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The paper begins displaying the main stages of the historical process that has led to the definitive distinction between religious authority and civil authority in Europe. After identifying the foundation of politics in the freedom of the Church; and the foundation of the State in religious freedom; the Author comes to two conclusions: the first is that Christianity played a key role in the birth and development of secularization. The second, which in his opinion deserves to be clarified and put to the test of the times, consists in the claim of relegating State and politics in the narrow limits of worldliness. The claim of excluding that State and politics have spiritual implications. He therefore intends to test the idea that the liberal state of law could resist, at the expense of the many lacerations that fragment its social body, without the help of principles and values which it could not justify. Considering the problem under this particular perspective, it is clear that two concepts that characterize the European tradition, such as the principle of tolerance and an "healthy secularism", could represent the keystone that allows us to overcome the implicit contradictions and the unresolved tensions which still cross our post-modern and secular society. ; Il testo prende le mosse dall'esposizione delle principali tappe del processo storico che ha portato alla definitiva distinzione tra autorità religiosa e autorità mondana in Europa. Dopo aver identificato il fondamento della politica nella la libertà della Chiesa; ed il fondamento dello Stato nella libertà religiosa; l'Autore giunge a due ordini di conclusioni: la prima è che il cristianesimo ha giocato un ruolo fondamentale nell'avvio e nello sviluppo della secolarizzazione. La seconda, che a suo avviso merita di essere chiarita e messa alla prova dei tempi, consiste nella pretesa di relegare lo Stato e la politica negli angusti confini della mondanità, ovvero, nella pretesa di escludere che Stato e politica abbiano implicazioni spirituali. Egli intende ...

Western nihilism could be considered as the result of secularization, and secularization as the horizon of Western philosophy. The dynamics of contemporary society coincides with the process of self-affirmation of man, and this idea moves together with the progressive abandonment of the reference to the transcendence. The main reason for this process of secularization is the disappointment of a missed salvation. So, time has changed its direction, and today we can see the triumph of a new carpe diem. But the destination of man is being able to live in a changing, uncertain, unknown time, knowing in advance that this uncertainty could be his real fate. ; Western nihilism could be considered as the result of secularization, and secularization as the horizon of Western philosophy. The dynamics of contemporary society coincides with the process of self-affirmation of man, and this idea moves together with the progressive abandonment of the reference to the transcendence. The main reason for this process of secularization is the disappointment of a missed salvation. So, time has changed its direction, and today we can see the triumph of a new carpe diem. But the destination of man is being able to live in a changing, uncertain, unknown time, knowing in advance that this uncertainty could be his real fate.

The paper begins displaying the main stages of the historical process that has led to the definitive distinction between religious authority and civil authority in Europe. After identifying the foundation of politics in the freedom of the Church; and the foundation of the State in religious freedom; the Author comes to two conclusions: the first is that Christianity played a key role in the birth and development of secularization. The second, which in his opinion deserves to be clarified and put to the test of the times, consists in the claim of relegating State and politics in the narrow limits of worldliness. The claim of excluding that State and politics have spiritual implications. He therefore intends to test the idea that the liberal state of law could resist, at the expense of the many lacerations that fragment its social body, without the help of principles and values which it could not justify. Considering the problem under this particular perspective, it is clear that two concepts that characterize the European tradition, such as the principle of tolerance and an "healthy secularism", could represent the keystone that allows us to overcome the implicit contradictions and the unresolved tensions which still cross our post-modern and secular society.

The aim of this essay is to examine the connection between contemporary debates on political secularism and institutional arrangements between State and religions on one hand, and, on the other, on secularization theory and its latest 'rebirth': postsecularism. Analysing the link between the theories and concept of postsecular society and the debate on political secularism and its institutional forms and practices allows to understand the multidimensionality of the latter in its very latest theorisations and realizations.

The descent of the Napoleonic army in Italy led to the assimilation of revolutionary legislation by the Républiques soeurs. Even in the Roman context, the law no longer recognized "neither religious votes nor any commitment contrary to the natural rights of man". The essay attempts an analysis of the social and political situation that served as background to this new and unseen context. It also shows the implications that the secularization of religious women had on the female individual, through the biographical example of a doomed nun during the first papal restoration, which process is reported in the appendix. The values spread by French revolution represented the beginning of a new era, where women felt empowered to assert their free will.

Mandatory clerical celibacy for all clergy within catholic countries in the Ancien Régime has been discussed since the beginning of the Christian church. During the eighteenth century, this aspect of ecclesiastical discipline was increasingly taken into consideration from a political rather than strictly theological point of view. The purpose of this thesis is to reconstruct the creation, development and dissemination in Europe of a new way - secular and lay – of considering the obligation of the clergy to be unmarried that arose from the "crisis of the European conscience" and developed thanks to radical Enlightenment. Through the research, analysis and study of philosophical and political literature, with particular regard to France and Italy, this thesis reconstructs the debate on clerical celibacy which arose within the European Republic of Letters from the late seventeenth century up until the French Revolution, when the secularization of marriage, among many other consequences, also allowed secular and regular clergy, women and men to get married. This approach has made it possible to account for the complexity of a debate that underlies the problem of the relationship between church and state and the articulation of the different ideological positions: from radical critics denouncing celibacy as a political instrument to preserve the priestly power to moderate criticism focused on negative economic and demographic consequences arising from celibacy; from the approach of observers inside the church – clerics or experts in canon law - who proposed cautious reforms to the complete refusal of the conservatives who saw celibacy as an undeniable cornerstone of the ecclesiastical order. This dialectic developed around two major themes. The policy approach encompassed problems such as the role of the clergy in society, the economic and social consequences of ecclesiastical discipline, the powers of the sovereign on celibacy. But secularization of the celibacy issue was also the result of the demystification of the moral superiority of chastity: next to the political point of view, there was also a discourse on the relationship between chastity and human body, between discipline and the rights of nature. The accusations levelled against chastity and celibacy by revolutionaries, the issue concerning "married priests" and many criticisms that still invest ecclesiastical celibacy have their roots in the eighteenth-century debate and the secular emancipation of the critical perspective from which radical Enlightenment started to consider the church and its rules.

L'articolo affronta nelle parte introduttiva una comparazione tra il processo di secolarizzazione intervenuto in Italia a partire dalla seconda metà degli anni '60, in cui si assiste ad un periodo di profonda trasformazione e all''affermarsi di una società destinata a cambiare repentinamente in virtù delle grandi riforme sul fronte dei diritti civili e sociali, e quanto invece iniziato in Irlanda negli ultimi vent'anni. Quella irlandese, da sempre definita fra le Nazioni più cattoliche e conservatrici al mondo, infatti, attraverso una serie di eventi di carattere politico istituzionale, ha avviato solo di recente un processo di trasformazione verso una nuova definizione dell'identità nazionale, dopo secoli di egemonia culturale cattolica. A testimonianza di tale processo, il lavoro analizza nel proseguo il referendum costituzionale con cui la popolazione irlandese è stata chiamata alle urne per l'abrogazione dell'ottavo emendamento della Costituzione che, introdotto con il referendum del 1983, rendeva di fatto illegale l'aborto. La questione dell'aborto, oggetto da sempre di acceso confronto tra le parti in campo, è ricostruita nelle sue tappe fondamentali fino al referendum costituzionale del 28 maggio 2008 il cui esito positivo ha condotto alla possibilità di immettere nel Paese una legge sulla regolamentazione volontaria della gravidanza permettendo, di conseguenza, un altro passo decisivo nel processo di secolarizzazione, ed una conferma della perdita di influenza della Chiesa cattolica sulla società e le istituzioni, dopo che il referendum del 1995 aveva introdotto il divorzio e quello del 2015, dichiarato ammissibili i matrimoni egualitari. ; The paper deals with the introductory part a comparison between the secularization process that took place in Italy starting from the second half of the '60s, in which there is a period of profound transformation and the affirmation of a company destined to change suddenly in virtue of major reforms on civil and social rights, and what has begun in Ireland in the last twenty years. The Irish, which has always been defined among the most Catholic and conservative nations in the world, in fact, through a series of events of an institutional political nature, has only recently begun a process of transformation towards a new definition of national identity, after centuries of Catholic cultural hegemony. However, the second part, with regard to the Irish experience it is specifically addressed the constitutional referendum which the people was called to vote on the repeal of the eighth amendment of the Constitution, introduced with the 1983 referendum, which made in fact abortion illegal. Abortion issue, object of an increasing heated debate between the parties in the field, it is rebuilt in its fundamental stages, until reaching the constitutional referendum of 28 May 2008. The positive outcome referendum has led to the possibility of introducing a law on the country allowing voluntary regulation of pregnancy, therefore, another decisive step in the process of secularization, and a confirmation of the loss of influence of the Catholic Church on society and institutions after the referendum which in 1995 introduced the divorce and that in 2015 declared egalitarian marriages admissible.

Resumo:O artigo trata da relação entre religião e política na definição de comportamentos políticos em debate na esfera pública institucional brasileira, procurando mostrar como o tema da secularização do Estado pode ser trabalhado sob a perspectiva da diferenciação funcional, tal qual utilizada na teoria social de Niklas Luhmann. Na busca de uma compreensão sistêmica da comunicação religiosa e de sua complexa aliança com a moral socialmente difundida, levantar-se-á a hipótese da reprodução de uma seletividade dos discursos sobre o secularismo no Brasil, que, longe de garantir a equidistância estatal em relação às diversas crenças, possibilita uma ocupação privilegiada do espaço público por determinados grupos religiosos na pauta discursiva sobre diversas políticas públicas.Palavras-chave:Religião e Política; Diferenciação Funcional; Esfera Pública; Laicidade Abstract:The paper discusses the relationship between religion and politics in the definition of political behavior in institutional public sphere in Brazil, trying to show how the theme of secularization of the state can be worked from the perspective of functional differentiation, conceptual categories used in Niklas Luhmann's social theory. In search of a systemic understanding of religious communication and its alliance with the complex moral socially pervasive, it will raise the chance of playing a selectivity of discourses on secularism in Brazil, which, far from guaranteeing the impartiality state in relation the diverse beliefs, enables a privileged occupation of public space by certain religious groups in discursive agenda on various public policies.Keywords:Religion and Politics; Functional Differentiation; Public Sphere; Secularism

Il lavoro riguarda alcuni aspetti ancora non molto studiati della personalità intellettuale di John Henry Newman, vale a dire la proposta di una cultura cristiana alternativa alla secolarizzazione in ambito educativo e socio-politico, così come si sviluppò durante il corso della sua vita: il giudizio dato da Newman sull'antico regime inglese è il tema del primo capitolo; la riflessione degli ultimi anni oxoniensi e dei primi anni successivi alla conversione (il ruolo del cristianesimo e del cattolicesimo nella cultura inglese) è il tema del secondo successivo; la proposta educativa così come emerge degli scritti sull'Università è il tema del terzo capitolo; alla riflessione sul compito Stato e sui fondamenti della politica è infine dedicato il quarto capitolo. ; The work considers some aspects (not so studied yet) of the intellectual personality of John Henry Newman, that is the Christian cultural proposal alternative to the secularization in education, and in the social and political field, as it was developed during his life: the topic of the first chapter is Newman's opinion about the ancien regime; in the second chapter we study the reflection of the last Oxonian years and of the first years after his conversion (the role of Christianity and of Catholicism in English culture); the third chapter regards the educative proposal, as it develops from the writings on University onwards; the fourth chapter is dedicated to the reflections on the role of the State and on the foundations of politics.

My dissertation is intended to analyze the work of Gershom Scholem with the scope of outlining his importance within the context of twentieth century Jewish thought. A great deal of this thesis is thus devoted not only to Scholem's political interventions and interviews, indeed a marginal part of his research, but also to detect the trace of a constant philosophical interest in his scholarship. First chapter provides the historical context, dealing briefly with some of the most important figures of the German-Jewish philosophical scene: Hermann Cohen, Martin Buber, and Franz Rosenzweig. The role of Ahad Ha'am and cultural Zionism is also presented. Second chapter is devoted to Scholem's conception of language and to the analysis of the notions of Revelation and Tradition as developed in some of his most important essays. Central in this context is the role played by Franz Kafka, whose novels can be seen indeed as a sort of paradigm through which Scholem interpreted not only the main figures of Kabbalah, but also the whole theology of Judaism. An investigation of Scholem's methodology and conception of history is to be found in third chapter. Three elements that contributed very much to shape Scholem's scholarship are taken in particular account. First of all, Scholem's polemics against the Wissenschaft des Judentums, which finds its ground on an organicistic and non-essentialistic approach to Jewish history. Then, the early appreciation for Nietzsche and Lebensphilosophie, though later neglected by Scholem, is here seen as a possible source for the vitalistic and anarchic elements that characterize his research. Finally, a great part of this chapter is dedicated to a comparison between Scholem's conception of Jewish history and Walter Benjamin's Thesis on the concept of History (1940). Although much of scholarly effort has already been devoted to the relation between Scholem and Benjamin, the presence of Benjamin's last work in Scholem's research still needs to be considered in all its significance. With the aim of investigating Scholem's approach to Jewish history and historiography, two essays are taken in particular consideration: Memory and Utopia in Jewish History (1946), a lecture Scholem gave in the aftermath of the Holocaust in front of a Zionist audience, and On History and Philosophy of History, the text of Scholem's response to a talk on "History and Hermeneutics" given by Paul Ricoeur within the context of the "First Jerusalem Philosophical Encounter" (1974). Chapter four deals with Scholem's conception of messianism. After showing the importance of messianism in Scholem's research and the originality of his interpretation, the relevance of Scholem's position is highlighted through the analysis of the two most important polemics in which Scholem has been involved. The critiques of Scholem's opponents, Baruch Kurzweil and Jacob Taubes, have been taken here as a tool to show the philosophical and political concerns hiding behind the core of Scholem's analysis. With the help of some unpublished material, the last part of the chapter presents an overview of the relation between messianism and zionism in Scholem's work. His early zionism being loaded with metaphysical and messianic overtones, after moving to Palestine Scholem had to face a strong disenchantment, which lead him to separate his zionist affiliation, as a part of a historical responsibility and political decision, from messianism, which indeed he considered to be something rather un-historical and confined to an utopian plane. Fifth chapter intends to show the peculiarity of Scholem's attitude toward secularization. According to Scholem, the passage through secularism in Judaism has to be intended as a necessary moment, though not definitive, being part of a dialectics that cannot be foreseen in advance. An analysis of Scholem's 1926 letter to Rosenzweig is also offered, showing the philosophical significance of Scholem's reflections on the importance and the risks entailed in the secular revival of the Hebrew language.

The essay illustrates some qualifying points of the law 126/2012, which approved the agreement with the Orthodox Archdiocese of Italy. The legislation for the protection of individual and collective rights of religious freedom, is framed within the principle of secularism typical of the ItalianStatethat wants to be pluralistic, multi-religious and neutral. It does not aim at the complete secularization of public institutions, but intends to protect religious sensibility as an independent value, hence more forms of collaboration between the State and the Archdiocese are introduced. The legislation in many aspects is similar to that of the previous Italian agreements, the few differences are due to the existence in many Italian cities of ancient Orthodox confraternities and institutions, as well as being the Archdiocese an organic structure of an autocephalous church such as the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople.Il saggio illustra i punti più significativi della legge n. 126 del 2012, che approvò l'intesa con l'Arcidiocesi Ortodossa d'Italia. La legislazione in tema di protezione dei diritti individuali e collettivi di libertà religiosa è stata elaborata tenendo conto di quel principio di laicità tipico dello Stato Italiano che vuole esse pluralista, pluri-confessionale e neutrale. Esso non mira alla laicizzazione integrale delle istituzioni pubbliche, ma intende tutelare il sentimento religioso come valore autonomo; da qui sono state introdotte maggiori forme di collaborazione tra Stato ed Arcidiocesi. La legislazione per certi aspetti è simile a quella delle precedenti intese Italiane, le poche differenze sono dovute alla presenza in molte città italiane di preesistenti confraternite ed associazioni ortodosse, allo stesso modo l'Arcidiocesi dimostra essere una struttura organica di una chiesa autocefala quale il Patriarcato Ecumenico di Costantinopoli

The Villa of Vicopelago is among the properties of the Buonvisi family since 1600, when Geronimo Buonvisi establishes, with his last will, the family's large fideicommissum. Sold in 1756 to the Seminary of San Martino by Francesco Buonvisi, in 1809 the Villa becomes a state property as a consequence of the secularization policy of religious orders conducted by Napoleon and implemented in Lucca by the Princes Baciocchi. Allocated in the same year to the Real Collegio, in 1886 it was purchased by the Nuns of the Monastery of San Nicolao Novello, who were in search of a new home after the suppressions occurred during the Napoleonic period and the later Kingdom of Italy. The archive research has made it possible to retrace the changes in ownership, the design and configuration of the spaces, including those of the exteriors, as well as the transformations the Villa underwent over the centuries, thus providing an important cognitive tool for future restoration and recovery projects. ; La Villa di Vicopelago è menzionata tra le proprietà dei Buonvisi a partire dal 1600, quando Geronimo Buonvisi istituisce con il proprio testamento il fedecommesso grande della famiglia. Venduta al Seminario di San Martino nel 1756 da Francesco Buonvisi, è acquisita dal demanio nel 1809 in seguito alla politica di secolarizzazione degli enti religiosi voluta da Napoleone e attuata a Lucca dai Principi Baciocchi. Assegnata nello stesso anno al Real Collegio, viene acquistata nel 1886 dalle Monache del Monastero di S. Nicolao Novello, in cerca di una nuova sede dopo le soppressioni dell'età napoleonica prima e del Regno d'Italia poi. È infine dismessa nel 1999 con il trasferimento della comunità monastica a Cento. La ricerca di archivio ha permesso di ricostruire i passaggi di proprietà, il disegno degli spazi anche esterni, nonché le trasformazioni di cui la Villa è stata oggetto nel corso dei secoli, e di predisporre un importante strumento conoscitivo per i futuri interventi di recupero e restauro del complesso.

This article is in some respects provoking. It starts using a quotation from the famous Kundera s book on Immortality as a peg to hang a discussion on the transformation of individual whishes into rights and on the fragmentation sustained by human rights after the cultural revolution of 1968. It was in that period that the evolution of modern legal and political thought (deeply rooted in gnosticism) reached its climax, after developing through Scolastic rationalism in the 14th century and the modern doctrines of natural law (together with the scientific revolution) in the 16th. Between the 18th and the 19th century the human rights went through an age of abstractness (the Enlightment and the Déclaration in 1789) and then of socialization, until their ultimate denial as "individual" rights in the 20th century, dominated by totalitarian nationalism and communism (both anti-individualistic). After the Nuremberg Trial and the rising crisis of legal positivism, the human rights have been submitted to a process of constitutionalization and internationalization (see UN Universal Declaration) which, however, have not been able to cast light on their pre-normative (i.e. metaphysical) nature. In such a way human rights remain under control of a single power (either from a nation state or from some supranational community) instead of being founded on what is essentially human. It is the individualistic nature of modern human rights, strenghtened by secularization in the post-modern age, that prevents the durable foundation of human rights from being revealed, leaving them to the fragmentation of individual wishes- as written in Kundera 's book. Only a deep rethink of the (gnostic) process which has led mankind to modernity could allow us to save the notion of "human right", bringing it from the pluralistic fragmentation to the essence of the law.

This article is in some respects provoking. It starts using a quotation from the famous Kundera s book on Immortality as a peg to hang a discussion on the transformation of individual whishes into rights and on the fragmentation sustained by human rights after the cultural revolution of 1968. It was in that period that the evolution of modern legal and political thought (deeply rooted in gnosticism) reached its climax, after developing through Scolastic rationalism in the 14th century and the modern doctrines of natural law (together with the scientific revolution) in the 16th. Between the 18th and the 19th century the human rights went through an age of abstractness (the Enlightment and the Déclaration in 1789) and then of socialization, until their ultimate denial as "individual" rights in the 20th century, dominated by totalitarian nationalism and communism (both anti-individualistic). After the Nuremberg Trial and the rising crisis of legal positivism, the human rights have been submitted to a process of constitutionalization and internationalization (see UN Universal Declaration) which, however, have not been able to cast light on their pre-normative (i.e. metaphysical) nature. In such a way human rights remain under control of a single power (either from a nation state or from some supranational community) instead of being founded on what is essentially human. It is the individualistic nature of modern human rights, strenghtened by secularization in the post-modern age, that prevents the durable foundation of human rights from being revealed, leaving them to the fragmentation of individual wishes - as written in Kundera 's book. Only a deep rethink of the (gnostic) process which has led mankind to modernity could allow us to save the notion of "human right", bringing it from the pluralistic fragmentation to the essence of the law.

Starting from the study of the definition and concept of law this work intends to investigate the construction of the '"other" through the use of a stereotyped idea of the rule of law, defined as the principle of legality. Orientalism is the definition of studies and researches upon non-European cultures. The modern Western society is, according to "our" vision, due to the process of secularization of institutions, made now able to offer to their citizens the legal and social model of coexistence based on democratic principles of tolerance and non-discrimination, recognition and protection of civil, political and religious values. It thus becomes difficult to understand an "other" legal and social system such as that of Islam for which the link between religion and politics is inseparable, since Islam is at the same time a religion, a model of legal and political plans, a proposal of civil society. The research is essentially structured in three sections. Firstly, starting from the study of E. Said (Orientalism) that documents and submits to criticism the use of the East that the West has done in reconstructing its legal, cultural and ideological aims. The purpose is the investigation of the construction of the '"other" through the use of thenstereotyped idea of Understanding the law as the principle of legality.The second part of the work takes the form of a legal system "other" away from the Western legal tradition, which is the Islamic law. Regarding the second part of this study, the aim is to analyse the connection between human rights (as explained in "system" of international protection) and the Koran, the light of the Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights of 1981, the Declaration Cairo's human Rights in Islam, the Arab Charter of Human Right of 1994. The third section takes the form of a research activity designed to adress the issue of protection of women's rights in the institutional practice of a Muslim country, Morocco, in light of the recent reform of the Moudawana, the Moroccan Family Code. In light of this new code the rights of women will be analyzed both in there specific "regional" Islam and in the global context or in terms of application of the principles enshrined in international conventions.