influence on the democratization of the human world. This paper (i) examines a relationship between modernization and democracy through the perspective of multiple modernities as a possibility for the extension of democracy over the non-democratic parts of the world; (ii) analyzes politics of recognition as a grounds for cultural coexistence and political pluralism and (iii) reflects on the issue of a) how the idea of secularism if/how the idea of secularism treats the idea of religiousness and vice versa, b) how much is secularism secular (the issue of public versus private sphere), and c) can secularism remain to be the basic principle of (cosmopolitan) democracy. ; Cet article examine trois principes pertinents de la démocratie, inhérents à la société actuelle : modernité, politique de reconnaissance et sécularisme. La principale question qu'il pose est celle du maintien de ces principes en tant que fondements pour l'établissement d'une société démocratique et de leur influence sur la démocratisation du monde humain. Cet article (i) étudie la relation entre la modernisation et la démocratie à partir de la perspective des multiples modernités comme possibilité d'étendre la démocratie dans les parties non-démocratiques du monde, (ii) analyse les politiques de reconnaissance comme fondement pour la coexistence culturelle et le pluralisme politique et (iii) réfléchit sur la question de savoir : a) si/comment l'idée du sécularisme traite de l'idée de la religiosité et inversement ; b) dans quelle mesure le sécularisme est séculaire (problème de la sphère publique vs. la sphère privée) ; c) si le sécularisme peut encore rester le principe de base de la démocratie (cosmopolite). ; Dieser Artikel reflektiert über drei relevante Demokratieprinzipien, inhärent der Gesellschaft von heutzutage: modernität, Politik der Anerkennung und Säkularismus. Die Hauptfrage, mit der es sich befasst, ist die Nachhaltigkeit dieser Prinzipien als Grundlage für die Gründung der kosmopolitischen Demokratie und für den Einfluss der weiteren Demokratisierung der menschenwelt. Aus der Perspektive der multiplen modernitäten untersucht der Artikel (i) die Beziehung zwischen der modernisierung und Demokratie als eine möglichkeit für die Ausbreitung der Demokratie auf die nicht demokratischen Gebiete der Welt, (ii) analysiert die Politik der Anerkennung als Fundament für die kulturelle Koexistenz und politischen Pluralismus, (iii) erwägt die Frage a) ob/wie die Idee des Säkularismus die Idee der Religiosität behandelt und umgekehrt; b) ob/inwieweit der Säkularismus säkular ist (das Thema der öffentlichen Sphäre vs. Privatsphäre); c) ob der Säkularismus als Grundprinzip der (kosmopolitischen) Demokratie verbleiben kann.

As part of this book, which looks at relations between image and power, the real influential struggle that has taken place, around the cinema, the Church and the supporters of secularism in France, throughout the first half of the twentieth century, is particularly symptomatic of the media's recognised propaganda power, well before any totalitarian state took over it. But let's start with the actors involved in this influence struggle, and their relationship to the image at the time of the birth of the cinema at the end of the nineteenth century. First, the Catholic Church. The Catholic religion is characterised by an ambiguous relationship to the image, in opposition, for example, to Orthodox Christians. While Catholics fear divine representation, the image has always been used throughout history as a privileged educational vector. From the 19th century, the icon was thus used as a 'bible for illiteracy'. The technical advances that mark the history of the image have always been integrated into the range of teaching tools used in the work of catechsis: the magic lantern, the print shop and thus the filmmaker. Thus, as soon as it has been developed, the animated image is used for the teaching of catechism, with the full approval of the religious authorities 1: educational films are therefore produced, illustrating the bible episodes, in full continuity with the use of fixed screenings. The question is more challenging about the inclusion of projections in preaching, which some priests claim in order to attract faithful to the offices. Some Catholics approve and encourage them, such as George-Michel Coissac, who wrote in 1903, how many examples could we cite of priests who have, by this means alone, succeeded in making genuine spiritual resurrections in their parishes? 2. But many others are revolutionised by these methods and call for a decision by the ecclesiastical authorities in this area. This 1, however, does not rule out the possibility that the filmmaker, as a show, has been rejected by a number of ...

International audience ; This essay analyzes recent transformations in French secularism, observed from the standpoint of the changes in the hierarchization of various secular norms. After reviewing the legal and historical context of French secularism and the interpretation of it as "ambiguous liberalism" (Jean-Pierre Machelon), the essay focuses on the special relationship that this secularism has to Islam. The second part of the essay concentrates on the period 2002-2012, focusing, in particular, on the policies of former Minister of the Interior and, later, President of the Republic Nicolas Sarkozy. Three stages in this transformation are reconstructed here: they lead from "New Secularism" through so-called "Positive Secularism" to "Falsified Secularism". ; Le présent article propose une analyse des transformations récentes de la laïcité française, observées à partir d'un changement dans la hiérarchisation des différentes normes laïques. Après un retour sur le dispositif juridique et historique de la laïcité et sur son interprétation comme « libéralisme ambigu » (Jean-Pierre Machelon), nous mettons en lumière le rapport particulier qu'elle entretient à l'islam. Une deuxième partie est consacrée à la période 2002-2012 et particulièrement à l'action politique de l'ancien Ministre de l'Intérieur puis Président de la République Nicolas Sarkozy. Nous reconstruisons trois étapes de transformation : de la « nouvelle laïcité » à la « laïcité falsifiée » en passant par la laïcité dite « positive ».

International audience ; This essay analyzes recent transformations in French secularism, observed from the standpoint of the changes in the hierarchization of various secular norms. After reviewing the legal and historical context of French secularism and the interpretation of it as "ambiguous liberalism" (Jean-Pierre Machelon), the essay focuses on the special relationship that this secularism has to Islam. The second part of the essay concentrates on the period 2002-2012, focusing, in particular, on the policies of former Minister of the Interior and, later, President of the Republic Nicolas Sarkozy. Three stages in this transformation are reconstructed here: they lead from "New Secularism" through so-called "Positive Secularism" to "Falsified Secularism". ; Le présent article propose une analyse des transformations récentes de la laïcité française, observées à partir d'un changement dans la hiérarchisation des différentes normes laïques. Après un retour sur le dispositif juridique et historique de la laïcité et sur son interprétation comme « libéralisme ambigu » (Jean-Pierre Machelon), nous mettons en lumière le rapport particulier qu'elle entretient à l'islam. Une deuxième partie est consacrée à la période 2002-2012 et particulièrement à l'action politique de l'ancien Ministre de l'Intérieur puis Président de la République Nicolas Sarkozy. Nous reconstruisons trois étapes de transformation : de la « nouvelle laïcité » à la « laïcité falsifiée » en passant par la laïcité dite « positive ».

International audience ; This essay analyzes recent transformations in French secularism, observed from the standpoint of the changes in the hierarchization of various secular norms. After reviewing the legal and historical context of French secularism and the interpretation of it as "ambiguous liberalism" (Jean-Pierre Machelon), the essay focuses on the special relationship that this secularism has to Islam. The second part of the essay concentrates on the period 2002-2012, focusing, in particular, on the policies of former Minister of the Interior and, later, President of the Republic Nicolas Sarkozy. Three stages in this transformation are reconstructed here: they lead from "New Secularism" through so-called "Positive Secularism" to "Falsified Secularism". ; Le présent article propose une analyse des transformations récentes de la laïcité française, observées à partir d'un changement dans la hiérarchisation des différentes normes laïques. Après un retour sur le dispositif juridique et historique de la laïcité et sur son interprétation comme « libéralisme ambigu » (Jean-Pierre Machelon), nous mettons en lumière le rapport particulier qu'elle entretient à l'islam. Une deuxième partie est consacrée à la période 2002-2012 et particulièrement à l'action politique de l'ancien Ministre de l'Intérieur puis Président de la République Nicolas Sarkozy. Nous reconstruisons trois étapes de transformation : de la « nouvelle laïcité » à la « laïcité falsifiée » en passant par la laïcité dite « positive ».

Résumé Le soufisme est un courant mystique de l'islam, une voie spirituelle basée sur l'élévation de l'esprit et de l'âme et la recherche de la purification du cœur. Il a joué un rôle prépondérant dans la propagation de l'islam en Afrique subsaharienne, dont le Mali. Sa résistance au colonialisme, armée puis pacifique, le crédite pour jouer un rôle politique et social dans le Mali indépendant, bien que parfois contre le développement des mœurs sociales. L'objectif de cet article est de montrer la centralité du soufisme dans la propagation de l'islam dans le Mali précolonial, sans avoir eu nécessairement recours au « djihad ». La problématique de cette recherche s'articule autour de la rapidité et l'assertivité avec laquelle les Maliens ont adopté l'islam populaire. Nous émettons l'hypothèse que c'est d'abord la simplicité de la foi musulmane prônée par le soufisme par rapport à l'islam institutionnel et scripturaire qui en est la cause principale. Nous postulons ensuite que c'est également la forte ressemblance entre l'organisation hiérarchique des zaouias soufies et l'organisation hiérarchique païenne qui existaient au Mali qui ont affirmé la place de l'islam populaire dans les mœurs maliennes. Mots clés : Mali, soufisme, colonisation, indépendance, laïcité, charia. Abstract Sufism is a mystical current of Islam, a spiritual path based on the upliftment of mind and soul and the pursuit of purification of the heart. It played a major role in the spread of Islam in subSaharan Africa, including Mali. Its resistance to colonialism, armed at first then peaceful, gives it credit for playing a social and political role in independent Mali, although sometimes going against the development of social mores. The aim of this article is to show the centrality of Sufism in the propagation of Islam in precolonial Mali, without necessarily resorting to "djihad". The problematic of this research revolves around the speed and assertiveness with which Malians adopted popular Islam. We hypothesize that it is mainly due to the ...

New section of the Yearbook of North Africa 1994, this chronicy presents the news of Maghreb immigration in France in 6 sections: 1. Ethnicisation of social life; 2. Citizenship, secularism: imbroglio; 3. Immigration: Prevent, control, hunt; 4. Integration: a policy on set-aside; 5. The Islamic organisations in France in 1994 and the dynamism of 'young Islam'; 6. Islamism: hexagonal fever. ; International audience As a new heading of the Annuaire de l'Afrique du Nord, this chronicle analyzes 1994 current events of North African immigrant population, in 6 sections: 1. social life ethnicization 2. the citienship and secularism imbroglio 3. Politics of immigration 4. Politics of integration 5. Muslim organizations and Youth Islam 6. Fever about Islamism ; New section of the Yearbook of North Africa 1994, this chronicy presents the news of Maghreb immigration in France in 6 sections: 1. Ethnicisation of social life; 2. Citizenship, secularism: imbroglio; 3. Immigration: Prevent, control, hunt; 4. Integration: a policy on set-aside; 5. The Islamic organisations in France in 1994 and the dynamism of 'young Islam'; 6. Islamism: hexagonal fever. ; Nouvelle rubrique de l'Annuaire de l'Afrique du Nord 1994, cette chronique présente l'actualité de l'immigration maghrébine en France en 6 sections: 1. L'ethnicisation de la vie sociale ; 2. Citoyenneté, laïcité : l'imbroglio ; 3. Immigration : Empêcher, contrôler, chasser ; 4. Intégration : une politique en jachère ; 5. Les organisations islamiques de France en 1994 et le dynamisme de l'"islam jeune" ; 6. Islamisme : la fièvre hexagonale.

Laïcité is considered a pillar of the French Republican model and is used, today, as a model of integration concerning immigrants and cultural and religious minorities in France. Research in socialpsychology studying the impact of support for the principle of laïcité on intergroup relations reveal that this principle negatively predicts the tolerance of cultural diversity. However, many sociologists, political analysts and historians agree to say that laïcité, as it is understood today, does not correspond to its initial definition, at the time of the creation of the law of Separation of Churches and the State, in 1905. Thus, it would seem that several, not only one, conceptions of laïcité exit. The objective of this thesis is to highlight the different conceptions of laïcité, and to study, to what extent, these reduce, or, on contrary, promote the tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. This objective is delineated in three lines of research: the first is to construct a measure of beliefs concerning laïcité taking into account the different interpretations of laïcité expressed in the public debate; the second is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité is related to more or less tolerance of cultural diversity; the third is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité reduces, or, on the contrary, promotes tolerance of religious diversity. In conclusion, this thesis shows that different conceptions of laïcité exist. These either promote tolerance of cultural and religious diversity, or on the contrary, reduce tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. The contributions of this work, both at the level of academic research, and at the societal level are discussed in the general conclusion ; La laïcité est considérée comme un pilier du modèle républicain français et est, aujourd'hui, utilisée en tant que modèle d'intégration concernant les immigrés et les minorités culturelles et religieuses en France. Les travaux en psychologie sociale étudiant l'impact de ...

Laïcité is considered a pillar of the French Republican model and is used, today, as a model of integration concerning immigrants and cultural and religious minorities in France. Research in socialpsychology studying the impact of support for the principle of laïcité on intergroup relations reveal that this principle negatively predicts the tolerance of cultural diversity. However, many sociologists, political analysts and historians agree to say that laïcité, as it is understood today, does not correspond to its initial definition, at the time of the creation of the law of Separation of Churches and the State, in 1905. Thus, it would seem that several, not only one, conceptions of laïcité exit. The objective of this thesis is to highlight the different conceptions of laïcité, and to study, to what extent, these reduce, or, on contrary, promote the tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. This objective is delineated in three lines of research: the first is to construct a measure of beliefs concerning laïcité taking into account the different interpretations of laïcité expressed in the public debate; the second is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité is related to more or less tolerance of cultural diversity; the third is to study, to what extent, adhesion to the dimensions of laïcité reduces, or, on the contrary, promotes tolerance of religious diversity. In conclusion, this thesis shows that different conceptions of laïcité exist. These either promote tolerance of cultural and religious diversity, or on the contrary, reduce tolerance of cultural and religious diversity. The contributions of this work, both at the level of academic research, and at the societal level are discussed in the general conclusion ; La laïcité est considérée comme un pilier du modèle républicain français et est, aujourd'hui, utilisée en tant que modèle d'intégration concernant les immigrés et les minorités culturelles et religieuses en France. Les travaux en psychologie sociale étudiant l'impact de ...