Suchergebnisse

Riconoscere che i concetti di laicità e secolarismo possiedono un'origine e uno sviluppo condizionato dalla cultura occidentale e dal cristianesimo significa prendere in considerazione l'eventualità di un ripensamento della distinzione tra ordine politico, religione e diritto nelle democrazie multiculturali e multireligiose. L'obiettivo di questo lavoro è mettere in discussione una concezione neutralista del secolarismo, alla cui base vi è il convincimento per cui l'esclusione dell'elemento religioso dalla sfera pubblica e normativa sono garanzia di eguaglianza in un contesto caratterizzato dal 'fatto del pluralismo'. Pertanto abbiamo analizzato il pensiero di due fra i più influenti filosofi politici, John Rawls e Jürgen Habermas, portavoci di una visione neutralista del secolarismo, e le critiche a essi rivolte da alcuni teorici del multiculturalismo – Bikhu Parekh e Tariq Modood –, che propongono, invece, l'abbandono della retorica della neutralità nella costruzione della sfera politica e normativa. Di conseguenza questi ultimi si rivolgono con maggiore apertura rispetto alle richieste provenienti dagli individui appartenenti a minoranze religiose e culturali, senza respingerle sulla base della loro natura culturale o religiosa. Al contrario, in particolare quando tali richieste di riconoscimento riguardano aree rilevanti della vita degli individui, come possono essere la famiglia, il matrimonio, le questioni ereditarie ecc., ossia aree in cui la natura culturalmente condizionata di alcune istituzioni è maggiormente visibile, viene presa qui in considerazione la possibilità che esse possano essere regolate e gestite in maniera differente. A tal proposito si è approfondita la proposta di far fronte a queste richieste attraverso l'adozione di sistemi di pluralismo normativo, con una particolare attenzione a un esperimento avviato in Gran Bretagna, che prevede per le comunità religiose la possibilità del risolvere le proprie controversie in materia di diritto di famiglia in tribunali arbitrali religiosi, che tuttavia operano sotto il controllo indiretto delle corti inglesi. La descrizione di questo caso è stata finalizzata a mettere in luce la necessità di ricercare nuovi strumenti coerenti con la visione del secolarismo che abbiamo cercato di proporre, ossia di una laicità che di fronte alle nuove istanze presenti nei contesti culturalmente e religiosamente plurali, piuttosto che arroccarsi dietro la convinzione che si possa garantire uguaglianza solo se si dà una sfera pubblica e normativa neutrale e che vi sia una soluzione razionale ai conflitti tra valori, tenta di accogliere la diversità nei suoi propri termini, andando alla ricerca di nuovi strumenti teorico-politici. Infatti, i canali di partecipazione attraverso i quali i sistemi democratici hanno cercato d'integrare la diversità non sembrano riuscire a far fronte alle richieste provenienti da individui che non si riconoscono a pieno titolo nella cultura della maggioranza. Ciò significa pensare a nuove strategie d'inclusione – di cui il pluralismo normativo può essere un esempio –, se si vogliono garantire proprio quei presupposti di valore che la democrazia promuove, ossia il pluralismo e l'eguale libertà di tutti i cittadini. ; If we recognize that the concept of secularism originates and develops from the influence of Western culture and Christianity, we must take into account the possibility to rethink the distinction between politics, religion and law in multicultural and multireligious democracies. The aim of this work is to question the neutralist conception of secularism, which is characterized by the belief that the exclusion of religious elements from public sphere and legislation to guarantee of equality in a context characterized by religious pluralism. At this aim, I analyze the thought of two of the most influential political philosophers, John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas, who represent the neutralist view of secularism, as well as the criticism addressed to them by multiculturalist theorists – Bhikhu Parekh and Tariq Modood –, who suggest giving up the abandon of the rhetoric of neutrality in the construction of the political sphere and regulations, to pay more attention to the demands coming from individuals belonging to religious and cultural minorities. Indeed, particularly when these issues involve significant areas where the culturally conditioned nature of some institutions is more visible – family, marriage, hereditary issues – the possibility that they can be regulated in a different way is also taken into account. Therefore, a detailed analysis of the proposal is given to adopt a system of legal pluralism, with a special attention to an experiment started in the UK, which provides religious communities the possibility to go to religious arbitration tribunals, operating under the indirect control of the English courts, related to family law. The description of this case aims at emphasizing the need to seek for new consistent means with the idea of secularism I have tried to suggest. Such a secularism is based upon the belief that only a neutral public sphere and legislation can guarantee equality, but tries to embrace diversity and to suggest new political theories. As matter of fact, the channels of participation through which democratic systems have tried to integrate diversity do not seem to be able to face the requests from individuals who do not fully identify into the majority culture, which means thinking about new strategies of inclusion – for example legal pluralism – so to ensure the very value assumptions promoted by democracy, that is to say pluralism and equal liberty. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Relazioni e processi interculturali (XXV ciclo)

The article deals with the work of one of the most outstanding representative of modern Muslim reformation but still has not been thoroughly studied in our country, Egyptian sheikh Ali Abdarraziq (1888-1966), the author of a famous book "Islam and the Foundations of Political Power" (1925). He was the fi rst Muslim theologian who evoked the idea of desacralization of caliphate and argumented the statement that Divine Law, in its essence, has nothing to do with the organization of political power.In the first part the personality of Ali Abdarraziq is presented in the historical context, with a focus on a pressing struggle for the restauration of Caliphate abolishedin 1924 due to Kemalist reforms. Against this restauration, namely, Abdarraziq directed his book. Here is analyzed the sharp discussion raised by the book in wide circles of Egyptian society, its critics and court trial organized by the ulemas of al-Azhar.The work of Abdarraziq is to become the most disputable since the times of book-printing in the Arab countries. It infl uenced greatly the following Muslim thought and till now acts a so-called guiding star for the modernists-secularists in all the Islamic world. ; Данная статья посвящена одной из наиболее ярких, но мало изученных в нашей стране фигур современного мусульманского модернизма — египетскому шейху Али Абдарразику (1888–1966), автору книги «Ислам и принципы правления» (1925). Он первым из мусульманских богословов выступил за десакрализацию халифата, обосновав положение о том, что по своей сущности Божественный закон/шариат не имеет отношения к организации политической власти.В первой части статьи освещаются исторические события, послужившие причиной появления на свет книга Абдарразика. Главным образом это движение за реставрацию халифата, которое возникло после его отмены в 1924 г. в Турции в результате кемалистских реформ и против которого, собственно, и была направлена книга богослова. Исследуются дискуссия вокруг книги, ее критика и судебный процесс над автором, организованный улемами ал-Азхара.Сочинению Абдарразика суждено было стать самым дискутируемым со времен книгопечатания в арабских странах. Оно оказало мощное влияние на последующую мусульманскую мысль, выступая в качестве своего рода путеводной звезды для модернистов-секуляристов во всем исламском мире.

Dignitatis humanae, the declaration of Vatican ii on religious freedom, represents an important step in the Church's presentation of human freedom as expressed also in the political arena. By enshrining conscience and religious freedom as supreme, Dignitatis humanae completes the reflection of Gaudium et spes on the Church in the modern world. It establishes Christianity as a religion of the Logos and so of dialogue and free inquiry. In today's era of globalization and ever more multiethnic societies, Dignitatis humanae contributes to renewing the role of religions in the public sphere and to elaborating the broader notions of religion in relation with secularity. ; La declaración sobre la libertad religiosa, Dignitatis humanae, representa un paso importante tanto en la presentación de la libertad humana dentro de la Iglesia como en el campo político. Al consagrar la conciencia y la libertad religiosa como un bien supremo, Dignitatis humanae completa la reflexión de Gaudium et spes sobre la Iglesia en el mundo moderno. Se establece el cristianismo como una religión del Logos, del diálogo y de la búsqueda. En la actual era de la globalización y de sociedades cada vez más multiétnicas, Dignitatis humanae contribuye a renovar el papel de las religiones en la esfera pública y a elaborar conceptos más amplios de la religión en relación a la laicidad.

The paper begins displaying the main stages of the historical process that has led to the definitive distinction between religious authority and civil authority in Europe. After identifying the foundation of politics in the freedom of the Church; and the foundation of the State in religious freedom; the Author comes to two conclusions: the first is that Christianity played a key role in the birth and development of secularization. The second, which in his opinion deserves to be clarified and put to the test of the times, consists in the claim of relegating State and politics in the narrow limits of worldliness. The claim of excluding that State and politics have spiritual implications. He therefore intends to test the idea that the liberal state of law could resist, at the expense of the many lacerations that fragment its social body, without the help of principles and values which it could not justify. Considering the problem under this particular perspective, it is clear that two concepts that characterize the European tradition, such as the principle of tolerance and an "healthy secularism", could represent the keystone that allows us to overcome the implicit contradictions and the unresolved tensions which still cross our post-modern and secular society.

The aim of this essay is to examine the connection between contemporary debates on political secularism and institutional arrangements between State and religions on one hand, and, on the other, on secularization theory and its latest 'rebirth': postsecularism. Analysing the link between the theories and concept of postsecular society and the debate on political secularism and its institutional forms and practices allows to understand the multidimensionality of the latter in its very latest theorisations and realizations.

It seems to take growing root in the West a certain idea of marriage, which appears to descend from the French secularism model, in being "counter-traditional", respectful of the individual autonomy, and devoted to an "integral" application of the principle of equality. The proof is that it putted down roots in legal contexts poles apart from the above model, for their way to set the space and the relevance of religion in the public sphere. The study examines the emblematic English case, where this notion has led to the introduction of "same-sex marriage", without the peculiar framework of the relations between the State and his national Church, with his singular legal tecnical implications (the "ecclesiastical law" as integral part of the general law of England; the "constitutional" principle for which the canon law cannot be contrary to the latter; the correspondence – until then – between "anglican marriage" and the civil one; the clergy's duty to solemnise the marriage of all the residents in the Country irrespective of the couple's religious beliefs or lack of them) have rapresented a barrier or a scruple. The goal of the paper is, on one hand, focusing the political and legal reasons that underlie this outcome, and, on the other hand, look into the impact that the latter has resulted on the Church of England's legal system, its legally relevant reactions, and the adopted "style of presence", also as a "benchmark" for the more comprehensive anglican world.

Il sistema politico Iraniano, basato dal 1979 sulla legge islamica (la legge della Shari'a), così come il suo governo in carica, stanno affrontando numerose sfide e vere e proprie crisi esistenziali, tipiche di una società segnata dalle contraddizioni delle società in transizione. In questo caso, una delle contraddizioni principali riguarda il rispetto dei principi giuridicomorali islamici, che erano l'obiettivo fondamentale della Repubblica Islamica dell'Iran. Questo articolo intende mettere in discussione, almeno in par t e, le radici profonde degli attuali problemi attraverso analisi approfondite del potere politico iraniano e della sua evoluzione, ritornando al primo movimento popolare moderno del paese e al fallimento della rivoluzione costituzionale del 1906, i cui effetti durano fino ad oggi. In questo quadro, anche una riflessione sul ruolo degli intellettuali secolari e degli scienziati religiosi iraniani e sulla loro influenza nel dibattito pubblico sarà considerato. Infine, è opportuno concentrarsi sulla carta costituzionale attuale e su come venne stabilita, in particolare sul principio del velāyat-e faqih (tutela del giurisperito) e sulle sue conseguenze teorico-pratiche, dopo che il popolo iraniano è stato governato da un governo laico come quello di Pahalvi (1925- 1979) per quasi mezzo secolo. ; The Iranian political system, based on Islamic law (Shari'a law) since 1979, as well as its current government, are facing various challenges typical of a society marked by the contradictions of societies in transition. One of the main such contradictions concerns the respect of Islamic legalmoral principles, which were the fundamental aim behind the rise of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This article intends to question, at least in part, the deep roots of the current problems through an analysis of the Iranian political power and its evolution, returning to the country's first modern popular movement and the failure of the first Persian constitution of 1907, the effects of which continue to today. In this framework, a reflection on the role of the Iranian secular intellectuals and religious scholars and their influence on the public debate will be considered. Finally, the current constitutional charter and on how it was established will be examined, in particular the principle of velāyat-e faqih (guardianship of the jurist) and its theoretical-practical consequences, after the Iranian people had been governed by a secular government like Pahalvi (1925 -1979) for almost half a century

This article reconstructs the main political tensions inside the Italian Catholic movement during the two pontificates of Pius IX and Pius X, therefore between the end of the nineteenth Century and the beginning of the twentieth Century. The approach outlined is historical and critical-analytical. The main currents of Catholicism, socialism and Italian liberalism are reviewed: social Catholicism, trade unionism, the positions of Luigi Sturzo, Filippo Meda, Arturo Labriola and Benedetto Croce are enlightened. In the conclusion, it is argued that, from the early years of Giovanni Giolitti's government and of the liberal phase of the Italian post-unification history, the clerical idea of building a state without secularism becomes unreal. ; Questo articolo ricostruisce le principali tensioni e vicende del movimento cattolico italiano nel corso dei due pontificati di Pio IX e Pio X, dunque tra la fine del XIX secolo e gli inizi del XX secolo. L'approccio delineato è storico e critico-analitico. Vengono prese in rassegna le principali correnti del cattolicesimo, del socialismo e del liberalismo italiano: il cattolicesimo sociale, il sindacalismo, sono analizzate le posizioni di Luigi Sturzo, Filippo Meda, Arturo Labriola e Benedetto Croce. Nella conclusione si argomenta come, a partire dai primi anni di governo di Antonio Giolitti e della fase liberale della storia italiana postunificazione, l'idea clericale della costruzione di uno stato senza laicismo diventi irreale.

The essay analyzes some aspects of the freedom of religion enshrined in the Italian Constitution in relation to the principle of secularism as supreme principle of the Italian Republic, according to the definition of the italian Constitutional Court; and the extension of religious symbols and, in particular, the crucifix. First of all, the essay analyzes the question of «Italian» secularism, verifying the disparities and similarities among the various declinations of this principle, reconstructing the debate in the constituent assembly and the main jurisprudential approaches of the Italian Constitutional Court in this matter. Secondly, the essay analyzes the issue of religious symbols in public spaces and, in particular, a leading case concerning the exhibition of the crucifix in the classrooms, both at the jurisprudence level (Administrative Judge, Constitutional Court, EDU Court), and at doctrinal one. The essay, then, notes the cd. Bavarian solution, adopted by the Government of the homonymous German region, in search of a reconciliation between the religious freedom of each person and the quantitative factor per single religion. There is also an excursus on the main case law of the European Court of Human Rights about secularity, religious freedom and religious symbols.

New forms of manifestations of religious intentions in socio-political space have constituted themselves as markers of transformation in the contemporary socio-political coordinates. Revision of the dominant traditional linear approaches placed the focus of ideological and political discussions about the correspondence of stable and variable, traditional and modern in a religious prism. Emerging new configurations in the public and private spheres mark transformation of the traditional relations between religion, society and the state corresponding to the logic of the project of modernity and the paradigm of secularization and require new interpretation optics. The contours of the new designs are evident in the contexts of new challenges and threats related to global political risks of religious terrorism, loss of monopoly on the description of reality, including moral connotations in the understanding of progress of the principle of secularism, with the increased importance of religious and confessional identity, civilizational, local and personal-individual levels, forming the hierarchy of values that determines horizons of public and personal goal setting. The penetration of religious meanings in the political and social reality of various areas, their incorporation into ideological discourses of identity build a wide variety of interpretations in the extreme poles of which is religious outline of internal and external threats to social stability and understanding of religion as a resource of optimization of the political system. Institutional, axiological and ontological projection refracts the religious factor in Russian society in polyvalent and nonlinear ways, reflecting the multidirectional vectors of ongoing transformation. On the basis of sociological data of The Institute of Sociology, RAS, the given article analyzes a number of subjects, reflecting qualitatively new social relationships. The emphasis is on multi-scale conflicts, correlation between the secular and the religious in the coordinates of importance of the democracy attributes and social significance of religion, institutional and value aspects as well as the dominant ideas in the Russian society about the role of Church, religion and religious faith in human life and society. Growing importance of religious factors and religious identities in contemporary conditions, the incorporation of religious meanings in different spheres of society intersect with ' the needs of ensuring the unity of values and stabilization of the social system, as well as close attention to Russian civilization experience. Despite increased sensitivity of contemporary debates on the tragectory of political practices in Russia, the religious factor could be a factor of social cohesion, determining the search of new forms of relations between the state and religious organizations based on the challenges and needs of society and identifying the need for improving mechanisms and practices of state-confessional relations.

Critical discourse analysis was used as a methodological and theoretical framework for studying materials. As a result, we have identified three dichotomies in the criticism of European values: (1) religion vs secularism, (2) collectivism (sobornost') vs individualism, (3) collective morality vs liberal moral pluralism. Within the period of 2006-2012, the Orthodox discourse has been appropriated in domestic agenda

Il rapporto tra diritto e religioni assume storicamente dei connotati problematici, soprattutto con riferimento a quelle religioni che cercano direttamente dall'assoluto i principi di convivenza umana, ponendosi molte volte in contrasto con principi contrattualistici e valori laici. Il loro intreccio torna un tema di vitale importanza all'indomani degli attentati dell'11 settembre, che segnano l'inizio di quella che viene più volte identificata come "guerra di civiltà". Il contrasto tra norme di carattere religioso e norme giuridiche pone delicati problemi interpretativi e di collocazione concettuale. Accentuate dal pluralismo religioso e globalizzazione le relazioni con il diritto tendono sempre ad ampliare la loro coesistenza, l'equilibrio che sembrava essere stato raggiunto è oggigiorno minato dagli attentati di matrice islamica e lo sciacallaggio politico-mediatico che alzano un muro sull'integrazione giuridica e sociale tra i popoli. È arduo compito, ancora una volta, di illuminati pensatori ristabilire gli equilibri tramite interpretazioni dialoganti e visioni lungimiranti di pace e prosperità umana. ; The relationship between law and religion historically takes on the problematic connotations, especially with reference to those religions who directly seek the absolute principles of human coexistence, often contradicting contractual principles and lay values. Their intertwining returns to a vital theme after the September 11 attacks, marking the beginning of what is often identified as a "civil war". The contrast between religious norms and legal norms poses delicate interpretative problems and conceptual placement. Accentuated by religious pluralism and globalization, relations with the law tend to widen their coexistence, the balance that seemed to have been achieved is nowadays undermined by Islamist matrix attacks and political-media marriages that raise a wall on legal and social among peoples. It is once again a difficult task for illuminated thinkers to restore balance through dialogic interpretations and forward-looking visions of peace and human prosperity.

В статье рассмотрены взаимоотношения государства и конфессий в современном российском обществе. Автор указывает на проблемы в государственно-конфессиональных отношениях. Анализ данных отношений показал необходимость изменений, которые должны основываться на принципе светскости ; The article deals with the relationship between the state and religions in modern Russian society. The author points to the problems in the state-confessional relations. Analysis of these relations showed the need for changes that should be based on the principle of secularism.

Annotation: In the submitted article the features of the concept of the Kingdom of God are considered, as it is expressed in the works of one of the leading theologians of the 20th century, Jurgen Moltmann. The categories of "new" and "coming" are indicated and analyzed as key components (attributes) of the concept, clarifying the process of integrating the Kingdom into the world. The idea of two aeons (centuries), coming and passing, is revealed, the interaction of which creates the apocalypticeschatological antagonism of the Kingdom in the present. The idea of "freedom" as the quintessence of the Kingdom is disclosed, which helps to understand the principles and nature of God's government better. In the context of the polemic with Gnosticism, the ecumenical scales of the Kingdom are described, including the entire totality of the transfigured being. Studying the concept, the author comes to the conclusion that it is relevant for a (post)secular society, open to new influences and transformations, which exactly bears the coming Kingdom. At the end of the article, we examine the relevance of Moltman's theological ideas in relation to the coronavirus. ; В представленной статье рассматриваются особенности концепта Царства Бога, как он выражен в работах одного из ведущих теологов XX века Юргена Мольтмана. Указываются и анализируютсякатегории "нового" и "грядущего", как ключевые составляющие (атрибуты) концепта, проясняющие процесс интеграции Царства в мир. Выявлена идея двух эонов (веков), грядущего и преходящего,взаимодействие которых создает апокалиптически-эсхатологический антагонизм Царства в настоящем. Раскрыта идея "свободы" как квинтэссенции Царства, что помогает лучше понимать принципы и характер Божьего правления. В контексте полемики с гностицизмом описаны вселенские масштабы Царства, включающего всю совокупность преображенного бытия. Исследуя концепт, автор приходит к выводу о егорелевантности для (пост)секулярного общества, открытого новым влияниям и преобразованиям, что как раз и несет в себе грядущее Царство. В конце статьи рассматривается релевантность теологических идей Мольтмана в связи с коронавирусом

Annotation: In the submitted article the features of the concept of the Kingdom of God are considered, as it is expressed in the works of one of the leading theologians of the 20th century, Jurgen Moltmann. The categories of "new" and "coming" are indicated and analyzed as key components (attributes) of the concept, clarifying the process of integrating the Kingdom into the world. The idea of two aeons (centuries), coming and passing, is revealed, the interaction of which creates the apocalypticeschatological antagonism of the Kingdom in the present. The idea of "freedom" as the quintessence of the Kingdom is disclosed, which helps to understand the principles and nature of God's government better. In the context of the polemic with Gnosticism, the ecumenical scales of the Kingdom are described, including the entire totality of the transfigured being. Studying the concept, the author comes to the conclusion that it is relevant for a (post)secular society, open to new influences and transformations, which exactly bears the coming Kingdom. At the end of the article, we examine the relevance of Moltman's theological ideas in relation to the coronavirus. ; В представленной статье рассматриваются особенности концепта Царства Бога, как он выражен в работах одного из ведущих теологов XX века Юргена Мольтмана. Указываются и анализируютсякатегории "нового" и "грядущего", как ключевые составляющие (атрибуты) концепта, проясняющие процесс интеграции Царства в мир. Выявлена идея двух эонов (веков), грядущего и преходящего,взаимодействие которых создает апокалиптически-эсхатологический антагонизм Царства в настоящем. Раскрыта идея "свободы" как квинтэссенции Царства, что помогает лучше понимать принципы и характер Божьего правления. В контексте полемики с гностицизмом описаны вселенские масштабы Царства, включающего всю совокупность преображенного бытия. Исследуя концепт, автор приходит к выводу о егорелевантности для (пост)секулярного общества, открытого новым влияниям и преобразованиям, что как раз и несет в себе грядущее Царство. В конце статьи рассматривается релевантность теологических идей Мольтмана в связи с коронавирусом