Suchergebnisse

The issues of religion and secularization are among the most pressing concerns in Iran today. Religion has historically played different roles and has been present at different levels within the society. Followers of different religions either have chosen total submission based on literal readings of the scriptures or have followed a rationalist perspective using their own interpretations of religious teachings. During the past several centuries, as a result of the dominance of secularization and laïcité, religion throughout the world took a backseat and the "death of God" was witnessed. After this lengthy retreat, we now observe the reemergence of religions in different forms. Religion has proved to have "nine lives," and each time, the death of God turned into the resurrection of God. But the resurrected God and reemerged religions are not one and the same as before. They have now assumed new roles. Along the same line, in its long historical process secularization has also had its ups and downs and has thus evolved. In some cases it has been open and flexible, and in others, rigid and fundamentalist. Hence new theories must closely explore the evolving relationship between secularization and religion. In both theory and practice, the boundaries within which religion can or cannot operate, and the extent to which religion should or should not play a role in the public sphere, must be scrutinized. There are two types of religiosity, one rigid and literalist and the other rationalist and humanist, and there are two types of secularism, a rigid and fundamentalist one that denies any role for religion in society and a flexible and tolerant one that only restricts religion from interfering in the state. In this "post-secular" environment, the rationalist religious intellectuals and the tolerant secularists can coexist and find mutual understanding. Iranian intellectuals, whether religious or nonreligious, or liberals, nationalists, socialists, or social democrats, should agree on one principle and that is that they all can freely compete in civil society, but they should not bring their ideologies into the state.

Pamela Beth
Radcliff, From Mobilisation to Civil War: The Politics of
Polarisation in the Spanish City of Gijón, 1900–1937
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 354 pp., £40, ISBN
0–521–56213–9.Carolyn Boyd, Historia Patria: Politics, History, and National Identity in Spain, 1875–1975
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 358 pp., $49.50,
£35.00, ISBN 0–691–02656–4.Sebastian Balfour, The End of the Spanish Empire 1898–1923 (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1997), 269 pp., £35.00, ISBN
0–198–20507–4.Clare Mar-Molinero and Angel Smith,
eds., Nationalism and the Nation in the Iberian Peninsula: Competing
and Conflicting Identities (Oxford/Washington, DC: Berg, 1996),
281 pp., £34.95, pb £14.95, ISBN
1–859–73175–9.Michael Richards, A Time of Silence: Civil War and the Culture of Repression in Franco's Spain,
1936–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 314
pp., £40.00, $59.95, ISBN 0–521–59401–4.Gerald Howson, Arms for Spain: the Untold Story of the Spanish Civil
War (London: John Murray, 1998), 354 pp., £25, ISBN
0–719–55556–6.During the long years of Francoism,
Spanish historiography was dominated by a search for explanation.
Against the regime's triumphalist account of the
'essential' Spain – resurgent in the form of the
victorious general's authoritarian, confessional state –
exiled intellectuals such as Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz and Américo
Castro posed questions about the 'problem' of Spain, looking
to the country's past to explain the political violence of the
present. For those who won the Civil War of 1936–39, Spain's
national destiny was to remain true to the imperial, Catholic legacy of
the Habsburg monarchy. Eschewing modern 'decadence' and the
false paths of secularism and democracy, Spain was to remain, according
to Franco, the 'spiritual reserve of the west'. Such a
vision of history, in Mike Richards's words, 'appropriated
time itself in acknowledging no distinctions between past, present and
future' (Mar-Molinero and Smith, p. 152). To Francoist ideologues,
both history and the nation were understood in terms of providential
destiny: once understood, the national destiny would prove
immutable.

The new elements in the moral, intellectual, & religious atmosphere which came to pervade the US during the decade of the 1960's are explored. It is seen that these elements explain why the US found itself in revolutionary circumstances at that particular time. The most widely publicized aspect of the decade's religious history was the emergence of a radical movement in theology & ethics. The over-all ecclesiastical situation has also been profoundly altered, for Protestants, Catholics, & Jews alike. Many ancient modes of thinking were being altered in the 1960's. The changes seem to involve a deep shift in the presuppositional substructures of the Amer mind. They can be designated as metaphysical, moral, & soc: (1) a growing attachment to naturalism or 'secularism' that makes people suspicious of anything supernatural; (2) a creeping (or galloping) awareness of vast contradictions in US life between profession & performance, the ideal & the actual; & (3) increasing doubt re the capacity of present-day ecclesiastical, pol'al, soc, & educ'al instit's to rectify these contradictions. The reasons for these new positions are traced to the impact of sci, relativism & technology which began to be felt already in the 19th cent, & to the state of 'puritanical legalism' in the US which tended to be oblivious to the intellectual revolutions of the modern world. 5 catalysts propelled these changes: (i) The long-developing problems of unregulated Ur growth began to create environmental problems with which US pol'al & fiscal practices could not cope. (ii) Technological developments in agriculture & industry produced migrations of people that led the nat'l electorate to repudiate many of those arrangements that had long maintained the Protestant establishment & the WASP ascendancy in US life. (iii) Rapid technological & sci'fic advancements contributed another vital dimension to the nat'l mood. Their impact was enormously increased by sensational accomplishments that aroused the popular imagination (eg, the manned trip to the moon). (iv) The Cuban missile crisis, continued nuclear testing, attempts to achieve internat'l control of nuclear armaments seemed to underline the tentativity of mankind's earthly existence. (v) The drastic escalation of the war in Vietnam prevented an effective coping with the nation's problems of poverty & Ur dislocation. Modified HA.

ÖZETOsmanlı'da
modern devleti inşa etme düşüncesi Tanzimat ile kapsamlı bir içerik taşır.
Tanzimat ile birlikte, siyasal, yönetsel, hukuksal, ekonomik ve sosyo-kültürel
yapıların, modern devlet paradigması içerisinde, bir değişimi öngörülmüştür. Bu
dönemde güçlü merkezi bir devlet kurmak, bu eksende birçok farklı unsuru
bütünleştirmek ve yurttaşlık kimliği oluşturmak amacıyla düzenlemeler yapılmış,
taşrayı merkeze bağlayıcı yönetsel ve hukuksal araçlar inşa edilmiştir.
Meşrutiyet dönemi İttihatçı aktörler bu düşünceyi etkili bir biçimde devam
ettirmiş, milli kimliği yaratıcı politikalar ve araçlar etkili bir biçimde
kullanılmaya çalışılmıştır. Erken Cumhuriyet dönemi kurucu aktörleri ise modern
devlet bağlamında kapsamlı reformlar yapmış, modern ulus devleti kurucu
araçları radikal bir biçimde inşa etmiştir. Bu dönemde güçlü bir modern devlet
için merkeziyetçilik, laiklik, halkçılık, milli kimlik önemli görülen
dinamikler olmuştur. Bu çalışma, Tanzimattan Erken Cumhuriyete modern devletin
inşa sürecini siyasal, kurumsal, hukuksal ve toplumsal bir perspektif ile
süreklilik ve kopuş noktaları üzerinden tartışmayı denemektedir. Dönemsel
olarak, modern devlet felsefesini/paradigmasını biçimlendiren reformlar farklı
dinamikler üzerinden tartışılmaya çalışılmıştır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Modern Devlet, Osmanlı Devleti,
Tanzimat, Meşrutiyet, Erken CumhuriyetABSTRACTThe idea of ​​building a modern
state in the Ottoman Empire has a comprehensive content with the Tanzimat.
Together with the Tanzimat, a change of political, administrative, legal,
economic and socio-cultural structures within the modern state paradigm was
envisaged. In this period, arrangements were made in order to establish a
strong central state, to integrate many different elements in this axis and to
establish a citizenship identity, and administrative and legal instruments
binding the provincial center were built. The Unionist actors in the
Constitutional Monarchy period continued this idea effectively and tried to use
the policies and tools that create national identity effectively. The founding
actors of the early Republican period have made extensive reforms in the context
of the modern state, and the modern nation state has radically built the
founding instruments. In this period, centralism, secularism, populism and
national identity were important dynamics for a strong modern state. This paper
tries to discuss the construction process of modern state from Tanzimat to
Early Republic through a political, institutional, legal and social perspective
and points of continuity and rupture. Periodically, the reforms that shape the
modern state philosophy / paradigm have been tried to be discussed through
different dynamics.









Keywords: Modern State, Ottoman Empire,
Tanzimat, Constitutional Monarchy, Early Republic

Hvad er opfattelsen af forholdet mellem religion og samfund blandt etniske danskere og de etniske minoriteter? Dette spørgsmål analyseres ud fra en spørgeskemaundersøgelse blandt etniske danskere og tyrkiske og pakistanske indvandrere og efterkommere i Danmark. Der formuleres tre hypoteser: For det første en sekulariseringshypotese: muslimer er mindre sekulariserede end danskere. For det andet en etnicitetshypotese: etnisk tilhørsforhold spiller en større rolle for værdier end trosretning. Den tredje hypotese vedrører socialisation og hævder at efterkommere placerer sig mellem etniske danskere og indvandrere mht. sekularisering. Sekularisering defineres som manglende sammenhæng mellem religion og andre værdier og måles i forhold til politik og familieværdier. Analysen viser at ingen af hypoteserne kan verificeres generelt, men at sammenhængene afhænger af såvel trosretning som etnisk gruppe. Graden af personlig religiøsitet spiller en rolle for graden af sekularisering, også for etniske danskerne. Resultaterne viser at man ikke kan skære alle muslimer over en kam og giver behov for mere nuancerede tolkninger af værdier blandt etniske grupper i Danmark.

ENGELSK ABSTRACT:
Peter Gundelach: The Many Faces of Secularism

This article analyses the relationship between religion and politics in nine ethnic groups in Denmark (including Danes). The data were collected through a survey among these groups. Secularization is defined as the lack of a correlation between religion and other values, and is measured in relation to political and family values. The study has three hypotheses. 1) A secularization hypothesis states that Muslims are less secularized than Christians in Denmark; 2) An ethnicity hypothesis argues that ethnicity is more important than denomination as regards values; 3) A socialization hypothesis asserts that the longer time a person has lived in Denmark, the more s/he has secularized values. Since descendants of immigrants are socialized in Danish institutions as well as in immigrant families, the argument is that they are between the Danes and the immigrants in relation to secularization. The analysis shows that none of the hypotheses can be generally confirmed. Secularization must be explained by combinations of ethnicity and denomination. This means that it is impossible to generalize about the relationship between religious values and other values in all ethnic groups.

Key words: Secularization, ethnicity, survey, Islam, political values.

Through an analysis of current celebrations of the Virgin of Guadalupe in Rome, I discuss how the Virgin echoes worries aboutpatria y fe(nation and faith) as well as a Catholic faith mobilized in reaction to secularism. The Virgin's performative celebrations awaken a phantomatic unity of the nation and the family through affect and subtle racial tensions within, first, the body of religious transnational migration related to diocesan and missionary politics, and, second, the distribution of cultural and indigenous narratives of a Mexican identity abroad. By paying attention to traces of the Mexican Cristero War (1926‐9), as they are affectively re‐narrativized in twenty‐first‐century Rome, I argue that the celebration of the Virgin of Guadalupe does not show a religiosity connected to a return of the dispossessed and to a symbol of their liberation (as seems to be the case at the Mexican/US border); rather, the celebration of the Virgin in this context becomes a nexus of affect signalling the strengthening of an Orthodox (as ultramontane), transnational Catholic Church.RésuméPar le biais d'une analyse des célébrations actuelles de la Vierge de Guadalupe à Rome, l'auteure discute de la manière dont la Vierge fait écho aux inquiétudes pour «la patrie et la foi» (patria y fe) ainsi que sur la mobilisation de la foi catholique en réaction aux sécularisme. Les célébrations performatives de la Vierge révèlent une unité fantasmatique de la nation et de la famille par le biais de l'affect et de tensions raciales subtiles au sein, d'une part, de la migration transnationale religieuse liée à la politique diocésaine et missionnaire, et d'autre part à la diffusion à l'étranger de narrations culturelles et indigènes d'une identité mexicaine. En s'intéressant aux traces de la guerre des Cristeros au Mexique (1926‐1929), remises en récit sous un angle affectif dans la Rome du XXIesiècle, l'auteure affirme que la célébration de la Vierge de Guadalupe ne manifeste pas une religiosité liée au retour des dépossédés et à un symbole de libération (comme cela semble faire être le cas à la frontière entre le Mexique et les États‐Unis) mais elle devient plutôt, dans ce contexte, un point de fusion des affects qui signale la montée en puissance d'une Église catholique transnationale empreinte d'orthodoxie ultramontaine.

PurposeThis research aims to explain, in the secular French context, the intention of managers to accommodate religious expression at work (REW) when they are not obliged to do so. This paper seeks to understand the determinants of managerial positions on REW. Building on previous studies on how organisations and managers deal with religious expression, this research seeks to extend the evidence on this important aspect of managerial behaviour in relation to accommodating REW.Design/methodology/approachThe hypotheses were tested using a structural equation model based on the theory of planned behaviour (TPB) in diversity management (N = 151 French managers). This method highlights attitudinal and organisational determinants favourable to the intent to accommodate.FindingsThe present research provides new insight by identifying two main direct factors affecting managers' accommodation, namely, organisational flexibility (flexible hours, autonomy) and perceived consequences (advantages, disadvantages) and one indirect factor, religiosity. In line with the contradictions within diversity management, the perceived consequences are ambivalent and highly context dependent. One issue to explore is that managers seek to deal with religious expression by making it invisible.Research limitations/implicationsIn the French context, the explanatory social norm might not be "religiosity" but rather "perceived secularity". The authors recommend that future studies use qualitative methods with interviews and photo elicitation to extend this first study. Indeed, the complexity of the managerial position requires an in-depth understanding of managers' attitudes and behaviours with regard to religion. How do managers apply a common ground strategy and create unity despite differences? Is the desire to make arrangements invisible with a view to inclusive neutrality specific to France, or can it be generalised to managers in other countries? Does the intention to accommodate not essentially depend on the manager-employee relationship dynamic? This research raises questions for scholars about the relationship with the other and ethical managerial conduct.Practical implicationsFrance is a secular country where a debate is emerging on cases of discrimination due to REW. The results contribute to approaches to drafting company guidelines for managers and may help organisations anticipate the risks associated with REW. The discussion of the results reveals the importance of social norms in the sense of hypernorms (religiosity) and undoubtedly of secularism, nondiscrimination and gender equality in the decision-making process on accommodation. These inclusive norms should therefore be handled with care in the various guidelines that have been developed.Originality/valueREW is increasing but is a neglected dimension of diversity management. This study helps explore this new field by promoting an understanding of managers' intention to accommodate in a specific secular context.

Book reviewed in this article:Margaret Spufford. Small Books and Pleasant Histories: Popular Fiction and its Readership in Seventeenth‐Century England.Anne Kussmaul. Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England.P. B. Munsche. Gentlemen and Poachers: The English Game Laws, 1671–1831.S. D. Chapman and S. Chassagne. European Textile Printers in the Eighteenth Century: A Study of Peel and Oberkampf.Enid Gauldie. The Scottish County Miller, 1700‐I900: A History of Water‐powered Meal Milling in Scotland.Chris Fisher. Custom, Work, and Market Capitalism: The Forest of Dean Colliers, 1788–1888.S. D. Chapman. Stanton and Staveley: A Business History.W. M. Mathew. The House of Gibbs and the Peruvian Guano Monopoly.J. E. King. Richard Marsden and the Preston Charrisrs, 1837–1848.J. A. Banks. Victorian Values: Secularism and the Size of Families.W. D. Rubinstein. Men of Property: The Very Wealthy in Britain since the Industrial Revolution.R. C. Michie. Money, Mania, and Markets: Investment, Company Formation and the Stock Exchange in Nineteenth‐Century Scotland.Edgar Jones. Accountancy and the British Economy, 1840–1980: The Evolution of Ernst & Whinney.P. J. Waller. Democracy and Sectarianism: A Political and Social History of Liverpool, 1868–1939.W. J. Reader. Bowater: A History.Anthony Carew. The Lower Deck of the Royal Navy, 1900–39: The Invergordon Mutiny in Perspective.Philip S. Bagwell. The Railwaymen: The Histoy of the National Union of Raiwaymen. Vol. 2. The Beeching Era and After.Edgars Dunsdorfs. The Livonian Estates of Axel Oxenstjerna.C. Koninckx. The First and Second Charters of the Swedish East India Company (1731‐1766): A Contribution to the Maritime, Economic and Social Histmy of North‐Western Europe in its Relationship with the Far East (with a preface by K. GLAMANN).L. M. Cullen and F. Furet (Eds.). Ireland and France, 1600–1900: Towards a Comparative Study of Rural History.Hubert Watelet. Une Industrialisation sans developpement: Le bassin de M m et le Charbonnage du Grand‐Homu du milieu du XVIII siicle au milieu du XIX siicle.G. H. Kocks and J. M. G. van der Poel (Eds.). Landbouwkundige Beschrijvingen uit de Negenrien‐eeux.Jurgen Kocka. Die Angesrellren in der deutschen Geschichte, 1850–1980.Eduard Marz. Osterreichische Bankpoltik in der Zeit der groben Wende, z9z3‐z923: Am Beispiel der Creditanstalt fur Handel and Gewerbe.Angelo Massafra (Ed.). Problemi di sroria delle campagne meridionali nelleta moderna econrempmanea.Manuel Tunon de Lara (Ed.). Historiu de Espuiia, Vol. VIII, Revolucibn burguesa, oligurquiay constitutionism, 1834–1923.Martin Mccauley. The Soviet Union since 1917.Bruce R. Davidson. European Farming in Australia: An Economic History of Australian Farming.David J. Jeremy. Transatlantic Itulustrial Revolution: The Diffusion of Textile Technologies between Britain ond Anwrica, 1790–1830s.Peter J. Buckley and Brian R. Roberts. European Direct Investment in the USA before World War I.Charles E. Harvey. The Rio Tinto Company: An Economic History of a Leading International Mining Concern, 1873–1954.Ester Boserup. Population and Technology.

The article investigates the main achievements and failures in Turkey's economic and social development during the period of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) in power (since 2002). The major successes of the JDP government are related to attainment of financial and economic stability, which created a base for sustainable economic growth with the help of the increasing inflow of foreign direct investments. At the same time, the social policy of the state has become more active, including noticeable achievements in solving the housing problem. Certain positive developments were attained in the democratization process, particularly in expanding civilian control over the military elites and reducing the likelihood of military involvement in domestic political processes, as well as in terms of ethnic minorities rights recognition (primarily of Kurds). As for negative trends during the JDP period, they refer to the so called majoritarian understanding of democracy with an inevitable emergence of new social strata excluded from the official system of interest groups. This has ultimately led to the restriction of identification possibilities for secular segments of the population, who share classical values of Turkish republicanism and secularism. Such understanding of democracy has inavoidably resulted in establishing of control over media, restrictions on the freedom of speech, growth of intolerance towards the opposition, politicization of the judicial system, etc. The article also discusses tactical moves, to which the JDP elite and the President of Turkey R.T. Erdogan (who has close ties with the ruling party) have resorted in order to ensure the party's victory in the early parliamentary elections of November 2015. They took place once, prior to the June elections where JDP failed to win the majority required for forming a single-party government. Essentially, a hostage to the JDP's victory was the Kurdish problem, on which JDP had to radicalize its positions in order to get back the voices of nationalist-minded voters and, at the same time, to reduce popularity of the Pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party – another competitor for electorate. But, as a result, the split between political groups in the country over disagreements on the question of democratic freedoms was supplemented by the rift between national groups. The economic situation in Turkey is also not stable enough, because its economic prosperity relied heavily on active use of external financing. The decrease in its availability due to changes in the international financial market actualizes the threat of falling into a so called middle income trap with long period of low economic growth. Therefore, although JDP had managed to re-obtain the status of a ruling party, the price of victory is high: the country and its government will have to face a number of challenges and serious problems in the economy, internal and foreign policy. The lack of capability to find a constructive response to them can lead to radicalization in the nature of political power in Turkey.

Today, in many countries around the world, the role of religion in the public sphere is strengthening. This causes the methodological problems of the theory of secularization, which claimed the gradual and irreversible decline of religion. At the same time, the processes of religious revival in societies that have undergone secularization do not lead to the restoration of religion in the forms that preceded it. To denote this state of society, which occurs after secularization, Jürgen Habermas proposed to use the term "post-secular". A number of both foreign and domestic scientists became interested in this issue. But the purposeful study of postsecularity is still in its infancy and is mostly descriptive. In the scientific works devoted to its research, insufficient attention is focused on specific characteristics of postsecular societies. Therefore, there is a need to generalize these characteristics in order to better understand post-secular society. To achieve this goal, the article analyzes some conceptual approaches to the study of postsecularity. These approaches argue that the "return" of religion does not preclude the preservation of a powerful (or even dominant) secularization cluster in society. Post-secularization is a move forward and the creation of a new system characterized by religious freedom, pluralism, competition between different denominations, rather than a return to the traditions of the pre-modern era. In a post-secular society, as the authors of the works analyzed in the article prove, religion has all the opportunities from secular power for its development. At the same time, there is a reduction in the role of religious institutions and the individualization of religious practices, ie the "privatization" of religion, which is an element of secularization. But this "privatization" is significantly different from secularization, because it is not due to coercion, but to pluralism of choice. According to many researchers, a post-secular situation is possible under the condition of ideological pluralism and parity between religious and non-religious people, when each party has the opportunity to propagate its opinion, but does not impose it, when there is no place for privileged and discriminated, but awareness of mutual coexistence. That is, post-secularity is possible only in democratic and legal societies. The post-secular situation is also characterized by religious competition, intensification of missionary work, manifestations of fundamentalism, globalization of religious piety, transformation of religion into a commodity and the emergence (mostly in the West) of the phenomenon used to refer to the term "spirituality". The situation of post-secularism is a situation of uncertainty, when it is not known how the processes of interaction between the secular and the religious will take place in the future, and it is impossible to make any predictions about how stable this situation is. As the analysis carried out in the article shows, the post-secular approach has not become a full-fledged theory, but is perceived mostly as a program of what should be paid attention to, as a certain correction and continuation of the secularization approach. But with its help, scientists are trying to describe religious processes in modern societies.

The purpose of the study was to analyze the content and structure of representations about the state in one of the key historical works of Ukraine in the late 17th century – «Synopsis», which was published in the printing press of the Kyiv Pechersk Lavra in 1674, and subsequently expanded in 1678 and 1680. The relevance of this theme is determined by the fact that «Synopsis» was the final result of the development of Ukrainian historiography of the early modern era, as well as the influence that this text had on the development of Ukrainian culture of the XVIII century. As a result of the analysis it was found that in the text «Synopsis» there is a clearly formulated concept of the state, which was covered in the theoretical aspect and was used to study specific historical events.The study found that the author of «Synopsis» relied in his ideas about the state on the concept developed by the Ukrainian Orthodox intellectuals, which included the categories of the essence of the state as a political entity, an ideal state structure, a political nation, a system of relations between the ruler and subjects, and the role of the church in the state. Comparison of this theory with the text «Synopsis» has allowed to reveal a number of common and distinctive points. It has been found that the central idea of the state concept of the Ukrainian Orthodox clergy in the concept of the author of «Synopsis» has not changed and is to recognize Kiev as the spiritual center of all Orthodox lands and the transcendental justification of the existence of the Ukrainian state. Also, the common feature is the unconditional recognition of the sovereignty of Ukraine in all its ethnic boundaries and understanding of its people as an ethnic and confessional community. The comparative analysis allowed us to conclude that the state theory contained in Synopsy has a number of distinctive features in comparison with those ideas that existed among the Ukrainian spiritual elite at the end of the 16th – in the first half of the 17th centuries. The main differences are the indisputable recognition of the absolute monarchy as an ideal of the state system, providentialism, the refusal of the political subjectivity by the population and the recognition of political rights only by the autocrat, the positive perception of the integration of the Ukrainian Cossack state into the Moscow kingdom, the theory of the church as supreme power in the state.It is established that a number of provisions of state theory embodied in «Synopsis» can be understood as the origins of the philosophical and political concept of enlightened absolutism, which was subsequently elaborated by Prokopovich and had a significant influence on the formation of the state ideology of the Russian Empire in the first half of the XVIII century. It was found out that the author of Synopsis actively supports the idea of political integration of Ukrainian lands with the Moscow kingdom, but defends the independence of the Kyiv Metropolitanate and the priority of spiritual power over secularism.

The Crimean tatars – a nation or an ethnic minority: in search for a new way of national revivalThe Russian Empire, increasing its aggressive expansion to all sites of the world, conquered the Crimean Khanate in 1783. This Khanate was the only one of its kind link connecting the European (Christian) and Asian (Islamic) civilizations. It was the state of high multilateral culture with strong – in the beginning of the New Times – secularism trends and democratic bases of social and political life (there was no serfdom, the equality of rights existed on the high level, tolerance with regard to religious and ethnic communities dominated, and these communities-minorities co-existed and developed on the Peninsula – in the Tatar Crimea – in the peace). Within the framework of the Crimean Khanate the process of ethnic genesis of the Crimean-Tatar people as an ethnic-cultural subject was completed, although many differences of tribal origin and regional character remained within this unity and expressed in the heterogeneity of the anthropologic types, of every-day life's tradition and of dialects spread between the Tatars living in the North Crimean steppe, in the Mountains (highland) and on the South Coast of the Peninsula. That ethnic community (Crimean Tatars) was a nation in the modern meaning of this word, it had its own state, intellectual elite, high organization and culture. The destruction of this state-nation by the Russian Empire and the systematic genocide if the Crimean Tatars during next two centuries, reached its culmination in the act of the total deportation on May 18th 1944, are the treasons and international-large crimes. The annexation of the Crimea by the Russian Federation on March 2014 (its tearing away from the Ukrainian state and military occupation) means the continuation of this felonious policy, which the Crimean Tatars resist, displaying bravery in the very difficult condition. Tatarzy Krymscy - naród czy mniejszość etniczna: w poszukiwaniu nowej drogi odrodzenia narodowegoW 1783 roku imperium rosyjskie, którego agresywna ekspansja gwałtownie wrastała, zaanektowało Chaństwo Krymskie, które było jedynym w swoim rodzaju ogniwem łączącym cywilizacje europejską (chrześcijańską) i azjatycką (islamską), państwem o wysokiej kulturze z mocnymi trendami sekularyzacji i demokratycznymi podstawami (nie było tutaj ustroju pańszczyźnianego, na wysokim poziomie znajdowało się społeczne równouprawnienie, panowała tolerancja wobec różnych wspólnot religijnych i etnicznych, które w pokojowy sposób współistniały i rozwijały się na tatarskim Krymie). W ramach tego państwa dobiegł końca wielowiekowy proces etnogenezy narodu krymsko-tatarskiego, jako całokształtu etniczno-kulturowego (chociaż wewnątrz tej jednolitej wspólnoty długi czas zachowały się rozróżnienia plemienne i regionalne, co przejawiało się w różnorakości typów antropologicznych, tradycji życia codziennego, w dialektach międzystepowych zamieszkałych w górach (górskimi) i na południowym wybrzeżu Półwyspu (południowo-nadbrzeżnymi) Tatarów). Ta wspólnota była narodem (we współczesnym znaczeniu tego pojęcia), posiadającym własne państwo i wysoką kulturę, Zniszczenie tego państwa-narodu przez imperium rosyjskie i systematyczne ludobójstwo Tatarów krymskich, które osiągnęło szczyt w akcji totalnej deportacji 18 maja 1944 roku, pozostaje przestępstwem na skalę międzynarodową. Kontynuacją tej przestępczej polityki jest dokonana w marcu 2014 roku powtórna aneksja Krymu, wobec której Tatarzy krymscy stawiają stanowczy opór.

There is a peculiar relationship between contemporary poetry and perspectives that are deemed to be heretical by conservative audiences. This relationship is not fully accounted for by current anthropological theories of the secular. The field of literature has been successfully studied as a secular institution – both in the sense of the differentiation of institutions as well as in the sense of the subordination of the religious to the political. Such secularity appears as a rather safe, less controversial way to claim the power of some human entities in relation to God. Some poetry, by contrast, may be accused of heresy or unbelief even when written with pious intention. This suggests a dimension to being secular that is more offensive to conservative societal sensibilities, as it contrasts with deeply-held views on the proper form of the God-human relationship and the associated imaginaries, languages, and aesthetics. Based on a combination of ethnographic research in historical context and a theoretical focus on aesthetics and imagination of divine power as a constituent of human lives, it is proposed in this article that in addition to looking at state power, institutions, and the creation of a secular aesthetic normality, it is also necessary to look more closely at issues of faith, including heretical faith.