Suchergebnisse

Almost four years since the onset of the global financial and economic crisis, unemployment and underemployment remain stubbornly high in many G20 countries, and many workers remain trapped in low paid, often informal, jobs with little social protection. Job creation has been anemic in many countries, too slow to fully reabsorb the mass of unemployed and underemployed or, particularly in some emerging market economies, to keep pace with labour force growth and the pressures of rural-urban migration. This raises concerns about the long-term negative effects on human capital, growing inequality and lower future output growth. The political pressures are high, and the risk of a drift towards protectionist measures aimed at 'keeping jobs at home' cannot be ignored. While there is substantial variation in national contexts, G20 countries can help minimize these risks through collective and collaborative work aimed at identifying and implementing credible policy reforms that will boost job creation, employment and the quality of jobs. The report aims at providing a preliminary review of countries' experiences against the backdrop of an evolving economic outlook and could form the basis of a more in-depth analysis, should Ministers request it. Improving labour market outcomes involves several challenges relating to both the quantity and quality aspects of job creation. There is a need in all countries to harness growth to generate labour market opportunities that correspond to labour force growth.

This paper analyzes the effects of land market restrictions on structural change from agriculture to non-farm in a rural economy. This paper develops a theoretical model that focuses on higher migration costs due to restrictions on alienability, and identifies the possibility of a reverse structural change where the share of nonagricultural employment declines. The reverse structural change can occur under plausible conditions: if demand for the non-agricultural good is income-inelastic (assuming the non-farm good is non-tradable), or non-agriculture is less labor intensive relative to agriculture (assuming the non-farm good is tradable). For identification, this paper exploits a natural experiment in Sri Lanka where historical malaria played a unique role in land policy. The empirical evidence indicates significant adverse effects of land restrictions on manufacturing and services employment, rural wages, and per capita household consumption. The evidence on the disaggregated occupational choices suggests that land restrictions increase wage employment in agriculture, but reduce it in manufacturing and services, with no perceptible effects on self-employment in non-agriculture. The results are consistent with the migration costs model, but contradict two widely discussed alternative mechanisms: collateral effect and property rights insecurity. This paper also provides direct evidence in favor of the migration costs mechanism.

Marks of the Chicana corpus : an intervention in the universality debate / Helena Maria Viramontes -- The new Latin nation : immigration and the Hispanic population of the United States / Alejandro Portes -- "Dime con quién hablas, y te diré quién eres" : linguistic (in)security and Latina/o unity / Ana Celia Zentella -- (Re)constructing Latinidad : the challenge of Latina/o studies / Frances R. Aparicio -- The name game : locating Latinas/os, Latins, and Latin Americans in the US popular music landscape / Deborah Pacini Hernández -- Cuando Dios y usted quiere : Latina/o studies between religious powers and social thought / David Carrasco -- Latina/o cultural expressions : a view of US society through the eyes of the subaltern / Edna Acosta-Belén -- José Limón, the devil and the dance / Jose E. Limón -- The everyday civil war : migrant labor, capital, and Latina/o studies / Nicholas De Genova -- The powers of women's words : oral traditions and performance art / Yolanda Broyles-González -- Language and other lethal weapons : cultural politics and the rites of children as translators of culture / Antonio I. Castañeda -- Looking for Papi : longing and desire among Chicano gay men / Tomás Almaguer -- On becoming / Nelly Rosario -- Of heretics and interlopers / Arturo Madrid -- Coloring class : racial constructions in twentieth-century Chicana/o historiography / Vicki Ruiz -- "El Louie" by Jośe Montoya : an appreciation / Raúl Villa -- Preservation matters : research, community, and the archive / Chon A. Noriega -- The star in my compass / Virginia Sánchez Korrol -- "Y que pasara con jovenes como Miguel Fernandez?" : education, immigration, and the future of Latinas/os in the United States / Pedro A. Noguera -- Latinas/os and the elusive queso for equal education / Sonia Nieto -- The moral monster : Hispanics recasting honor and respectability behind bars / Patricia Fernández-Kelly -- A rebellious philosophy born in East LA / Gerald P. López -- Latinas/os at the threshold of the information age : telecommunications challenges and opportunities / Jorge Reina Schement -- Conceptualizing the Latina experience in care work / Mary Romero -- Surviving AIDs in an uneven world : Latina/o studies for a brown epidemic / Carlos Ulises Decena -- Post-movimiento : the contemporary (re)generation of Chicana/o art / Tomás Ybarra-Frausto -- "God bless the law, he is white" : legal, local, and international politics of Latina/o and Black desegregation cases in post-World War II California and Texas / Neil Foley -- Latinas/os and the Mestizo racial heritage of Mexican Americans / Martha Menchaca -- Looking at that middle ground : racial mixing as a panacea? / Miriam Jiménez-Román -- Color matters : Latina/o racial identities and life chances / Ginetta E.B. Candelario -- Between blackness and latinidad in the hip hop zone / Raquel Z. Rivera -- Afro-Latinas/os and the racial wall / Silvio Torres-Saillant -- The (w)rite to remember : indigena as scribe 2004-5 (an excerpt) / Cherrie Moraga -- "How I learned to love salseros when my hair was a mess" by Edwin Torres : a comment / Edwin Torres -- Reflections on thirty years of critical practice in Chicana/o cultural studies / Yvonne Yarbro-Bejarano -- Social aesthetics and the transnational imaginary / Ramón Saldívar -- The Taino identity movement among Caribbean Latinas/os in the United States / Gabriel Haslip-Viera -- Looking good / Frances Negrón-Muntaner -- "Chico, what does it feel like to be a problem?" : the transmission of brownness / José Esteban Muñoz -- "Fantasy heritage" : tracking Latina bloodlines / Rosa Linda Fregoso -- Latinas/os and Latin America : topics, destinies, disciplines / Román de la Campa -- Latinas/os and the (re)racializing of US society and politics / Suzanne Oboler -- Refugees or economic immigrants? : immigration from Latin America and the politics of US refugee policy / Maria Cristina García -- Inter-American ethnography : tracking Salvadoran transnationality at the borders of Latina/o and Latin American studies / Elana Zilberg -- From the borderlands to the transnational? : critiquing empire in the twenty-first century / Maria Josefina Saldaña-Portillo

Native American contributions to egalitarianism -- Prologue: social context and overview of solutions -- On cannibals, Michel de Montaigne -- Curious dialogues, Louis Armand de Lom D'Arce Lahontan -- Distresses of a frontier man, J. Hector St. John de Crèvecoeur -- Agrarian justice, Thomas Paine -- The line between us, the Council of Indians at Miami Rapids -- Epilogue: outcomes -- The early republic and antebellum America: moral cures, poorhouses, and structural solutions -- Prologue: social context and overview of solutions -- Third annual report, Boston Society for the Moral and Religious Instruction of the Poor -- Report of the Committee on the Pauper Laws of this commonwealth, Quincy Committee address of the working people of New Castle County, Delaware, Wilson Pierson and George McFarlane -- Existing evils and their remedy, Frances Wright -- Rights of man to property, Thomas Skidmore -- "Sleep not longer, o Choctaws and Chickasaws," Tecumseh -- Epilogue: outcomes -- After the Civil War: the rise of labor and scientific charity -- Prologue: social context and overview of solutions -- The Freedmen's Bureau, W.E.B. du Bois -- "It is not right for me to live in poverty," Sitting Bull (Tatanka Yotanka) -- The army of the discontented, Terence Powderly -- Woman wants bread, not the ballot, Susan B. Anthony -- "We seek liberty for the slave," Albert R. Parsons -- Charity organization and the Buffalo plan, S. Humphrey Gurteen -- Epilogue: outcomes -- The (un)progressive era -- Prologue: social context and overview of solutions -- Public activities and investigations, Jane Addams -- Child welfare standards: a test of democracy, Julia Lathrop -- Industrial education for the negro, Booker T. Washington -- Coxey and his aims, Henry Vincent -- The social elements of the Indian problem, Arthur Parker (Gawaso Wanneh) -- The Socialist Party appeal, Eugene Debs -- Epilogue: outcomes -- The great depression and the new deal era -- Prologue: social context and overview of solutions -- The importance of the preservation of self-help and of the responsibilities of individual -- Generosity as opposed to deteriorating effects of government appropriations, Herbert Hoover -- Houses of hospitality, Dorothy Day -- Works, Harry Hopkins -- Redistribution of wealth, Huey Long -- Immediate epic, Upton Sinclair -- Social security, Frances Perkins -- Workers' unemployment, old-age, and social insurance bill, Ernest Lundeen -- Epilogue: outcomes -- The war on poverty -- Prologue: social context and overview of solutions -- Where do we go from here? Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr -- The ballot or the bullet, Malcolm X -- "We give you a hand up, not a handout," Sargent Shriver -- Welfare as a women's issue, Johnnie Tillman -- "The poorest of the poor and weakest of the weak," Cesar Chavez -- The Alcatraz proclamation to the great white father and his people, Indians of all nations -- Epilogue: outcomes -- Dismantling the new deal and war on poverty: contemporary solutions -- Prologue: social context and overview of solutions -- Eliminating hunger in America, Physician Task Force on Hunger in America -- Making homelessness go away: politics and policy, Doug Timmer, Stanley Eitzen, and Kathryn Talley -- Living wage: live action, Robert Pollin -- Labor leaders and allies call for repeal of Taft Hartley Act, Tony Mazzocchi -- Bruce J. Klipple, Kay McVay, Ralph Nader, and Thomas Geoghegan -- "We demand fair trade, not free trade," Brian McWilliams -- The hidden agenda: from group-specific to universal programs of reform -- William Julius Wilson -- America's debt to blacks, Randall Robinson -- "Faith-based charities work daily miracles," George W. Bush -- Building assets to fight poverty, Michael Sherradan -- "We know the creation stories of our people," Mary Dann -- Epilogue: outcomes -- Index

A -- A. O. Smith Corporation -- Abbott Laboratories -- AirTouch Communications -- American Crystal Sugar Company -- American General Finance Corp. -- American Management Systems, Inc. -- Archer-Daniels-Midland Company -- Associated Milk Producers, Inc. -- Associated Natural Gas Corporation -- B --BarclaysAmerican Mortgage Corporation -- Bayerische Motoren Werke AG -- Becton, Dickinson & Company -- Big Rivers Electric Corporation -- The Body Shop International PLC -- C -- C. H. Robinson, Inc. -- Cadence Design Systems, Inc. -- Chiat/Day Inc. Advertising -- Chrysler Corporation -- Cirrus Logic, Incorporated -- Cisco Systems, Inc. -- CompuAdd Computer Corporation -- CTG, Inc. -- D -- Datapoint Corporation -- The Davey Tree Expert Company -- Dillard Paper Company -- Dun & Bradstreet Software Services Inc. -- Duty Free International, Inc. -- E -- Echlin Inc. -- El Camino Resources International, Inc. -- Eli Lilly & Company -- Emge Packing Co., Inc. -- Enesco Corporation -- Enterprise Oil plc -- Esselte Pendaflex Corporation -- F -- Fiat S.p.A. -- First Commerce Corporation -- First Empire State Corporation -- First Financial Management Corporation -- First Hawaiian, Inc. -- First Security Corporation -- First Tennessee National Corporation -- First USA, Inc. -- First Virginia Banks, Inc. -- Firstar Corporation -- Fiserv Inc. -- FMC Corporation -- Ford Motor Company -- Forest Laboratories, Inc. -- Fourth Financial Corporation -- Franklin Quest Co. -- Fujitsu-ICL Systems Inc. -- G -- Gaylord Entertainment Company -- General Nutrition Companies, Inc. -- The Geon Company -- Green Tree Financial Corporation -- Grumman Corporation -- Guardian Royal Exchange Plc -- H -- H. J. Heinz Company -- Health Systems International, Inc. -- Hospitality Franchise Systems, Inc. -- Huntington Bancshares Inc. -- I -- IDB Communications Group, Inc. -- Illinois Central Corporation -- Infinity Broadcasting Corporation -- Ingram Industries, Inc. -- International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation -- Invacare Corporation -- Istituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale S.p.A. -- IVAX Corporation -- J -- The J.M. Smucker Company -- Jefferson-Pilot Corporation -- Jones Apparel Group, Inc. -- K -- Kendall International, Inc. -- Kenetech Corporation -- Keystone International, Inc. -- Kimco Realty Corporation -- KLA Instruments Corporation -- Komag, Inc. -- KU Energy Corporation -- Kwik Save Group plc -- L -- La Quinta Inns, Inc. -- Lam Research Corporation -- Lechters, Inc. -- Lee Enterprises, Incorporated -- Leggett & Platt, Incorporated -- Lennar Corporation -- Leucadia National Corporation -- Litton Industries, Inc. -- Lockheed Corporation -- M -- Magma Power Company -- MAI Systems Corporation -- McDonnell Douglas Corporation -- Meditrust -- Mentor Graphics Corporation -- Mercantile Bankshares Corp. -- Merck & Co., Inc. -- Meredith Corporation -- Meridian Bancorp, Inc. -- Mesa Airlines, Inc. -- MFS Communications Company, Inc. -- Michigan National Corporation -- Micron Technology, Inc. -- Minerals Technologies Inc. -- Minnesota Power & Light Company -- Molex Incorporated -- Montana Power Company -- Morrison Restaurants Inc. -- Motorola, Inc. -- Multimedia, Inc. -- N -- National Health Laboratories Incorporated -- National Service Industries, Inc. -- NBD Bancorp, Inc. -- Nevada Power Company -- New Plan Realty Trust -- Nine West Group Inc. -- Nissan Motor Company, Ltd. -- Noble Affiliates, Inc. -- Nordson Corporation -- North West Water Group plc -- Northrop Corporation -- NovaCare, Inc. -- O -- Ohio Casualty Corp. -- Old Kent Financial Corp. -- Old Republic International Corp. -- Overseas Shipholding Group, Inc. -- P -- PacifiCare Health Systems, Inc. -- Paging Network Inc. -- Payless Cashways, Inc. -- PECO Energy Company -- The Pep Boys-Manny, Moe & Jack -- Policy Management Systems Corporation -- Potter & Brumfield Inc. -- PowerGen PLC -- Praxair, Inc. -- Progressive Corporation -- R -- Racal-Datacom Inc. -- Raytheon Company -- Republic New York Corporation -- Riverwood International Corporation -- Roche Biomedical Laboratories, Inc. -- Rockwell International Corporation -- Rollins, Inc. -- Rust International Inc. -- S -- Saab-Scania AB -- Seagull Energy Corporation -- Sensormatic Electronics Corp. -- Signet Banking Corporation -- Snapple Beverage Corporation -- Sotheby's Holdings, Inc. -- Southtrust Corporation -- St. Jude Medical, Inc. -- Standard Microsystems Corporation -- Star Banc Corporation -- Sterling Software, Inc. -- Stewart & Stevenson Services Inc. -- Stryker Corporation -- Sumitomo Corporation -- SunAmerica Inc. -- SunGard Data Systems Inc. -- Sunrise Medical Inc. -- Synopsis, Inc. -- T -- T. Rowe Price Associates, Inc. -- The Talbots, Inc. -- Tellabs, Inc. -- Teradyne, Inc. -- Texas Instruments Inc. -- Thames Water plc -- Thermo Instrument Systems Inc. -- Thomas & Betts Corp. -- 3Com Corp. -- Tidewater Inc. -- Tomkins plc -- Toyota Motor Corporation -- Transatlantic Holdings, Inc. -- TriMas Corp. -- Triton Energy Corporation -- TRW Inc. -- V -- Vail Associates, Inc. -- Vodafone Group plc -- Volkswagen A.G. -- W -- West One Bancorp -- Wherehouse Entertainment Incorporated.

The House of Representatives overwhelmingly passed four separate national security supplemental bills on Saturday, clearing the way for the foreign aid package to arrive at President Joe Biden's desk.One bill contained roughly $60 billion in aid for Ukraine, while a second had approximately $26 billion for Israel, and another gave $8 billion for the Indo-Pacific. A final one included a series of other policy priorities like the sale of TikTok and the REPO act that would allow the U.S. to seize Russian assets. The bills will now be rolled into one and are expected to be voted on in the Senate early next week.The Ukraine aid passed 311-112 with seven not voting and one member voting present. The Israel aid bill won 366-58 with seven not voting. The Indo-Pacific aid bill was advanced 385-34. The so-called "sidecar bill" that included the potential TikTok ban, passed 360-58. The more controversial of course were the bills funding the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, with members of the Republican and Democratic parties, respectively, raising concerns about continuing to fund these efforts. "'As much as it takes, as long as it takes' is not a mission statement, but a recipe for disaster," said Rep. Warren Davidson (R-Ohio) on X shortly before the vote. "Bad news does not get better with time. This is a plan to expand the war." Johnson did not get the majority of his party to support the Ukraine aid bill. In the end, 101 Republicans voted in favor, while 112 were opposed. Democrats, whose 210 voting members supported the aid unanimously, treated the result as a major victory. One member passed out Ukrainian flags on the House floor ahead of the vote, and celebrated its passage. "Ukraine aid passes!! Thank goodness. Hopefully this changes morale and results on the battlefield today Dark day for Putin," said Rep. Jim Himes (D-Conn.) on X. "Democrats waiving Ukrainian flags on the House floor tells you everything you need to know about their priorities," wrote Rep. Eric Burlison (R-Mo.). "Ukraine first, America last."If the Senate, as expected, passes the package, it will mark the first tranche of aid to make its way through Congress since December 23, 2022. There was some bipartisan opposition on the Israel aid, with Republicans voting in favor by a margin of 193-21; Democrats supported the bill 173-37."We have seen how Prime Minister Netanyahu's government has used American weapons to kill indiscriminately, to force famine. Over 25,000 women and children dead. Tens of thousands of missiles and bombs levied on innocent civilians. We cannot escape what we see before us every day," said Rep. Joaquin Castro (D-Texas) on the floor. "Are we going to participate in that carnage, or not? I choose not to."Nineteen progressives banded together in a letter to explain their vote to oppose the aid. They said Israel was violating U.S. laws that prevent the transfer of weapons to units that are violating human rights. "This is a moment of great consequence—the world is watching," the lawmakers wrote. "Today is, in many ways, Congress' first official vote where we can weigh in on the direction of this war. If Congress votes to continue to supply offensive military aid, we make ourselves complicit in this tragedy."Meanwhile, Rep. Bob Good (R-Va.), one of the GOP opponents to the legislation, said in a statement that his support for Israel remained "unshakeable" but that the aid for Israel should have been accompanied by domestic spending cuts. The House earlier passed an Israel aid bill that included cuts to the IRS, but it stalled in the Senate.

The first Congressional vote focused on Israel's conduct during its ongoing war on Gaza took place on Tuesday evening. It failed when a motion to table the resolution passed by 72 votes to 11.
The resolution in question, introduced by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) last month, would have forced the State Department to issue a report detailing whether Israel was using weapons provided by Washington to commit human rights violations.
The eleven Senators who voted to advance the resolution were Laphonza Butler (D-Calif.), Martin Heinrich (D-N.M.), Mazie Hirono (D-Hawaii), Ben Ray Lujan (D-N.M.), Ed Markey (D-Mass.), Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), Rand Paul (R-Ky), Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), and Sanders.
During his remarks on the floor, Sanders said that his resolution was "not a radical idea" but rather "a very modest, common sense proposal."
"This is a simple request for information," Sanders said. "That is all this resolution is about. It does not alter aid to Israel in any way, it simply requests a report on how US aid is being used." As Sanders noted, serious discussion about unconditional support for Israel's war has been severely lacking in the U.S. Congress.
The Senator from Vermont went on to describe why this report would be important, describing the striking figures of death, destruction, and displacement in Gaza. Over 24,000 Palestinians have been killed, 1.9 million forced from their homes, and more than 46,000 homes completely destroyed in the 100 days since Israel officially declared war.
"As we all know, the military campaign being waged by the right-wing Netanyahu government has led to massive destruction and widespread civilian harm," Sanders said. "This has been far and away the most intensive bombing campaign of the 21st century."
"When there's been this level of casualties, and we are this closely tied to it, it is the right thing to do to get the type of information that would come through this request," said. Merkley, speaking in support of the resolution.
The resolution was introduced under section 502B(c) of the Foreign Assistance Act. This national security tool has not been used to successfully get a report from the State Department since 1976. Had the resolution passed, the State Department would have had 30 days to submit its report, after which the Senate would have the opportunity to vote to either continue, alter, or terminate aid to Israel.
Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) spoke out in opposition to Sanders's resolution, calling it "the most tone deaf thing, maybe in the history of the Senate."
Graham said that he could "only imagine the joy that terrorist groups throughout the world have that we've been talking about such a proposal." The senator also used his time to blast calls for a ceasefire, saying that one would allow Hamas to regroup, even though the resolution makes no mention of a ceasefire and Sanders himself has not called for a ceasefire in Gaza.
Last week, 75 organizations, including the Quincy Institute, which publishes RS, signed a letter in support of the resolution.
"S.Res.504 offers an opportunity to affirm Congress's important oversight role, mandating that the Biden administration document and report on any human rights violations committed by the Israeli government," the letter read. "Congress should ensure that arms transfers and military aid provided to Israel, or any country, are consistent with U.S. law and policy, international law, and civilian protection responsibilities. The resolution would be an important step toward these goals."

The House of Representatives passed one of its first pieces of legislation under Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) on Thursday, approving a bill that provides $14.3 billion in aid for Israel, money that is offset by cuts to the Internal Revenue Service (IRS).
The measure passed by a vote of 226-196 with twelve Democrats voting for the bill and two Republicans voting against.
Johnson had gone against the wishes of the White House and Senate leadership by separating aid for Israel from a massive spending bill that would have included a number of other policy priorities, notably another tranche of aid to Ukraine.
The new House Speaker made the bill anathema to Democrats by including the cuts to IRS funding that were part of Joe Biden's 2022 Inflation Reduction Act. Democratic House Whip Katherine Clark (D-Mass.) said the proposal "presents a false choice between funds meant to ensure that wealthy tax cheats and corporations pay their fair share and funds to help our ally Israel defend itself."
Despite opposition from leadership, Reps. Angie Craig (D-Minn.), Don Davis (D-N.C), Lois Frankel (D-Fla.), Jared Golden (D-Maine), Josh Gottheimer (D-N.J.), Greg Landsman (D-Ohio), Jared Moskowitz (D-Fla.), Darren Soto (D-Fla.), Haley Stevens (D-Mich.), Juan Vargas (D-Calif.), Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-Fla.), and Frederica Wilson (D-Fla.) all voted in favor of the measure.
Some of those who voted aye nonetheless criticized the GOP's approach. "While I condemn House leaders for unprecedentedly tying conditional funds to security assistance, we must continue to stand together with our ally, Israel," Davis said on the social media platform X.
The two Republicans who voted against the party were Reps. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) and Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.). Both had earlier signaled their opposition to additional aid for Israel.
"This week the House will vote on $14.5 billion foreign aid package for Israel, in addition to the $3.8 billion that already passed. I will be a NO vote," said Massie (R-Ky.) on Sunday. "Less than 1/3 of the 49,000 people who responded to my poll today support this additional funding. We simply can't afford it."
"I will be voting NO on all funding packages for the Ukraine war (as I have from the beginning) and now the Israel war," added Greene.
After the vote, Johnson urged the Senate and White House to follow the House's lead and move swiftly, saying that they "cannot let this moment pass." The legislation, however, appears to be dead on arrival in the upper chamber.
Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) has already indicated that he will not allow the bill to be voted on by the Senate, calling it "stunningly unserious" and adding "[i]t's not going anywhere. As I said, it's dead almost before it's born."
Republican Senate Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) has not commented on the particulars of the legislation passed on Thursday, but he has been a staunch backer of Ukraine aid and has expressed support for Biden's spending package. "I know there are some Republicans in the Senate, and maybe more in the House, saying Ukraine is somehow different [than Israel]. I view it as all interconnected," he said last month. On Wednesday, he added, "At the risk of repeating myself: The threats facing America and our allies are serious, and they're intertwined." The White House has also pledged to veto the legislation if it were to ever reach the president's desk.

During a hearing to be the next U.S. ambassador to Israel, Biden nominee Jacob Lew was sure to affirm Washington's support for Israel as it responds to Hamas's attacks by shelling Gaza with missiles and preparing for a possible ground invasion. But the former secretary of the Treasury spent just as much — if not more — time sparring with Republican members over his role in the implementation of the Obama-era nuclear deal with Iran during his hearing on Wednesday. There has been no permanent ambassador to Israel since Tom Nides left the post in July. It's been a month since Lew was nominated, but the events of the last 10 days pushed the Senate to act quickly to fill the role. There were a number of questions about the current war in yesterday's Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing, with Lew emphasizing Israel's right to defend itself. He also stressed the importance of following the laws of war, but acknowledged the impossibility of avoiding civilian deaths in the kind of campaign that Israel is waging, pointing to past U.S. efforts to combat ISIS as evidence.GOP members of the committee, however, were much more interested in Lew's previous role in the Obama administration for which they accused him of facilitating Iran's entrance into the U.S. financial markets, and ultimately resourcing Hamas.In the words of Sen. James Risch (R-Idaho), the ranking member on the committee, "this whole thing is about Iran."Sen. Marco Rubio,(R-Fla.) accused Lew of "misleading" Senators while he was at the Treasury and for relaxing sanctions on Iran, a charge Lew vehemently denied.Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) called Lew a "critical piece" of the Obama administration's "campaign of appeasement" toward Iran.After hearing Republican after Republican zero on this issue, Sen. Ben Cardin (D-Md.), the newly-named chairman of the committee, retorted that he had been very lenient in allowing members to pursue a line of questioning focused on sanctions and the nuclear issue, issues which Lew would not be directly responsible for if confirmed to his new role."I would just like to point out that we do have a nominee for the office of sanctions coordinator," Cardin said. "And I hope that we can get a hearing on that nominee because I think that would be the appropriate place to talk about sanctions enforcement and previous policies concerning sanctions enforcement."When it came to policy towards Israel, Lew hewed very closely to the Biden administration's line, often invoking the president's exact words in the days since the latest war in Gaza broke out. "The president said as recently as this morning, without the state of Israel, it's not just the people of Israel who aren't safe," Lew said when asked why the U.S.-Israel relationship was special. "Jews around the world aren't safe." The hearing was also marked by a series of interruptions early in the proceedings, with three protesters calling for a "ceasefire now," and for Washington to stop sending aid that they said was allowing for the "genocide of Palestinians." A few Democrats raised concerns about the humanitarian conditions in Gaza. Lew said that it was important to "minimize" the "collateral damage" of Israel's war, but that now was not the time to "lecture" Tel Aviv on "what they have to do to establish the security that they have a responsibility to provide."The White House has urged the Senate to move Lew's nomination out of committee and to a full Senate vote quickly, though some Republicans are reportedly mulling putting a hold on his confirmation.

The recent merger between the PGA Tour and Saudi Public Investment Fund (PIF)-backed LIV Golf is not simply a business deal, but rather a part of a long-term foreign influence effort, warned the Quincy Institute's Ben Freeman during his testimony in front of the Senate permanent subcommittee on investigations on Wednesday.
"We'd be naive to believe that the PIF's actions related to the PGA Tour are not part of the Kingdom's much larger lobbying, public relations, and broader influence operation in the U.S," Freeman said.
In June, the PGA Tour and LIV Golf — having been embroiled in a legal fight for over a year — announced that they were joining forces. According to the official announcement of the merger, the PIF, chaired by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, would "initially be the exclusive investor in the new entity," and, going forward, "have the exclusive right to further invest in the new entity."
Freeman says this so-called sportswashing is the latest means by which authoritarian regimes and other foreign actors look to launder their reputation in the U.S. "Foreign powers spend more than a half billion dollars every year on lobbying and public relations firms," he previously wrote in Sports Business Journal. "Dozens of former senators and representatives and hundreds of former high-ranking U.S. military officers are on their payrolls. They donate tens of millions of dollars every year to influence the nation's top think tanks and give billions to America's colleges and universities. "
Saudi Arabia's sportswashing campaign has already moved beyond golf, and beyond the U.S., including recent investments into soccer and tennis. Four soccer teams owned by the PIF spent a combined $886 million on player transfers this summer, with three of the the 10 biggest spending clubs in the world being owned by the Saudi fund, according to CNBC.
The Saudi Arabian government has been accused of committing gross human rights abuses, a number of which were described during the hearing, including the killing of hundreds of asylum seekers at the country's border with Yemen, the assassination of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018, and the recent death sentence for a retired teacher who criticized the Saudi government on X, the social media platform formerly known as Twitter. Questions have even been raised about the Saudi government's links to the September 11, 2001 terror attacks. But, says Freeman, their goal is to get the general public to ignore these violations. "They want Americans to associate Saudi Arabia with golf, and not with 9/11."
Business-wise the PIF is unlikely to see a positive return on investment from the golf merger. "If the Saudi government is not buying into a profitable investment what are they buying?" Freeman asked. "In short, silence. They want to muzzle Americans critical of the regime. And, they want to rebrand themselves. "
These rebranding efforts can have serious implications for American foreign policy, as many foreign governments seek to affect Washington's agenda. As Freeman pointed out, the hearing takes place as the Biden administration weighs offering Riyadh a security guarantee in exchange for normalizing relations with Israel.
How Washington reacts also has consequences beyond Saudi Arabia, said Freeman. "If the U.S. once again offers little resistance or oversight of an authoritarian regime's sportswashing efforts, this could become a blueprint for how to garner influence in the U.S."

Jordan Cohen


To promote debate and help improve U.S. decision‐​making about arms sales, we created the Arms Sales Risk Index, now in its fifth year. By measuring the factors linked to negative outcomes of arms sales, such as dispersion, diversion, and the misuse of weapons by recipients, the index provides a way to assess the risk involved with selling arms to another nation. Specifically, we examine the risk of U.S. weapons being used in ways that are against U.S. interests and desires. The index scores a country's risk score on a scale of 1 to 100, with 1 being the lowest risk and 100 the highest risk.
Though this sort of assessment is by no means an exact science, and we focus here only on the potential downsides of sales, the Arms Sales Risk Index can help policymakers consider the dangers of U.S. arms sales policy more rigorously and make better decisions about which nations should and should not receive U.S. weapons.
This year's report has three findings.
First, we do find that the Biden administration is generally selling more weapons to less risky partners and has a lower average customer risk score than Presidents Bush, Obama, and Trump.











Nonetheless, the Biden administration is still selling to risky clients. For example:
Saudi Arabia (risk score of 73, over $3.4 billion in weapons received since 2021);
India (risk score of 57, over $1.15 billion in weapons received since 2021);
United Arab Emirates (risk score of 57, over $1.14 billion in weapons received since 2021);
Turkey (risk score of 74, over $728 million in weapons received since 2021);
Egypt (risk score of 73, over $368 million in weapons received since 2021);
Pakistan (risk score of 69, over $324 million in weapons received since 2021);
Colombia (risk score of 55, over $252 million in weapons received since 2021); and
Afghanistan (risk score of 92, over $122 million in weapons received since 2021)
Second, we find little evidence that selling more American‐​made weapons to a country correlates with a decrease in that nation's risk score over time. In fact, only one country (Kuwait) in the top‐​quintile of purchasers has left a conflict in the last five years. Moreover, when it comes to corruption, human rights abuses, and authoritarianism, the biggest weapons purchasers are getting riskier.











Third, we respond to one of the most common arguments in favor of arms sales: that these sales produce leverage over recipients. We show that arms sales do not produce much leverage and that the risks of reverse leverage—recipient nations influencing American behavior—are underappreciated. Through the risk data and case studies of Saudi Arabia, India, and Afghanistan, we find that, if anything, the recipient has leverage over the United States.
Finally, it is important to note two things that this index does not cover. The index does not predict or include the potential for a new conflict. For example, while the risk of war between China and Taiwan exists, there is no way to quantify this risk.
Additionally, while Ukraine has received substantial amounts of U.S. weapons, these primarily come from various forms of security assistance and are not foreign military sales. Thus, while the risks of Ukraine obtaining U.S. weapons may be similar, this index does not study weapons given through anything other than foreign military sales and direct commercial sales.

Abstract In Finland, the participation rate of teacher education students in international mobility is low when compared to students in other faculties. The same tendency applies to teacher education students in other Nordic and European countries. Moreover, the number of teacher education students from Europe seeking mobility to developing countries is very small. In this study we examined the factors which support or hinder teacher education students' mobility both in general, and to developing countries in particular. The target groups selected for the web questionnaires and interviews were teacher education students from nine different universities (Helsinki, Eastern Finland, Jyväskylä, Lapland, Oulu, Tampere, Turku, Åbo Akademi and Jyväskylä University of Applied Sciences), and international student mobility coordinators in these universities. The student response rate was high (n = 698) and 12 of the respondents were also interviewed. Nine international mobility coordinators responded to the questionnaire and eight of them were interviewed. Four significant factors were found to influence student mobility: 1) Prevailing educational policy and societal circumstances; 2) Schools (as future work contexts); 3) Actions taken by the universities responsible for teacher education; 4) Teacher education students' personal views, experiences, and opinions regarding studies or internship periods abroad. The students highlighted the significance of the personal learning experience as the key motivating factor. Almost all the students felt that their teaching expertise had improved as a result of the international experience. Factors hindering mobility included the fear of international mobility delaying graduation, the specialisation requirement, the desire to conduct all studies in Finland, uncertainty about whether studies undertaken abroad are admissible to Finnish degrees, the lack of information and support regarding studying abroad, family-related factors, the fear of not coping well abroad and inadequate language skills, and issues related to security. The recommendations for the government and the universities providing teacher education emphasize a positive approach to international student mobility, highlighting new learning experiences. For teacher students themselves the main motive for studying or training abroad is personal growth. ; Tiivistelmä Suomalaisissa yliopistoissa opettajaopiskelijoiden kansainvälinen liikkuvuus on muiden tiedekuntien opiskelijoihin verrattuna vähäistä. Myös muissa Pohjoismaissa ja Euroopassa opettajaksi opiskelevien liikkuvuus on vähäisempää kuin muiden alojen opiskelijoiden. Kehitysmaihin tai kehittyviin maihin lähtevien opiskelijoiden määrä on hyvin pieni. Tässä tutkimuksessa selvitettiin opettajaopiskelijoiden kansainväliseen liikkuvuuteen yleisesti ja erityisesti kehitysmaihin suuntautuvaan liikkuvuuteen vaikuttavia tekijöitä. Verkkokyselyn ja haastattelujen kohderyhmiksi valittiin opettajaopiskelijat yhdeksästä korkeakoulusta (Helsinki, Joensuu, Jyväskylä, Jyväskylän ammattikorkeakoulu, Lappi, Oulu, Tampere, Turku, Vaasa/Åbo) ja kansainvälistä opiskelijaliikkuvuutta koordinoivat suunnittelijat. Opiskelijat vastasivat verkkokyselyyn aktiivisesti (n = 698), ja vastaajista 12 myös haastateltiin. Yhdeksän kansainvälisen liikkuvuuden koordinaattoria vastasi kyselyyn, ja heistä kahdeksan haastateltiin. Neljän merkityksellisen tekijän havaittiin vaikuttavan kansainväliseen liikkuvuuteen: 1) yleinen koulutuspolitiikka ja yhteiskunnallinen tilanne; 2) koulut (tulevat työkontekstit); 3) opettajankoulutuksesta vastaavien yliopistojen toiminta; ja 4) opettajaopiskelijoiden omat näkemykset, kokemukset ja mielipiteet ulkomailla suoritettavan opiskelijavaihdon tai harjoittelun mielekkyydestä ja lähtöä hankaloittavista tekijöistä. Opiskelijat korostivat henkilökohtaisen oppimiskokemuksen merkitystä motivoivana tekijänä. Lähes kaikki opiskelijat kokivat oman opettajuuteen liittyvän ammattitaitonsa parantuneen ulkomailla saadun kokemuksen kautta. Liikkuvuutta estäviksi tekijöiksi todettiin opintojen viivästymisen pelko, luokanopettajan opintoihin liittyvä erikoistumisen vaatimus, halu suorittaa opinnot Suomessa, ulkomailla suoritettujen opintojen soveltuvuus omaan tutkintoon, ulkomailla suoritettavista opinnoista saadun tiedon ja tuen puute, perheeseen liittyvät tekijät, pelko selviämisestä uudessa maassa ja kielitaidon riittämättömyydestä, ja turvallisuuteen liittyvät tekijät. Suosituksissa ministeriöille ja opettajankoulutusta tarjoaville yliopistoille painottuu positiivinen, uusia oppimiskokemuksia korostava suhtautuminen opiskelijaliikkuvuuteen. Opettajaopiskelijoille merkittävin motiivi ulkomailla opintojen tai harjoittelun suorittamiseen on selkeästi henkilökohtainen kasvu.

This research aims to discuss ASEAN counter-terrorism policy and its impact on human rights protection. The terrorism act of Abu Sayyaf in the Philippines, the spread of terrorism in Indonesia by JAT and JAD, and the rebellion movement in Pattani-Thailand are the most heard of terrorism cases in Southeast Asian countries. The research focused on the regulatory through comparative approaches. The result found that ASEAN has an agreement known as ASEAN Convention on Counter-Terrorism (ACCT) for combating terrorism. ACCT implementation in national legal regulations of ASEAN members in the midst of the spread of terrorism plays a crucial role in combating terrorism and its impact on human rights protection. However, the effort of eradicating terrorism in Southeast Asian countries is not in line with the principles of peace and regional integrity. The practice of authoritarianism and militarism has instead become most prominent as a result of perpetuating militarism-based legal regulations in resolving terrorism. Efforts for combating terrorism in Southeast Asia, therefore, leave a serious problem regarding the protection of human rights, the issue of impunity, attacks on civil society, and the involvement of the military which threatens territorial integrity. Those are at cross purposes with ACCT policies as well as national sovereignty, integrity, and security of ASEAN members. (Penelitian ini bertujuan membahas kebijakan anti-terorisme ASEAN dan dampaknya terhadap perlindungan hak asasi manusia. Aksi terorisme Abu Sayyaf di Filipina, penyebaran terorisme di Indonesia oleh JAT dan JAD, serta pemberontakan di Pattani-Thailand adalah kasus-kasus terorisme terpopuler yang terjadi di Asia Tenggara. Penelitian ini fokus pada peraturan perundang-undangan dengan pendekatan komparatif. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa ASEAN memiliki kesepakatan yang disebut Konvensi ASEAN tentang Kontra-Terorisme (ACCT) untuk memerangi terorisme. Penerapan ACCT dalam peraturan hukum nasional negara anggota ASEAN di tengah maraknya aksi terorisme sangat penting dalam upaya pemberantasan terorisme dan dampaknya terhadap perlindungan hak asasi manusia di ASEAN. Akan tetapi dalam praktiknya, pemberantasan terorisme di ASEAN masih belum sejalan dengan prinsip perdamaian dan keutuhan kawasan. Praktik otoritarianisme dan militerisme justru menjadi praktik paling menonjol yang dilakukan oleh negara-negara di ASEAN seiring dengan langgengnya regulasi hukum berbasis praktik militerisme dalam menyelesaikan kejahatan terorisme. Pemberantasan terorisme di Asia Tenggara menyisakan masalah serius terkait perlindungan hak asasi manusia, isu impunitas, serangan terhadap masyarakat sipil, dan keterlibatan militer yang mengancam integritas teritorial. Isu-isu tersebut bertentangan dengan Kebijakan ACCT serta kedaulatan, integritas nasional, dan keamanan anggota ASEAN.) ; Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk membahas kebijakan anti-terorisme di ASEAN dan dampaknya terhadap hak asasi manusia. Kasus terorisme Abu Sayyaf di Filipina, penyebaran terorisme di Indonesia yang dilakukan oleh JAT dan JAD, serta pergerakan pemberontakan di Pattani-Thailand, merupakan organisasi atau kasus teroris terpopuler yang terjadi di ASEAN. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini difokuskan pada pendekatan peraturan perundang-undangan dan pendekatan komparatif terhadap terorisme. Hasilnya ditemukan bahwa ASEAN memiliki perjanjian wajib yang disebut Konvensi ASEAN tentang Kontra-Terorisme (ACCT) untuk memerangi terorisme. Hubungan antara penerapan ACCT dalam peraturan hukum nasional anggota ASEAN dan penyebaran terorisme di Asia Tenggara sangat penting dalam pelaksanaan pemberantasan terorisme dan dampaknya terhadap perlindungan hak asasi manusia di ASEAN. Dalam praktiknya, pemberantasan terorisme di ASEAN masih belum sejalan dengan prinsip perdamaian dan keutuhan kawasan. Praktik otoritarianisme dan militerisme telah menjadi praktik paling menonjol yang dilakukan oleh negara-negara di ASEAN dan juga dilindungi dengan melanggengkan regulasi hukum praktik militerisme dalam menyelesaikan kejahatan terorisme. Kesimpulannya, pemberantasan terorisme di ASEAN menyisakan masalah serius terkait perlindungan hak asasi manusia, isu impunitas, serangan terhadap masyarakat sipil, dan keterlibatan militer yang mengancam integritas teritorial. Isu-isu tersebut bertentangan dengan Kebijakan ACCT serta kedaulatan, integritas nasional, dan keamanan anggota ASEAN.

The dominant view in company law (especially; corporate governance and finance law) is that the regulation of company takeovers (takeovers) and-/ or mergers must carefully balance two opposing notions. On one hand, the regime must be designed to enable or facilitate the initiation and successful implementation of takeovers and mergers in the interests of inter alia economic growth and technological advancement. On the other hand, such a regulatory framework ought to be sensitive to stakeholders' interests. Various policy rationales are put forward in supporting the incidence of takeover transactions. These motivations include the need for companies to access business synergy, diversification, competitiveness, technological advancement, and broader economic development. However, takeovers may have negative implications for stakeholders. For feasibility sake, this study's focus is limited to three stakeholder groups, namely, the target company shareholders, the target company directors, and the local communities. For the target shareholders, the takeover-related mischiefs include the possibility that the target directors may be tainted by conflicts of interest in the context of an offer, thereby making recommendations that disadvantage the shareholders. Or the possibility that the minority shareholders may be treated unfairly and unequally by the acquiring company through making a subsequent offer that is inferior to the one received by the majority holders of securities of the same class. For the board of directors, there are twin negative effects that the directors may face. On the one hand, is litigation from disgruntled stakeholders during and after takeovers and, on the other hand, is the possibility that directors often lose their offices and jobs after successful takeovers. This study also examines the possible exposure of local communities to the negative repercussions of takeovers, and these include loss of employment by locals, loss of beneficial community development, loss of community development monies due to losses in corporate taxes, loss of corporate social responsibility benefits where the merged company decides to relocate. Still, the introduction of a new company into a community after a takeover may negatively impact the environment, public health as well as expose the community to severe national security threats especially where the takeovers involve personal data storage, the internet and technology. Against the backdrop of the conceivable benefits and adverse effects surrounding takeovers this study introduces a 'novel' complementary regulatory perspective, as a yardstick for undertaking a comparative evaluation of the existing takeover regulation regimes of the United States of America (US) especially the state of Delaware, the United Kingdom (UK) and South Africa to answer this study's main research question. The primary question sought to be answered is: To what extent are the provisions of the South African takeover regulation framework appropriate and adequate in protecting the stakeholders' interests? The said complementary regulatory perspective has twin-legs designed to carefully balance two opposing philosophies: that is, on one hand, vigilant optimisation of takeover activity and on the other hand, ensuring the appropriate and adequate protection of stakeholders' interests by pursuing stakeholder inclusivity through the concept of subordination. Notably, there are several protections under the US, the UK and South African takeover regulation regimes that are available and accessible to the three stakeholder groups identified, discussed and evaluated in this study. And through the evaluations, the related merits and weaknesses of such protections were established. Then, ultimately, several suggestions for law reform are recommended in accordance with the ethos of the complementary regulatory perspective as deliberated. ; Thesis (PhD) (Law)-- University of Fort Hare, 2021

Aims This study is pertinent to the current political and policy driven climate regarding increasing rights, choices, inclusion, independence and awareness for people with autism spectrum conditions (ASC). Since the implementation of Transforming Care (NHS England, 2015), commentators have focused upon the reduction of hospital beds within learning disabilities and mental health services. This qualitative study explored how patients with ASC, a group known to be extremely vulnerable to psychological issues, experience admission to acute mental health inpatient facilities in the United Kingdom (UK). Anxiety is a common characteristic for people who live with ASC, but its recognition can be compounded by the difficulty in disentangling features of ASC from those of anxiety disorders. Despite growing acknowledgement that admission to acute mental health facilities should be a last resort, reported figures on admissions continue to rise (NICE, 2014) and there remains a dearth of research highlighting how those who are most vulnerable in the inpatient setting experience this environment. The lived experiences of those with ASC could nonetheless help to inform service development. Method During 2015-2017 phenomenological enquiry using qualitative methods facilitated one-to-one semi-structured interviews to capture the experiences of 20 adults from the East of England who were former psychiatric inpatients with an established diagnosis of ASC. Verbatim transcripts of audio recordings from each interview were analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). Findings IPA enabled the identification of broad themes, which explained in rich detail participant reflections on the situations and events within the acute care mental health facilities that triggered responses such as anxiety, fear, agitation and social avoidance anxiety. It was then possible to establish the broad behavioural patterns associated with their responses some of which has been reported by other commentators i.e., isolating themselves from others, including other patients and staff; ceasing to eat and sleep adequately; and, all too often, self-harming or exhibiting aggressive and violent behaviours (Lidstone et al., 2014; Donna et al., 2010; Bunyan et al., 2017). Emergent new themes were discovered in the same way and the original contribution of this research includes; creative self-help strategies to deal with anxiety, the notable impact of the sensory environment, interesting relational patterns with family/friends, staff and peers, including the disconnection from family and friends and confused connections to staff and peers. Implications This study provides further evidence that hospitalisation of a person with ASC should be the last resort. However, it is inevitable that in the future some people will need a mental health inpatient bed and the reductionist approach to inpatient services and the emergence of single person community services, whilst warranting applause, will leave gaps in service provision. Therefore, the thesis contends that instead of minimising inpatient availability to an unrealistic level, mental health care providers should concentrate on the emotional and psychological experiences of the inpatients aiming to improve their service experience, raise awareness of 'different' service users; highlighting the 'different' issues for them, i.e. elsewhere their vulnerability due to relationship problems with their family and friends, and building relationships with staff which many have indicated as crucial to their feelings of safety and security. Equally, understanding the sensory profile of the inpatient environment from an autistic perspective can provide the practitioner with some easily implemented reasonable adjustments which can have a significantly positive impact with the help of highly motivated staff who are person-centred in their approach. Additionally, increasing the practitioner's awareness of the causes and coping mechanisms to anxiety will contribute significantly to helping inpatients with ASC to cope with their situation and find improved ways to manage and look forward.