Suchergebnisse

Nonostante il tema della lotta al terrorismo di matrice asseritamente religiosa, e dunque della radicalizzazione che precede il passaggio all'atto violento, sia al centro del dibattito politico e giuridico ormai da vent'anni, il nostro ordinamento non sembra essere stato ancora in grado di elaborare una risposta univoca e efficace a detti fenomeni. Il punto di partenza da cui prende le mosse questo lavoro è la convinzione che le difficoltà finora incontrate siano anzitutto legate alla lacuna di una definizione giuridica di radicalizzazione, foriera di confusione e criticità. Primo scopo di tale ricerca, quindi, è conferire a tale concetto un'autentica rilevanza giuridica, capace di indicare all'ordinamento il baricentro attorno al quale orientare la propria reazione. Alla luce della proposta qui elaborata, secondo cui il radicalizzato è colui che ha modellato la sua intera personalità attorno alla sua professione di fede e rifiuta di riconoscere pari dignità a chi non condivide la sua religiosità totalizzante, si vaglierà poi l'attuale modello italiano di contrasto alla radicalizzazione, evidenziandone in particolare i limiti e le debolezze. La seconda parte del lavoro suggerisce invece inedite strategie di prevenzione della radicalizzazione e di de-radicalizzazione attuabili in un ordinamento laico come quello italiano, prefigurando nuove ipotesi di collaborazione con le comunità religiose compatibili col quadro costituzionale e sottolineando la centralità del concetto di responsabilità in un piano laico di de-radicalizzazione. ; Despite the fact that the fight against allegedly religious terrorism, and therefore the radicalisation that precedes the transition to violence, has been at the centre of the political and legal debate for twenty years now, our legal system does not yet seem to have been able to develop a univocal and effective response to these phenomena. The starting point for this work is the conviction that the difficulties encountered so far are first and foremost linked to the lack of a legal definition of radicalisation, a source of confusion and criticality. The first aim of this research, therefore, is to give this concept legal relevance, capable of indicating to the legal system the centre of gravity around which to orient its reaction. In the light of the proposal elaborated here, according to which the radicalised individual is he who has modelled his entire personality around his profession of faith and refuses to recognise equal dignity to those who do not share his totalising religiosity, the present Italian model of counteracting radicalisation will be examined, highlighting, in particular, its limits and weaknesses. The second part of the thesis, on the other hand, suggests new strategies for the prevention of radicalisation and de-radicalisation that can be implemented in a secular system such as the Italian one, prefiguring new hypotheses of collaboration with religious communities compatible with the constitutional framework and stressing the centrality of the concept of responsibility in a secular plan of de-radicalisation.

Given current levels of social fragmentation and legal polycentrism, which today is at stake is the principle of secularity of the state-form, but the very survival of its theoretical and practical, originally defined as universal and eternal but really as historically determined as the Western liberal paradigm that arose. The survival is challenged by the new constituent power of the corporate logic of the market aimed at playing monopoly (i.e. sovereign) of a type not only technical knowledge and science and business, but led to political and legal control of the area symbolic. ; Ante los actuales niveles de fragmentación social y de policentrismo jurídico, lo que hoy en día está en juego no es el principio de laicidad de la forma-Estado, sino la subsistencia misma de sus fundamentos teóricos y prácticos, originariamente definidos como universales y eternos, pero en realidad tan históricamente determinados como el paradigma liberal occidental del que se derivaron. Dicha subsistencia es puesta en entredicho por el nuevo poder constituyente de la lógica corporativa del mercado tendiente a la reproducción monopolística (es decir soberana) de un tipo de saber ya no solo técnico científico y empresarial, sino dirigido al control político-jurídico de la esfera simbólica.

This thesis covers a survey about the political life in my home country Lebanon where I have approached the different political parties and the political families that were involved in the social and political life dating back to the Lebanese independence, in addition to the tight relation between politics and religions, which constitutes the pillars of our political regime. Before getting core of my thesis, I highlighte and the scientific approach among which I tackled the history of the political parties and families My thesis is divided into 3 chapters: Chapter 1: In the first section, I defined the concept of a party and its creation in the western side of the globe and the Arabic East in addition to the ideological transfer from West to East. I tackled as well the adaptation of the East to this eastern understanding of political parties within its environment and society. The second section tackles the creation of the civil society in the West and its adoption in the eastern region especially in Lebanon, which allows the development of the social life by authorizing the creation of political parties and communities. I discussed as well the creation of the political parties in the West and its impact on the East and the role of freedom and democracy in allowing the creation of civil and non-political communities. Regarding Chapter 2, I tackled the history of the communities and the political parties in Lebanon stressing on those who had high impact on the national and regional political situation dating back to World War I and passing through the French mandate period and the Lebanese independence until the civil war. I have shown the situation of the Lebanese parties and their division nowadays into 2 blocs inside the community, each founding its principles based on the 18 religions recognized in Lebanon. In this Chapter, there is a clear picture about the tight relation between religion and politics, the latter based on religion instead of citizenship and civil secularism. In the last Chapter, I approached the concept of the Lebanese political families involved in politics and public affairs acquiring official positions in the government but on the other hand offering social, cultural and educational services to their communities. In my country, those services are called clientele services where the family offers its help to the citizens in exchange of their vote during the elections. In this regard, I have mentioned 3 standards political families, their foundation and most important personalities in addition to their roles in politics. I have also tackled the role of the Lebanese political families in the political life and their contribution in reaching our independence in addition to their perseverance in protection our liberty until nowadays despite the hard phases my country have gone through. In the second section from this chapter, I have landed into the history of the foundation of the Lebanese Parliament and its principles, the electoral voting operation of its members upon religious law instead of civil and the development of the electoral law that have differed from a round to another. At the end of the chapter, I have focused on the political families that have founded political parties in order to organize their political activities attracting supporters that follow the same ideas and political ideology. I have also focused on the historical and current role of these parties on the Lebanese scene and their impact on the Lebanese community who majorly belong to the families of those parties. In the conclusion of my thesis, I have recapitulated the 3 chapters with my personal opinion to constitute a Lebanese state based on secularism instead of religion despite the diversified religions inside the Lebanese society.

Il contributo trae l'abbrivio dall'intervento svolto dall'autore in occasione del Convegno di studi "Il principio di laicità", tenutosi presso l'Università degli Studi di Macerata in data 5 e 6 febbraio 2013. Sbozzata una minimale cornice storico-giuridica del principio di laicità, si additano tre possibili svolgimenti di esso come: 1. principio metodologico, 2. declinazione del principio del pluralismo ordinamentale e 3. principio di interpretazione del diritto. Sotto il primo sembiante, la laicità viene letta come neutralità metafisico-religiosa della scienza giuridica; sotto il secondo, si indagano la co-originarietá e co-sovranitá degli ordinamenti ecclesiastico e statuale; sotto il terzo, infine, si mette capo ad una tecnica interpretativa laicamente orientata. ; The article takes the cue from the paper presented by the author on the occasion of the Study Conference entitled "The Principle of Laicity", held at the University of Macerata on February 5 and 6 2013. After outlining a minimal historical and legal framework of the Principle of Laicity, the author indicates three possible developments of it as: 1. methodological principle, 2. specification of the principle of pluralism of the legal systems and 3. principle of legal interpretation. As to 1. Laicity is read as metaphysical-religious neutrality of legal science; in relation to 2. the author deals with the subjects of co-originality (co-originarietà) and cosovereignty of the ecclesiastical legal system and of the state legal system; as regards 3., finally, a laically oriented interpretative technique is presented.

The essay illustrates some qualifying points of the law 126/2012, which approved the agreement with the Orthodox Archdiocese of Italy. The legislation for the protection of individual and collective rights of religious freedom, is framed within the principle of secularism typical of the ItalianStatethat wants to be pluralistic, multi-religious and neutral. It does not aim at the complete secularization of public institutions, but intends to protect religious sensibility as an independent value, hence more forms of collaboration between the State and the Archdiocese are introduced. The legislation in many aspects is similar to that of the previous Italian agreements, the few differences are due to the existence in many Italian cities of ancient Orthodox confraternities and institutions, as well as being the Archdiocese an organic structure of an autocephalous church such as the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople.Il saggio illustra i punti più significativi della legge n. 126 del 2012, che approvò l'intesa con l'Arcidiocesi Ortodossa d'Italia. La legislazione in tema di protezione dei diritti individuali e collettivi di libertà religiosa è stata elaborata tenendo conto di quel principio di laicità tipico dello Stato Italiano che vuole esse pluralista, pluri-confessionale e neutrale. Esso non mira alla laicizzazione integrale delle istituzioni pubbliche, ma intende tutelare il sentimento religioso come valore autonomo; da qui sono state introdotte maggiori forme di collaborazione tra Stato ed Arcidiocesi. La legislazione per certi aspetti è simile a quella delle precedenti intese Italiane, le poche differenze sono dovute alla presenza in molte città italiane di preesistenti confraternite ed associazioni ortodosse, allo stesso modo l'Arcidiocesi dimostra essere una struttura organica di una chiesa autocefala quale il Patriarcato Ecumenico di Costantinopoli

The paper begins displaying the main stages of the historical process that has led to the definitive distinction between religious authority and civil authority in Europe. After identifying the foundation of politics in the freedom of the Church; and the foundation of the State in religious freedom; the Author comes to two conclusions: the first is that Christianity played a key role in the birth and development of secularization. The second, which in his opinion deserves to be clarified and put to the test of the times, consists in the claim of relegating State and politics in the narrow limits of worldliness. The claim of excluding that State and politics have spiritual implications. He therefore intends to test the idea that the liberal state of law could resist, at the expense of the many lacerations that fragment its social body, without the help of principles and values which it could not justify. Considering the problem under this particular perspective, it is clear that two concepts that characterize the European tradition, such as the principle of tolerance and an "healthy secularism", could represent the keystone that allows us to overcome the implicit contradictions and the unresolved tensions which still cross our post-modern and secular society. ; Il testo prende le mosse dall'esposizione delle principali tappe del processo storico che ha portato alla definitiva distinzione tra autorità religiosa e autorità mondana in Europa. Dopo aver identificato il fondamento della politica nella la libertà della Chiesa; ed il fondamento dello Stato nella libertà religiosa; l'Autore giunge a due ordini di conclusioni: la prima è che il cristianesimo ha giocato un ruolo fondamentale nell'avvio e nello sviluppo della secolarizzazione. La seconda, che a suo avviso merita di essere chiarita e messa alla prova dei tempi, consiste nella pretesa di relegare lo Stato e la politica negli angusti confini della mondanità, ovvero, nella pretesa di escludere che Stato e politica abbiano implicazioni spirituali. Egli intende ...

Scopo del presente lavoro è analizzare in modo critico la legge n. 40/2004, evidenziandone le numerose lacune ed imprecisioni tecniche, e soprattutto i suoi diversi profili di illegittimità costituzionale (in particolare sotto il profilo del principio di laicità, ragionevolezza e del diritto alla salute), nonché il rapporto fra essa e la disciplina sull'aborto, stabilendo altresì un confronto con le norme presenti nei principali Paesi europei. In particolare vengono affrontati tre temi. Il primo riguarda l'originario divieto di produrre per ogni ciclo di trattamento di PMA un numero di embrioni superiore a tre, nonché l'obbligo di trasferire contemporaneamente tutti gli embrioni prodotti, a cui era originariamente correlato il divieto di crioconservazione e di soppressione degli embrioni prodotti; il secondo riguarda l'implicito divieto di effettuare la diagnosi genetica preimpianto, che è stato però recentemente rimosso grazie all'intervento di giudici sovranazionali e nazionali; e l'ultimo il divieto, tuttora esistente, di praticare forme di procreazione di tipo eterologo. Per ciascuno di essi vengono messi in luce i diversi profili di illegittimità costituzionale, evidenziando, in particolare, come nel corso degli ultimi anni alcuni di essi siano stati corretti grazie alle diverse pronunce della giurisprudenza nazionale e sovranazionale, mentre altri siano rimasti pressoché immutati, ed esaminando infine quali prospettive vi siano per rimediarvi. ; The purpose of this paper is to critically analyse the law n . 40/2004 , highlighting the numerous omissions and technical inaccuracies, and, above all, its different profiles of unconstitutionality (in particular in terms of the principle of secularism, reasonableness and the right to health), and also the relationship between it and the discipline on abortion, providing in such a mannaer a comparison with the legislation of the main European countries. In particular, three issues are addressed. The first issue is the original prohibition to produce, for each treatment cycle of a PMA, more than three embryos, and the obligation to transfer at the same time all the embryos, which was originally related to the prohibition and suppression of cryopreservation of embryos products; the second issue is the implicit prohibition of PGD, which was recently removed thanks to the intervention of supranational and national courts; the last ban, which still remains, is to practice forms of heterologous procreation. For each of the aforesaid issues the paper focuses on the different profiles of unconstitutionality, highlighting, in particular, as in the past few years some of them have been corrected thanks to several national and supranational court's decisions, while others have remained virtually unchanged, and finally this paper examines what prospects there are to solve them.

Il presente lavoro affronta quelli che si ritengono i due profili più interessanti del conflitto tra poteri risolto dalla sentenza Corte cost., n. 52 del 2016. Il primo riguarda un profilo processuale, dal rilevante impatto nell'ordinamento. Oggetto del conflitto, infatti, è stata per la prima volta una sentenza della Corte di Cassazione emessa sui motivi di giurisdizione (ex art. 111, co. 8 Cost.). Il lavoro, pertanto, ricostruisce il rapporto tra conflitti di giurisdizione, devoluti alla Corte di Cassazione, e conflitti tra poteri, devoluti alla Corte costituzionale ex art. 134, Cost., dibattuto sin dall'introduzione di quest'ultima nell'ordinamento. Il secondo affronta il merito della questione e, dunque, un conflitto tra Governo e Potere giurisdizionale sorto sulla procedura relativa alla stipula delle intese con le confessioni diverse dalla cattolica ex art. 8, comma 3 Cost. Posto che non esiste un diritto alla conclusione dell'intesa, il punto cruciale sta nello stabilire se la decisione del Governo di negare l'avvio delle trattative all'associazione richiedente sia un atto politico, come tale non sindacabile dal giudice, come ha stabilito la Corte costituzionale, o meno. Il lavoro, evidenziando l'importanza in tutta la vicenda della questione preliminare relativa alla definizione della natura confessionale o meno di un gruppo religioso (questione che trae ulteriore linfa dal contesto europeo), analizza i vari passaggi della sentenza, giungendo, attraverso il principio supremo di laicità, a evidenziarne alcuni profili critici. ; The Article focuses on two different issues that emerged as a result of the conflict among powers settled by Constitutional Court, with decision no. 52 of 2016. The first issue is a procedural aspect: the constitutional conflict involves a Court of Cassation's decision for reasons of jurisdiction (ex art. 111, co. 8, Cost). The second issue is concerning the substance of the case: a conflict between Political branch and Judiciary on the procedure regarding the agreements that could regulate the relationships between the State and the no-catholic religious confessions (ex art. 8, co. 3, of the Constitution). Hence, with regard to the first issue, the article analyses the relationship between the conflicts of jurisdiction, submitted to the Court of Cassation, and the conflicts of powers, submitted to the Constitutional Court (art. 134 Cost.). Concerning the second aspect, the issue is whether the Government's refuse to initiate negotiations with a group who claims agreement is a non-justiciable political question – as the Constitutional Court has ruled – or not. The Article, focusing on the importance of the problems related to definig the confessional nature of a group (especially in the new European context), analyses the various steps of the decision and come, through the supreme principle of secularism, to highlight some critical profiles. ​

Una sfida cruciale che le biblioteche devono oggi raccogliere, in quanto agenzie di intermediazione di documenti, è caratterizzata da due circostanze concorrenti: la sovrabbondanza delle informazioni disponibili in rete e la tendenza diffusa e irriflessa a considerare ciascuna fonte come vera. Su uno sfondo non lontano si colloca la pericolosa convinzione – propria del mondo contemporaneo – che la verità non esista e che ogni sguardo sul mondo abbia la medesima legittimità di qualunque altro. Questi presupposti mettono in crisi l'idea stessa di biblioteca nella sua funzione primaria di punto di incontro autorevole, e in fin dei conti legittimo, fra documenti e utenti.L'articolo si propone di portare argomentazioni a sostegno della tesi secondo la quale, a maggior ragione in una società caratterizzata dalla pluralità irriducibile dei valori e dei punti di vista, la ricerca del vero deve ricondurre a unità dimensioni di ordine gnoseologico, epistemologico, etico, civile e tecnico-professionale. La verità non è qui intesa, ingenuamente, come certezza incontrovertibile, ma è discussa tanto nella sua problematica consistenza quanto nella sua ineludibilità. Sono discusse tre questioni complementari: l'idea di verità in quanto tale; la necessità di separare nettamente i concetti di laicità e di indifferenza; la necessità di riportare il trattamento delle collezioni di una biblioteca da un livello astratto ad un piano di realtà, ossia quello del rapporto con gli utenti 'come sono davvero'. Viene ribadita la disperata attualità della missione delle biblioteche pubbliche e del ruolo professionale dei bibliotecari come presidio della libertà di pensiero e di una conoscenza libera, critica e consapevole. ; Today libraries face, among others, two interlinked challenges: on the one hand the abundance of information available especially on the Internet and, on the other, the widespread habit to consider all this information as plausible. The contemporary world (the so called post-truth society) considers truth as something that simply doesn't exist. This assumption contrasts with the idea of a library as an influential and legitimate structure of mediation between documents and readers.This paper aims to demonstrate that, particularly in a society where many points of view coexist, the search for truth has, at the same time, an epistemological, ethical, political and professional foundation. Truth is not to be considered an absolute certainty but, more intuitively, as 'things are as they really are': this is a public discussion about research, as a method and a deontological and ethic responsibility. Three complementary issues are discussed: the need to separate facts from opinions, i.e. by checking and censoring what is demonstrably false; with regard to opinions, the importance to clarify that secularism does not mean indifference to values; finally, with regard to library collections, the need to bridge the gap between abstract and normative decisions and the needs of users as they really are and not as they are imagined. The author emphasises the dramatic urgency of public libraries' mission and the professional role of librarians themselves, who are to be considered custodians of critical knowledge and freedom of thought.

Abstract (fr)Les printemps arabes ont partout libéré l'espace public : un espace de liberté que tous les segments de la société ont soudainement occupé, notamment ceux qui, comme les islamistes, en avaient été privés. La rue a arraché une liberté d'expression longtemps confisquée.Même si l'islam n'était pas la première référence dans les slogans criés dans les rues, les militants des mouvements islamistes n'étaient pas absents. Ayant été les cibles de la répression sous les régimes autoritaires, qui les avaient incarcérés et condamnés à la clandestinité, ils ont bénéficié de cette nouvelle donne, récupérant une liberté d'action et une visibilité grandissante, associée ou non à un dessein politique de prise de pouvoir. Ils se sont trouvés engagés, dans certains pays, dans des compétions électorales qui n'étaient pas jouées d'avance et qui ont dicté l'élaboration de nouvelles stratégies où la pratique militante, la présence sur le terrain et le travail de proximité constituaient des avantages. En concurrence avec les autres mouvements et partis présents sur la scène politique, les partis et mouvements islamistes se trouvent actuellement au cœur des polarisations en cours dans les pays du Proche-Orient et du Maghreb, qu'ils soient engagés dans des phases de transition ou, bien plus tragiquement, dans des processus de confrontation armée. Ces polarisations – politiques au début des printemps arabes - ont aussi pris une tournure confessionnelle sans merci, impliquant l'ensemble du monde arabe et posent clairement la question de la viabilité de certains Etats.Les articles du présent ouvrage sont en grande partie issus du colloque sur ces sujets organisé à Paris les 26 et 27 mars 2014 conjointement par le Groupe Sociétés, Religions, Laïcités (GSRL), l'université Roma Tre, l'Institut d'Études de l'Islam et des Sociétés du Monde Musulman (IISMM), l'École Pratique des Hautes Études (EPHE) et l'École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS). Abstract (en)The Arab Springs have liberated the public arena far and wide: an arena of freedom that all segments of society have suddenly occupied, notably those that, as the Islamists, had been deprived of. The Street extracted a freedom of speech that had long been confiscated. Even if Islam was not the first reference among the slogans shouted in the streets, the militants of the Islamist movements were not absent. Having been the target of repression under authoritarian regimes, which had imprisoned and relegated them to the underground, they have benefited from this new deal, while retrieving a freedom of action and a growing visibility, associated or not with a political purpose of take over of power. They found themselves engaged, in certain countries, in electoral competitions where nothing could be taken for granted and which dictated the development of new strategies where militant practice, presence in the field and outreach work constituted advantages. In competition with the other movements and parties present on the political scene, the Islamist parties and movements find themselves currently in the heart of ongoing polarizations in the countries of the Middle East and the Maghreb, whether they are engaged in phases of transition or, much more tragically, in processes of armed confrontation. These polarisations – political at the beginning of the Arab Springs - also took a merciless denominational turn, implicating the whole Arab world, and clearly question the viability of certain States.The articles in this book issue, for a large part, from the symposium on these topics held in Paris on 26 and March 27, 2014 jointly by the Group Societies, Religions, Secularisms (GSRL), the Roma Tre University, the Institute for Studies of Islam and the Societies of the Muslim world (IISMM), the Practical School of Advanced Studies (EPHE) and the School of Advanced Studies in Social Sciences (EHESS).

My dissertation is intended to analyze the work of Gershom Scholem with the scope of outlining his importance within the context of twentieth century Jewish thought. A great deal of this thesis is thus devoted not only to Scholem's political interventions and interviews, indeed a marginal part of his research, but also to detect the trace of a constant philosophical interest in his scholarship. First chapter provides the historical context, dealing briefly with some of the most important figures of the German-Jewish philosophical scene: Hermann Cohen, Martin Buber, and Franz Rosenzweig. The role of Ahad Ha'am and cultural Zionism is also presented. Second chapter is devoted to Scholem's conception of language and to the analysis of the notions of Revelation and Tradition as developed in some of his most important essays. Central in this context is the role played by Franz Kafka, whose novels can be seen indeed as a sort of paradigm through which Scholem interpreted not only the main figures of Kabbalah, but also the whole theology of Judaism. An investigation of Scholem's methodology and conception of history is to be found in third chapter. Three elements that contributed very much to shape Scholem's scholarship are taken in particular account. First of all, Scholem's polemics against the Wissenschaft des Judentums, which finds its ground on an organicistic and non-essentialistic approach to Jewish history. Then, the early appreciation for Nietzsche and Lebensphilosophie, though later neglected by Scholem, is here seen as a possible source for the vitalistic and anarchic elements that characterize his research. Finally, a great part of this chapter is dedicated to a comparison between Scholem's conception of Jewish history and Walter Benjamin's Thesis on the concept of History (1940). Although much of scholarly effort has already been devoted to the relation between Scholem and Benjamin, the presence of Benjamin's last work in Scholem's research still needs to be considered in all its significance. With the aim of investigating Scholem's approach to Jewish history and historiography, two essays are taken in particular consideration: Memory and Utopia in Jewish History (1946), a lecture Scholem gave in the aftermath of the Holocaust in front of a Zionist audience, and On History and Philosophy of History, the text of Scholem's response to a talk on "History and Hermeneutics" given by Paul Ricoeur within the context of the "First Jerusalem Philosophical Encounter" (1974). Chapter four deals with Scholem's conception of messianism. After showing the importance of messianism in Scholem's research and the originality of his interpretation, the relevance of Scholem's position is highlighted through the analysis of the two most important polemics in which Scholem has been involved. The critiques of Scholem's opponents, Baruch Kurzweil and Jacob Taubes, have been taken here as a tool to show the philosophical and political concerns hiding behind the core of Scholem's analysis. With the help of some unpublished material, the last part of the chapter presents an overview of the relation between messianism and zionism in Scholem's work. His early zionism being loaded with metaphysical and messianic overtones, after moving to Palestine Scholem had to face a strong disenchantment, which lead him to separate his zionist affiliation, as a part of a historical responsibility and political decision, from messianism, which indeed he considered to be something rather un-historical and confined to an utopian plane. Fifth chapter intends to show the peculiarity of Scholem's attitude toward secularization. According to Scholem, the passage through secularism in Judaism has to be intended as a necessary moment, though not definitive, being part of a dialectics that cannot be foreseen in advance. An analysis of Scholem's 1926 letter to Rosenzweig is also offered, showing the philosophical significance of Scholem's reflections on the importance and the risks entailed in the secular revival of the Hebrew language.

Oggetto della tesi è un ventennio cruciale della storia contemporanea turca, compreso tra il colpo di Stato militare realizzato dalla giunta del generale Kenan Evren il 12 settembre 1980 e la prima vittoria del Partito della Giustizia e dello Sviluppo (AKP) di Recep Tayyip Erdoğan alle elezioni generali del 3 novembre 2002. L'obiettivo è spiegare le premesse, le motivazioni e le dinamiche storico-politiche sia domestiche sia internazionali che, nel corso di tale ventennio, hanno condotto al progressivo declino dell'establishment kemalista e all'affermazione di uno specifico ramo del movimento islamico sulla scena politica, economica e culturale turca. Una simile analisi consentirà di formulare anche delle linee di interpretazione per le vicende attuali, che appaiono strettamente legate a quanto accaduto tra il 1980 e il 2002. La ricostruzione storica dei principali avvenimenti verificatisi nel ventennio si basa sullo studio di fonti primarie e secondarie in massima parte in lingua turca. Tra le prime, è prevalente la documentazione ufficiale (dibattiti parlamentari, programmi di governo, rapporti di commissioni d'inchiesta, documenti di partito, atti processuali, discorsi di personalità politiche, etc.) disponibile negli archivi digitali delle istituzioni turche. Per quanto riguarda le fonti secondarie, si privilegia la storiografia turca più recente e non ancora tradotta in altre lingue. Allo scopo di favorire una comprensione più completa delle dinamiche in esame, accanto alla contestualizzazione storica si offre una riflessione critica su alcuni aspetti significativi di natura maggiormente teorica, riguardanti in particolare l'ideologia kemalista, lo sviluppo dell'islam politico, il rapporto tra religione e secolarismo nel Paese. L'Introduzione chiarisce gli interrogativi e le ipotesi della ricerca, argomentandone tra l'altro la rilevanza rispetto ai recenti fatti di cronaca e alla situazione politica corrente; vengono inoltre presentati lo stato dell'arte, le fonti di riferimento e l'approccio teorico. Nel Capitolo I viene ricostruito il clima antecedente al 1980, discutendo innanzitutto alcune contraddizioni intrinseche dei principi kemalisti e il ruolo dell'Esercito nella vita politica. Successivamente ci si sofferma sul colpo di Stato del 1960, sul memorandum militare del 1971 e sulla crisi economico-politica che ha interessato il Paese negli anni Settanta. Il Capitolo II è dedicato alla trattazione del colpo di Stato del 1980, delle sue cause, delle sue conseguenze e dei provvedimenti imposti dalla giunta militare al potere fino al 1983. In seguito, vengono descritte la trasformazione neoliberale e la graduale liberalizzazione promosse durante il governo decennale di Turgut Özal, leader della Nuova destra turca. Nel Capitolo III viene affrontata l'ascesa dell'islam politico e della borghesia conservatrice in Turchia, riservando un approfondimento al movimento della Visione Nazionale e alla comunità religiosa di Fethullah Gülen. Si ripercorre quindi l'affermazione del Partito islamico del Benessere, fino alla formazione del governo di coalizione affidato a Necmettin Erbakan. Il Capitolo IV si apre con il golpe post-moderno che ha abbattuto il governo di Erbakan e represso il movimento islamico; questo ha quindi intrapreso una fase di rinnovamento, culminata nella fondazione dell'AKP sotto la leadership di Erdoğan (del quale viene fornita una sintetica biografia). La tesi si conclude con la descrizione dello scenario politico risultato dalle elezioni del 2002. In conclusione, verranno offerte delle risposte agli interrogativi di ricerca alla luce di alcune ricorrenze storiche e dei paradigmi politici fondamentali emersi dallo studio del ventennio. In particolare, si propone una lettura non dicotomica del rapporto tra kemalismo e islam politico, che risulta caratterizzato da interazione ed influenza reciproca piuttosto che da conflitto e opposizione. Tale rapporto può essere meglio compreso nella cornice della sostanziale continuità dell'autoritarismo nei regimi politici turchi post-1980. Come prospettiva di ricerca futura, verrà suggerito uno studio dell'era dell'AKP in un'ottica di comparazione e di continuità storica con il ventennio cruciale. ; THE DECLINE OF KEMALISM AND A NEW FACE OF POLITICAL ISLAM. TWENTY CRUCIAL YEARS IN TURKEY'S HISTORY: 1980-2002. The present dissertation focuses on twenty crucial years of contemporary Turkey's history, between the 12th September 1980 military coup d'état staged by General Kenan Evren's junta and the first victory of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) in the 3rd November 2002 general elections. It aims to explain the background, motivations, historical and political dynamics (both domestic and international) underlying the gradual decline of the Kemalist establishment and the rise of a specific branch of the Islamic movement on the political, economic and cultural stage of Turkey during those twenty years. Such an analysis makes it also possible to draw some guidelines to understand the current circumstances, being these closely linked to what happened between 1980 and 2002. The historical reconstruction of the main events occurred during the crucial twenty years relies on primary and secondary sources that are mostly in Turkish language. Among the first, official documentation prevails (parliamentary debates, governments programs, reports by parliamentary committees of enquiry, party manifestos, procedural documents, statements made by Turkish authorities, etc.); such documentation is largely available in the digital archives of Turkish institutions. As regards the secondary sources, more recent and still untranslated Turkish historiography is preferred. Along with the historical context, a critical comment is given on some significant aspects, which are more theoretical and mainly concern the Kemalist ideology, the development of political Islam, the relationship between religion and secularism in Turkey. This should provide a deeper understanding of the research objects. The Introduction explains the research questions and hypotheses, arguing their relevance with reference to the recent events and ongoing political issues of the country. The literature review, sources and theoretical approach are presented too. The Chapter I describes the situation before 1980. First, it discusses some contradictions inherent in the Kemalist principles and the role of the Army in Turkish politics. Then, it looks in more detail at the 1960 coup, the 1971 military memorandum, the economic and political crisis afflicting the country throughout the 1970s. The Chapter II analyses the 1980 coup, its roots, its consequences, and the measures implemented by the military junta in power until 1983. Subsequently, it traces the history of the neoliberal transformation and the gradual liberalization promoted by Turgut Özal, the leader of Turkish New Right who ruled for ten years. The Chapter III deals with the upsurge of political Islam and conservative bourgeoisie in Turkey, with a focus on the National Outlook movement and the religious community of Fethullah Gülen. It also illustrates the rise of the Islamic Welfare Party, until the creation of a coalition government led by Necmettin Erbakan. The Chapter IV begins with the post-modern coup that overthrew Erbakan's government and repressed the Islamic movement; consequently, the latter entered a phase of regeneration culminating in the establishment of AKP under the leadership of Erdoğan (whose short biography is also included). The dissertation ends with a description of the political landscape resulting from the 2002 elections. In conclusion, answers to the research questions are provided under the light of some recurring historical patterns and fundamental political paradigms, which emerged from the crucial twenty years. In particular, it is argued that the relationship between Kemalism and political Islam is characterized by interaction and reciprocal influence, rather than conflict and dichotomous opposition. Such a relationship can be better understood in the framework of the substantial continuity of authoritarianism in the post-1980 political regimes in Turkey. As a perspective for future research, it is suggested to study the AKP era in terms of comparison and historical continuity with the crucial twenty years.