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There is little doubt that for many in the church catholic the traditional understanding of evangelization, that is, conversion to Jesus Christ, has become problematic. This is particularly apparent in the world-wide missionary enterprise where there has come to be a greater concentration upon service, that is, calling men to accept western man's aid, and a declining confidence in one's right to call men to repentance that is, calling men to accept western man's Christ. It is, however, also apparent in the American church where a "new" theology is urging it to see that the primary responsibility of Christians is to work with God in the world for the liberation of men from political, economic, and social tyrannies. In both cases a "new" theological understanding of evangelization, and thus conversion, has been introduced into the church.

Pakistan was created in 1947 by leaders of the Muslim minority of the British Raj in order to give them a separate state. Islam was defined by its founder, Jinnah, in the frame of his "two-nation theory," as an identity marker (cultural and territorial). His ideology, therefore, contributed to an original form of secularization, a form that is not taken into account by Charles Taylor in his theory of secularization - that the present text intends to test and supplement. This trajectory of secularization went on a par with a certain form of secularism which, this time, complies with Taylor's definition. As a result, the first two Constitutions of Pakistan did not define Islam as an official religion and recognized important rights to the minorities. However, Jinnah's approach was not shared by the Ulema and the fundamentalist leaders, who were in favor of an islamization policy. The pressures they exerted on the political system made an impact in the 1970s, when Z.A. Bhutto was instrumentalizing Islam. Zia's islamization policy made an even bigger impact on the education system, the judicial system and the fiscal system, at the expense of the minority rights. But Zia pursued a strategy of statization of Islam that had been initiated by Jinnah and Ayub Khan on behalf of different ideologies, which is one more illustration of the existence of an additional form of secularization that has been neglected by Taylor.

Pakistan was created in 1947 by leaders of the Muslim minority of the British Raj in order to give them a separate state. Islam was defined by its founder, Jinnah, in the frame of his "two-nation theory," as an identity marker (cultural and territorial). His ideology, therefore, contributed to an original form of secularization, a form that is not taken into account by Charles Taylor in his theory of secularization - that the present text intends to test and supplement. This trajectory of secularization went on a par with a certain form of secularism which, this time, complies with Taylor's definition. As a result, the first two Constitutions of Pakistan did not define Islam as an official religion and recognized important rights to the minorities. However, Jinnah's approach was not shared by the Ulema and the fundamentalist leaders, who were in favor of an islamization policy. The pressures they exerted on the political system made an impact in the 1970s, when Z.A. Bhutto was instrumentalizing Islam. Zia's islamization policy made an even bigger impact on the education system, the judicial system and the fiscal system, at the expense of the minority rights. But Zia pursued a strategy of statization of Islam that had been initiated by Jinnah and Ayub Khan on behalf of different ideologies, which is one more illustration of the existence of an additional form of secularization that has been neglected by Taylor.

The current study examines individuals who were raised in a certain religion and at some stage of their life left it. Currently, they define their religious affiliation as 'no religion'. A battery of explanatory variables (country-specific ones, personal attributes and marriage variables) was employed to test for the determinants of this decision. It was found that the tendency of individuals to leave their religion is strongly correlated with the degree of strictness of their country and with their spouse's religious characteristics. Moreover, personal socio-demographic features seem to be less relevant.

Secularization is of concern not only to theologians; the crisis has captured the interest of social and political philosophers. If Western theologians and advocates of liberal democracy remain optimistic and are attempting to rethink Christian proclamation and find adequate solutions to the challenges of a godless world, then Orthodox theologians and representatives of conservative thought are more pessimistic and see the only solution in a return to the ideals of the past. Democracy is based on Christian foundations and is doomed to self-destruction by secularization. Several consequences of secularization can be predicted. The introduction of secular ideas into social practice could lead to Christianity's dissolution into religious pluralism and the loss of its status as the "center" of European culture and civilization. The realm of religion could be reduced to the merely social, finding its expression in civil religion (as in the USA). The opposition of secularists and fundamentalists could be accompanied by the escalation of tension, expressing itself in a "conflict of civilizations" on religious grounds. A conservative revolution as a radical means of halting secularization could lead to new forms of totalitarianism, including the establishment of theocratic regimes

Secularization is of concern not only to theologians; the crisis has captured the interest of social and political philosophers. If Western theologians and advocates of liberal democracy remain optimistic and are attempting to rethink Christian proclamation and find adequate solutions to the challenges of a godless world, then Orthodox theologians and representatives of conservative thought are more pessimistic and see the only solution in a return to the ideals of the past. Democracy is based on Christian foundations and is doomed to self-destruction by secularization. Several consequences of secularization can be predicted. The introduction of secular ideas into social practice could lead to Christianity's dissolution into religious pluralism and the loss of its status as the "center" of European culture and civilization. The realm of religion could be reduced to the merely social, finding its expression in civil religion (as in the USA). The opposition of secularists and fundamentalists could be accompanied by the escalation of tension, expressing itself in a "conflict of civilizations" on religious grounds. A conservative revolution as a radical means of halting secularization could lead to new forms of totalitarianism, including the establishment of theocratic regimes

During the 19th century and the beginning of 20th, some classical authors of contemporary political theory wondered if the modern world was going to be exempt from magic and religious ways such the bourgeois revolutions were supposed to get. This paper about «Revolution and Secularization» deals with that kind of perplexity and assumes the plurisecular survival of these irrational aspects beyond every scientific revolution and materialist products of Enlightenment. Neither specialized nor mechanized world implied the extinction of mystery or magical and inexplicable phenomena, as Max Weber, Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer had suggested. In recent years, another review of modern assumptions was carried out by some classic authors who rethought the modern revolution. Not only the conservative work of Carl Schmitt, or reactionary thinking of Joseph de Maistre and Louis-Ambroise de Bonald, but also those authors which support Modernity, as Hans Blumenberg or Jacob Taubes, have raised the continuity or break of Modernity from Old Regime. ; Esta sección monográfica de Isegoria sobre «Revolución y secularización» surge de la perplejidad que, durante el siglo XIX y el inicio del siglo XX, algunos clásicos de la teoría política contemporánea mostraron ante las revoluciones burguesas y la supuesta consecución del mundo moderno exento de elementos mágicos y religiosos. El tema de reflexión se propone bajo la suposición de la pervivencia plurisecular de estos elementos irracionales más allá de todas las revoluciones científicas y materializaciones ilustradas. Cabe que la especialización y mecanización del mundo moderno no hayan supuesto, como en un principio temieron de MaxWeber a Theodor Adorno y Max Horkheimer, la desaparición de todos los elementos arcanos, mágicos e inexplicables. En los últimos años, se produjo otra revisión de los presupuestos modernos de las dos grandes revoluciones a partir de autores clásicos que repensaron la revolución moderna. No sólo el pensamiento conservador representado por Carl Schmitt, o el reaccionario personificado por Joseph de Maistre y Louis-Ambroise de Bonald, sino también autores identificados con la modernidad, como Hans Blumenberg o Jacob Taubes, han planteado qué supone de continuidad o de ruptura la Modernidad respecto del Antiguo Régimen.

Secularization is of concern not only to theologians; the crisis has captured the interest of social and political philosophers. If Western theologians and advocates of liberal democracy remain optimistic and are attempting to rethink Christian proclamation and find adequate solutions to the challenges of a godless world, then Orthodox theologians and representatives of conservative thought are more pessimistic and see the only solution in a return to the ideals of the past. Democracy is based on Christian foundations and is doomed to selfdestruction by secularization. Several consequences of secularization can be predicted. The introduction of secular ideas into social practice could lead to Christianity's dissolution into religious pluralism and the loss of its status as the "center" of European culture and civilization. The realm of religion could be reduced to the merely social, finding its expression in civil religion (as in the USA). The opposition of secularists and fundamentalists could be accompanied by the escalation of tension, expressing itself in a "conflict of civilizations" on religious grounds. A conservative revolution as a radical means of halting secularization could lead to new forms of totalitarianism, including the establishment of theocratic regimes

In this article we analyze the changes towards the secularization and politicization of the Tseltal women of Ocosingo from the Revolutionary Law of Women, elaborated by the Zapatista women in 1993. We observe a radical transformation of the life of women, and all Tseltal society, we identify a before and after Zapatismo in relations between Tseltal women and men. Likewise, we observe an empowerment of Zapatista women from the secilarization and politicization process promoted by the EZLN. This article is based on ethnographic research that we carried out in the municipality of Ocosingo from 1993 to date (2021). ; En este artículo analizamos cambios hacia la secularización y politización de las mujeres tseltales de Ocosingo a partir de la Ley Revolucionaria de Mujeres, elaborada por las mujeres zapatistas en 1993. Observamos una transformación radical en la vida de las mujeres, y en la sociedad tseltal, identificamos un antes y un después del zapatismo en las relaciones entre mujeres y hombres tseltales. Asimismo, un empoderamiento en mujeres zapatistas a partir del proceso de secularización y politización del EZLN. Este artículo se basa en la investigación etnográfica que realizamos en el municipio de Ocosingo de 1993 a la fecha (2021).

Von einer Säkularisierung in einem Land wie Israel zu sprechen, wo die Religion offensichtlich einen wichtigen Teil des öffentlichen Lebens darstellt, scheint widersprüchlich zu sein. Doch Israel befindet sich bedingt durch Globalisierung, Pluralisierung und Modernisierung an einem Scheideweg. Teile der israelischen Gesellschaft säkularisieren sich bereits. Die religiöse orthodoxe Vorherrschaft scheint zu bröckeln. Kann jedoch deswegen von einem Mentalitätswandel oder einer Säkularisierung des Staates gesprochen werden? Kann ein Säkularisierungsprozess in Israel erfolgreich sein? Wie muss ein säkularer Staat beschaffen sein, um den unterschiedlichen religiösen Denominationen die gleichen Möglichkeiten zu bieten? Welche Rolle spielen dabei die jüdische Diaspora, Einwanderungen und gesellschaftliche Minderheiten? Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit ist es diese Fragen zu erörtern. Auch wenn die enge Verknüpfung von Nation und Religion im Judentum eine Säkularisierung scheinbar unmöglich macht, so erlaubt unter Bezugnahme der Konzepte von Säkularismus und Nationalismus im Kontext der historischen Entwicklungen des Judentums eine differenziertere Betrachtung dieser Verknüpfung. Durch die Nutzung von unterschiedlichen qualitativen Methoden, wie der hermeneutischen Methode zur Betrachtung der verschiedenen theoretischen Begriffe und der Analyse des Verhältnisses von Nation und Religion im Judentum; der Nutzung von Zeitungsartikel zur Aufarbeitung der aktuellen Debatten in der israelischen Gesellschaft; der Auswertung von Statistiken; sowie der Durchführung von Experteninterviews erlauben einen vielseitigen Zugang zum Forschungsgegenstand. Letztendlich soll aufgezeigt werden, dass sich Israel zwar zunehmend säkularisiert, aber vor verschiedenen Herausforderungen, wie dem gesellschaftlichen Pluralismus, der instabilen Sicherheitslage, sowie einem zunehmenden religiösen Nationalismus steht. ; Israel is on the way to become a secular state. Parts of the society are separating from the religious authority. Under the international pressure of the globalization it is getting more important for Israel to integrate in the western interpretation of secularization. It seems that a secular Israel could resolve the political and social inequality between the ethnic groups. But the process of secularization causes a couple of problems in the society. Since years Israel is on the move to find his identity in a pluralistic and globalized world. The religious affiliation is decreasing in Israel. People do not believe privately anymore. In public it is still demonstrated, that Israel is united in the religious belief. Nationalism regains strength in Israel and causes new conflicts. This qualitative work based on hermeneutic and media analyses will show how problematic the way of secularization is and that the society will be probably even more unequal than before. If Israel is losing his ties of religious beliefs it needs to find a new identity. But the increase of secularization causes also the increase of nationalism. Nationalism and in his extreme forms of religious nationalism or ethnocentrism will jeopardize equality under the population. Thus, the question has to be answered if a secular Israel will be more open, pluralistic or equal and finally better prepared to meet the challenges of the politically unstable Middle East region and the globalization.

Secularism is one of the world's warnings regarding religious matters. In the context of secularism education, which can be interpreted as the wrong information between general education and religious education. This understanding seeks to eliminate Islamic religious values in education. The practice can be started from the design of an educational curriculum that is dry from religious values, as happened in the Western world. This text aims to explore the secularization of thought that exists in the world of education, especially in Indonesia. By using descriptive analytical methods, this study found several important conclusions. Secularism has entered and has a major influence on the dynamics of life, especially in education. Secular educational institutions have indoctrinated students, further away from religious values. The implication is that students no longer consider religious teachings to be important, the worse impact is that students are allergic to religious teachings. Transcendental values in religion are lost, moral decency occurs everywhere, manners are no longer visible, respect for parents, teachers are absent, students tend to be anti-helping, bullying occurs at anyone and ages. In addition, the impact of education secularization gives birth to students who are lazy, undisciplined, easy to complain, and like to commit criminal acts. More than that, when they have finished their studies, they will grow up to be dignified and arrogant figures, irresponsible politicians, capitalist economists, and so on.

Liberal democracy appears to feel far from safe today. Fears of theocratic threats such as the introduction of Shar'ia law and anti-Western jihad abound. This article examines the dialectics of democracy and theocracy with special reference to past and present processes of secularization. In this connection a distinction is made between 'secularization' as a process of separating the secular from the sacred, and 'secularism' as an ideology restricting religion purely to the private realm. Rather than in orthodoxy or even fundamentalis the theocratic threat to democracy and the rule of law appears to lie in exceptionalism in the sense of a religiously motivated exemption from democratic decision-making and the rule of law. This type of threat is not confined to extremist attitudes grounded in religion however; in respect of the international legal order it is state-based exceptionalism that abounds. Notably, international human rights standards imply semi-autonomy rather than full autonomy for states and religious institutions alike. Prior to arithmetic rules of decision-making it is in the transcendental principles of universality and human dignity that society finds protection against exceptionalist threats to democracy and the rule of law.

My article explores how Catholicism interacts with various forces and players in the local and political arena since it migrated into Bailu, China. My argument is based on extensive fieldwork done at two seminaries and one church there. I have shown that: (1) Catholicism encountered different secular forces and survived through effective interaction with them, (2) a market-oriented economy led to the commercialization of once-authentic religious sites for tourism and economic development, and (3) the secularization of Catholicism results in a unique paradox: Catholicism's public influence on tourism and economic development has been increasing, while its activities and church attendance have not followed synchronously. This paradox manifests itself in two facts: though the town has benefited from Catholicism's presence, measured by religious symbols and in numbers have been gradually reduced and even removed ; and though its French influence makes this town a tourist destination, the prevailing Chinese culture has not been undermined but reinforced.

This article reads the design of the British Imperial War Graves cemeteries in the context of the religious pluralism of the late Empire. Reviewing the deliberations of the design committee and parliamentary debates on the design of the cemeteries, it notes that the Christian character of the cemeteries was relatively muted, a design decision which caused no small amount of public and political controversy, but which permitted the cemeteries to present an image of a unified Empire. The paper argues that the choice of quotations specifically from the apocrypha was an important and deliberate aspect of this presentational strategy.

The authors wish to acknowledge Ms Marthese Pfeiffer Paris for her research support. ; Over the past half century, a literature has developed across a range of disciplines exploring the relationship between religion and environmental engagement, including pro-environmental attitudes and behaviours. Empirical results are diverse and the relationship seems to vary in size and direction, depending on definitions and the method of investigation adopted. An increasingly important phenomenon which has received far less attention is that of spirituality, within/out the context of a religion. This paper contributes to the literature by examining the question in a predominantly Roman Catholic European Union country where church attendance is in decline. It employs a nationally representative dataset (n = 1029) which includes diverse measures of religiosity and spirituality, as well as measures of interest in environmental issues, in wildlife and natural history, and engagement in countryside activities and gardening, together with relevant socio-economic control variables. Our findings confirm that the usual socio-economic determinants are associated with this type of environmental engagement. We find that church attendance adds no further explanatory power to environmental engagement. On the other hand, participation in socio-cultural religious activities and self-assessed spirituality are positively and significantly associated of various dimensions of environmental engagement.