Suchergebnisse

Este trabajo se centra en los conceptos de revolución y secularización como fuerzas universales ligadas al progreso y la modernidad. En el Sexenio Democrático no se plantean como una ruptura total, sino que forman parte de una coartada legitimadora fundamentada en la historia, el derecho natural y el cristianismo. Los discursos republicanos integran de esta forma elementos aparentemente tan incompatibles como revolución o libertad con la idea de un orden ligado al sentido común y la historia. La búsqueda de líneas de continuidad proyecta la revolución como el proceso que ha hecho emerger la esencia liberal del pueblo español. En la misma línea, la secularización no cuestiona la religión sino la posición de la Iglesia católica como fuente de poder imbricada en las instituciones y en el imaginario social. Representa una desviación respecto a un supuesto cristianismo primitivo que la revolución tiene la ocasión de restaurar. ; Ce travail est centré sur les concepts de révolution et de sécularisation en tant que forces universelles liées au progrès et à la modernité. Ces idées ne sont pas envisagées comme une rupture radicale, mais comme faisant partie d'un alibi de légitimation fondé sur l'histoire, le droit naturel et le christianisme. Les discours républicains intègrent de cette manière des éléments apparemment aussi incompatibles que la révolution ou la liberté avec l'idée d'un ordre lié au sens commun et à l'histoire. La recherche de lignes de continuité projette la révolution comme le processus qui a fait émerger l'essence libérale du peuple espagnol. Dans la même ligne, la sécularisation ne questionne pas la religion, mais le positionnement de l'Église catholique en tant que source de pouvoir imbriquée dans les institutions et l'imaginaire social. Elle représente une déviation par rapport à un prétendu christianisme primitif que la révolution a l'occasion de rétablir. ; This work focuses on the concepts of revolution and secularization as universal forces linked to progress and modernity. In the Democratic Sexenio these ideas do not suppose as a total rupture, but they are part of a legitimizing alibi based on history, natural law and Christianity. The republican discourses integrate in this way elements apparently as incompatible as revolution or freedom with the idea of an order linked to common sense and history. The search for lines of continuity projects the revolution as the process that has made emerge the liberal essence of the Spanish people. Equally, the secularization does not question religion but rather the position of the Catholic Church as a source of power imbricated in institutions and in the social imaginary. It represents a deviation from a supposed primitive Christianity that the revolution has the opportunity to restore.

The author suggests that the multilayered concept of secularization should be understood as the dezideologization of culture, religion, nation, language. economy, opening the space for democratic decision-making in the European Union, & consequently the space for politics with the capacity for collectively binding decisions in the democratically generated pluralism, & not in the historically generated pluralism of the old Europe. Secularization originally meant the transfer of clergy (priests or monks) from regular to secular thereby making them secularis or laypersons. Since the Westphalian Treaty of 1647 the word secularization has meant the transfer of ecclesiastical property to civil possession or use. Secularization means a strict separation of the church & the state. It also means a secular implementation of Christian postulates of universal equality of equals among equals. Today, the concept of secularization is used metaphorically as dezideologization i.e. as the criticism of state forms such as fascism and communism which possessed only ideological & not democratic legitimacy. In that sense the thesis of the cultural or spiritual unity of Europe as its legitimizing grounds is undemocratic as it replaces & conditions democracy with a vague concept of culture or spoken communication. References. Adapted from the source document.

La secularización del pensamiento incluye el objetivo de educar para la convivencia en un marco político distinto al régimen feudal. La teología moral es sustituida por una moral civil. En España se puede detectar este cambio de orientación gracias a la influencia de la Ilustración radical que se desarrolla en Francia en la segunda mitad del Siglo de Luces. ; The secularization of thought includes the purpose of educating for coexistence in a political framework different from the feudal regime. Moral theology is replaced by a civil morality. In Spain this change in orientation can be detected thanks to the influence of the radical Enlightenment that develops in France in the second half of the 18th Century.

Far from being an age of "secularization" (as commonly understood), the 19th century was an age of religious revival and of heightened awareness of religious difference. The spread of literacy, newspapers, and Increasing political participation provided a megaphone that encouraged people to reflect on these differences, and (at times) consider who was coming out on top. But such awareness did not necessarily mean hostility. There was more intermarriage in Germany in 1900 than in the U.S. in the 1950s. And comparisons with the 17th centuries religious wars overlook the fact that in the Kulturkämpfe of the 19th century, there was no real war; the "fighting" was all verbal or legislative. If one is really for "multi-culturalism" one cannot wish all of these differences to be homogenized.

Far from being an age of "secularization" (as commonly understood), the 19th century was an age of religious revival and of heightened awareness of religious difference. The spread of literacy, newspapers, and Increasing political participation provided a megaphone that encouraged people to reflect on these differences, and (at times) consider who was coming out on top. But such awareness did not necessarily mean hostility. There was more intermarriage in Germany in 1900 than in the U.S. in the 1950s. And comparisons with the 17th centuries religious wars overlook the fact that in the Kulturkämpfe of the 19th century, there was no real war; the "fighting" was all verbal or legislative. If one is really for "multi-culturalism" one cannot wish all of these differences to be homogenized.

The authors discuss the contribution of Charles Taylor's 'A Secular Age' to secularization theory. The book specifically counters the 'subtraction story' of secularization, in which modern science and disenchantment are the main motors of change. The authors praise the clear language and examples drawn from popular culture and current events which make the book accessible to the general reader. The authors note that the book traces the formation of the West and North Atlantic as significant geopolitical categories from 1500 to 2000. Taylor also demonstrates that secularization has made impossible an enchanted understanding of space and time. Adapted from the source document.

The article raises the question how the attitude towards religion is influenced by the changes of relation with the meaning of matters which are ascribed to religion. With reference to M. Heidegger the peculiarity of public opinion is being disclosed. The author states that secularization functions as a machinery which appropriates any meaning: the public opinion appropriates religion, reduces it to political, economical or criminal dimensions, to that of cultural heritage, so religion assumes its essence and reality in these dimensions. The author demonstrates that public interpretation functions as an unmasking machinery which strengthens that reduction and appropriation of meaning. The analysis of religion in the context of globalization shows that there is some tendency to localization of religious meaning: the religious communities tend to direct towards the radicalism and isolation.

The article raises the question how the attitude towards religion is influenced by the changes of relation with the meaning of matters which are ascribed to religion. With reference to M. Heidegger the peculiarity of public opinion is being disclosed. The author states that secularization functions as a machinery which appropriates any meaning: the public opinion appropriates religion, reduces it to political, economical or criminal dimensions, to that of cultural heritage, so religion assumes its essence and reality in these dimensions. The author demonstrates that public interpretation functions as an unmasking machinery which strengthens that reduction and appropriation of meaning. The analysis of religion in the context of globalization shows that there is some tendency to localization of religious meaning: the religious communities tend to direct towards the radicalism and isolation.

The article raises the question how the attitude towards religion is influenced by the changes of relation with the meaning of matters which are ascribed to religion. With reference to M. Heidegger the peculiarity of public opinion is being disclosed. The author states that secularization functions as a machinery which appropriates any meaning: the public opinion appropriates religion, reduces it to political, economical or criminal dimensions, to that of cultural heritage, so religion assumes its essence and reality in these dimensions. The author demonstrates that public interpretation functions as an unmasking machinery which strengthens that reduction and appropriation of meaning. The analysis of religion in the context of globalization shows that there is some tendency to localization of religious meaning: the religious communities tend to direct towards the radicalism and isolation.

The article raises the question how the attitude towards religion is influenced by the changes of relation with the meaning of matters which are ascribed to religion. With reference to M. Heidegger the peculiarity of public opinion is being disclosed. The author states that secularization functions as a machinery which appropriates any meaning: the public opinion appropriates religion, reduces it to political, economical or criminal dimensions, to that of cultural heritage, so religion assumes its essence and reality in these dimensions. The author demonstrates that public interpretation functions as an unmasking machinery which strengthens that reduction and appropriation of meaning. The analysis of religion in the context of globalization shows that there is some tendency to localization of religious meaning: the religious communities tend to direct towards the radicalism and isolation.

In this article I seek to clarify the relation between the ideas of modernity and secularization in the thought of Augusto Del Noce, thus countering the argument that he is the 'enemy' of modernity and secularization. Contextualizing Del Noce's place within the wider reflection of the problem of secularization in the 20th century European and Italian philosophy, I argue that his position on modernity and secularization cannot be squeezed into the bipolar 'modern' vs. 'antimodern' opposition, as stated by some of his critiques. I conclude that Del Noce should be regarded not as the 'enemy' of modernity or secularization but rather as the critic of postulatory atheism that presents itself as the inevitable outcome of the modern historical process.

Past findings and theory in the sociology of religion support two opposing perspectives concerning the influence of religion on American politics. Looking from within the United States, the commanding influence of religion on political rhetoric and voting patterns seems apparent. From a global perspective, the role that religion plays in American politics is less clear ; in fact, one could argue that our political institutions are decidedly secular. I present support for both of these perspectives before turning to an international analysis of images of God using the Gallup World Poll. These data indicate the uniqueness of American religiosity and suggest that the ways in which religion affect politics in the United States is unusual for a post-industrial country. Namely, many Americans understand God as a political actor ; because of this, American political culture mixes religious and political language with fervor, all while keeping church and state institutions separate.