Suchergebnisse

Relations with Georgia have acquired strategic importance on the foreign policy agenda ofthe Republic of Armenia. However, over the years, there have been some gaps in relationsbetween the two countries, which have led to a number of problems. Among them are thedifferent approaches to foreign policy, certain dangerous perceptions about Armenia andArmenians in Georgia, the approaches of the parties to territorial conflicts, and so on. Thedevelopment of relations between Armenia and Georgia is also influenced by many externalfactors and challenges, including the bad Russian-Georgian relations and the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. The main task of the presented article is to identify all the factors thatcondition or shape the Armenian-Georgian relations or are an obstacle for their development.In the context of the large-scale war unleashed by Azerbaijan in Artsakh in 2020, thesequestions become even more important ; Վրաստանի հետ հարաբերությունները ռազմավարական նշանակություն են ձեռք բերել արտաքին քաղաքական օրակարգում Հայաստանի Հանրապետությունը։ Այնուամենայնիվ, տարիների ընթացքում հարաբերություններում որոշակի բացեր են եղել երկու երկրների միջեւ, որոնք հանգեցրել են մի շարք խնդիրների։ Դրանց թվում են արտաքին քաղաքականության նկատմամբ տարբեր մոտեցումներ, Հայաստանի մասին որոշակի վտանգավոր ընկալումներ և Վրաստանում հայերը, տարածքային հակամարտությունների կողմերի մոտեցումները եւ այլն։ Այն Հայաստանի և Վրաստանի հարաբերությունների զարգացման վրա ազդում են նաև բազմաթիվ արտաքին ազդեցություններ գործոններն ու մարտահրավերները, այդ թվում՝ ռուս-վրացական վատ հարաբերությունները և հայ- Ադրբեջանական հակամարտություն. Ներկայացված հոդվածի հիմնական խնդիրն է բացահայտել բոլոր այն գործոնները, որոնք պայմանավորում կամ ձևավորում հայ-վրացական հարաբերությունները կամ խոչընդոտ են դրանց զարգացմանը։ 2020 թվականին Արցախում Ադրբեջանի կողմից սանձազերծված լայնածավալ պատերազմի համատեքստում սրանք հարցերն էլ ավելի կարևոր են դառնում ; Отношения с Грузией приобрели стратегическое значение во внешнеполитическойповестке дня Республики Армения. Однако с годами в ...

Since its origins, in the context of the Cold War's beginning, NATO has been a robust defensive alliance, acting in accordance with UN Charter, as a collective defence structure based on solidarity and mutual trust. Nowadays it has 28 member states and one can say that it fulfilled its main role: to protect the West against communist/Soviet threats using the deterrence and containmemt tools. Neither USSR nor its main instrument, the Warsaw Pact dare to attack the Euro-Altantic area. Our main assumption is that because the specific national interests of each member state, because of the domestic-constitutional issues and bureaucratic obstacles, the Alliance cannot yet forge a common strategic culture for all its members and also lacks a common lens for detecting real risks and therats, be they nation states or non-states actors. Nowadays, Russia and Islamic State are the main adversaries for the Western states, thus NATO should be more effective in dealing with them. And there is a need for reform and transformation. Divergences between adepts of territorial defence and those of pro-active "out of area" missions go in addition to divergences concerning the neeed for increased defence budgets for all members and especially concering the attitude towards Russia. Moscow used economic and energy tools trying to divise some allies like Hungary, Greece and Bulgaria and it partially succeeded. Using some theories of alliances and of democratic peace, resorting to recent facts and figures related to NATO's activities and plans, will help the reader understand the problem of increasing the power vs. increasing the security dilemma and the prospect of future conflicts.

Lucrarea de față urmărește să contribuie la dezvoltarea culturii de securitate a publicului larg prin dezvoltarea unor aspecte generale legate de domeniul Intelligence, în special în condițiile actuale ale evoluției mediului de securitate, marcat decisiv de procesul de globalizare.

The interconnection between the environmental issues and national security is one of the pressing matters due to the rapid changes that are taking place in both areas. Resource scarcity
and environmental degradation are increasingly understood to play an important role in generating or exacerbating conflicts. One of the most important causes that contribute to this degradation is related to the mismanagement of water resources.This situation has an important
impact on all the activities related to the proper functioning of a community. This research aims taking into account the scarcity of the water resources and degradation of its quality as a challenge on the national security. The deplation and degradation of the water resources are a function of the physical vulnerability of the resource, the size of the resource consuming
population and the technologies and practices this population uses in this consumption behavior.

The work as a whole deal extensively with the historical-geographical, geopolitical and geostrategic context of the emergence and evolution of the North Atlantic Alliance, one of the most successful international security organizations, a true reference point within them, in order to identify possible scenarios of evolution and further transformation of NATO. The book is structured in 5 chapters, each chapter being divided into sub-chapters, points and sub-points; the work itself is preceded by a brief introduction in context, and concludes with some conclusions, an explanatory glossary of acronyms, terms and definitions with which we have worked throughout the work, the bibliography studied and some appendices. In the first two chapters (the theoretical part) we have presented the contextual situation regarding the emergence and evolution of NATO, anchored in a generic approach to the concept of alliance, the particular scope of the work being given by chapters 3, 4 and 5 (the applied part), to which we have devoted most of the space, in interesting conceptual-strategic and spatial-temporal analyses. The theoretical aspects are coupled with analytical applications and concrete syntheses, their originality being eloquent.

The European continent, under the urge of the events generated by the process of building Europe that has led to an enlargement of the external European Union borders towards the east, undergoes a process of alteration. No matter on which side of the EU border they may be, the citizens of the European countries are entitled to enjoy the fruit of welfare, security and freedom. The development of a coherent neighbourhood policy in Brussels becomes an imperative resulting from the need for communication and cooperation amongst people and countries.
No matter the view on the European Union external border, the dialogue on all levels of the society through the means of inter-university cooperation is a factor providing the communication needed for good neighbourhood. Thus, the stiff borders fade away. By setting up a university network comprising both partners from within and outside the European Union, a bond is established over the external border of the community. From this point of view, inter-university cooperation at the external borders of the European community turns into a promoter of good neighbourhood values.

PECULIARITIES OF STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION IN THE CONTEXT OF INFORMATION SPACE FROM THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA In the Republic of Moldova, the notion of strategic communication, in the security field, has become more and more frequently attested in studies and scientific approaches, related to the systemic functioning of our country. However, now, we find that the Republic of Moldova does not have neither political, nor sociolinguistic or media full favorable conditions; thus, the good conditioning of a strategic communication does not exist yet. The all-encompassing normative framework, regarding the coordination of institutional communication, has no chance of success in such cases, because the strategic communication represents a situation conditioned by the political, informational, social, economic, cultural environment, etc. The political and sociolinguistic situation brings a lot of difficulties for institutional communication. The exercise of strategic communication functions, at national level, can be considered fruitful only through ensuring favorable conditions for state institutions, in order to support a strategic communication, which should concentrate the efforts to consolidate and orient the conditions on national interests and national policies. Keywords: strategic communication, institutional communication, national security, systemic functioning, national policy.

The energy security as a component part of national security was and remains to be a permanent concern for the Republic of Moldova for the whole period of its independence. This will determine the sustainable development of the national economy, the social equity, and the sovereignty of the state. This article highlights both the problems regarding the energy security at the contemporary stage and its perspectives in the European context.

The article is an attempt to connect the concepts of public diplomacy and human security through the experience of the European Union, in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. In the first part, the concepts of public diplomacy and human security are analyzed. Public diplomacy is a form of contemporary diplomacy focused on information, understanding and influencing the public in other states in order to achieve the goal. Human security aims at the quality of people's lives, in the way that any factor that diminishes their quality is perceived as a threat to security. The second part focuses on identifying the defining aspects of public diplomacy in the European Union, as a way to achieve foreign policy and security objectives. The last part deals with the ways in which the European Union has tried to respond to the challenges posed by pandemic and infodemic coronavirus with implications for human security. Also, the values of human security that are promoted through public diplomacy activities have been identified, both inside and outside the European Union.

The Sèvres syndrome, the fear of territorial loss being imposed on Turkey by foreign powers, again gains its active manifestation in modern Turkish official and political discourse. In parallel, Turkish authorities have taken aggressive and revisionist policy course in the neighbouring regions, based on the use of military force and continuous threat of it, bringing into agenda the territorial vision of the National oath. In the rhetorics of the authorities are combined the fear of territorial loss, the syndrome, on the other side as the countermeasure to it, aggressive and interventionist policy in neighboring regions, which is obviously not only in discoursive dimension but also in real military-political actions. So we can say that the current aggressive regional policyof Turkey is determined by the fear of territorial dismemberment of Turkey. The Sèvres syndrome, as in the past, today also influences Turkish politics and the understanding of politics and world affairs. ; Թուրքիայի ժամանակակից պաշտոնական դիսկուրսում ակտիվորեն դրսևորվում է «Սևրի սինդրոմը»՝ դրսից պարտադրված տարածքային կորուստների վախը: Միևնույն ժամանակ, Թուրքիայի իշխանությունները հավատարիմ են ծայրահեղ ագրեսիվ ռևիզիոնիստական քաղաքականությանը հարևան երկրների նկատմամբ ՝ հիմնված ուժի գործադրման և դրա մշտական սպառնալիքի վրա. միևնույն ժամանակ, դիսկուրսի մակարդակում առաջ է քաշվում «ազգային ուխտի» ուրվականը: Իշխանությունների հռետորաբանությունը մի կողմից համատեղում է Թուրքիայի մասնատման վախը, իսկ մյուս կողմից՝ որպես հակաքայլ, էքսպանսիոնիստական քաղաքականություն տարածաշրջանում, որն ակնհայտ է ոչ միայն դիսկուրսի մակարդակում, այլև հատուկ ռազմաքաղաքական գործողություններում: «Սևրի սինդրոմը» ազդել է անցյալում և դեռ ազդում է թուրքական քաղաքականության վրա, քանի որ ազդում է քաղաքական իրականության և միջազգային գործընթացների ընկալման վրա: ; В современном официальном дискурсе Турции активно проявляется «севрский синдром» – страх территориальных потерь, навязываемых ей извне. Вместе с тем турецкие власти придерживаются в отношении соседних стран крайне агрессивной ревизионистской политики, основанной на применении силы и постоянной её угрозе; при этом на уровне дискурса выдвигается призрак «национального обета». В риторике властей совмещаются, с одной стороны, страх раздела Турции, с другой стороны, в качестве противодействия – экспансионистская политика в регионе, очевидная не только на уровне дискурса, но и в конкретных военно-политических действиях. «Севрский синдром» влиял в прошлом и влияет ныне на турецкую политику, поскольку он воздействует на восприятие политической реальности и международных процессов.

During the first half of the 19th century, social public care was organized along two directions: commitment of professional beggars, without a family, in specialized institutions, and home assistance of beggars with families (by a monthly pension and by an annual change of clothes). The article relies on archive documents, such as potential beneficiaries' help requests, administrative documents issued by the authorities, lists of help beneficiaries, inquiries, etc. It presents aspects related to the practical functioning of the social assistance: types of beneficiaries, pension distribution procedures, abuses and frauds. The legal limitations of the administrative rigidity of the pension system were strictly defined, even before the assessment of the real needs in society. This is the reason the efficiency of the pension system was lower than expected both by the authorities and the beneficiaries.