A scenario is a policy analysis tool that describes a possible set of future conditions. Their main function and usefulness is to assist in decision-making by offering the possibility to identify problems, threats and opportunities. In terms of innovative methods for policy analysis, the foresight and scenario building methods can be an interesting reference for social and political sciences. By examining an internally consistent and rational chain of events and trends that may follow from present actions, they allow a better assessment of alternative policies. This approach is particularly suitable for analysis of energy trends. As an illustration, in the second part of the article, scenario building method will be used in order to create energy security scenarios for Lithuania, Latvia and Poland.
A scenario is a policy analysis tool that describes a possible set of future conditions. Their main function and usefulness is to assist in decision-making by offering the possibility to identify problems, threats and opportunities. In terms of innovative methods for policy analysis, the foresight and scenario building methods can be an interesting reference for social and political sciences. By examining an internally consistent and rational chain of events and trends that may follow from present actions, they allow a better assessment of alternative policies. This approach is particularly suitable for analysis of energy trends. As an illustration, in the second part of the article, scenario building method will be used in order to create energy security scenarios for Lithuania, Latvia and Poland.
A scenario is a policy analysis tool that describes a possible set of future conditions. Their main function and usefulness is to assist in decision-making by offering the possibility to identify problems, threats and opportunities. In terms of innovative methods for policy analysis, the foresight and scenario building methods can be an interesting reference for social and political sciences. By examining an internally consistent and rational chain of events and trends that may follow from present actions, they allow a better assessment of alternative policies. This approach is particularly suitable for analysis of energy trends. As an illustration, in the second part of the article, scenario building method will be used in order to create energy security scenarios for Lithuania, Latvia and Poland.
The article analyzes the genesis of officer education policy in Europe and delineates the major patterns of its development. On the basis of literature analysis, officer education concept is defined and four main officer education models in Europe are distinguished. The article presents an overview of the European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI) evolution after the World War II (WWII), including three periods of its formation, and identifies the development of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the European Union (EU). The emergence of the most recent officer education model is examined within the context of the CSDP development and the Europeanization of officer education. The article provides a contextual analysis of four distinct officer education models. Further analysis of officer education paradigms reveals the cyclic nature of officer education policy, thus identifying five main elements fostering officer education policy development. At the end of the article, officer education policy development model is presented.
The article analyzes the genesis of officer education policy in Europe and delineates the major patterns of its development. On the basis of literature analysis, officer education concept is defined and four main officer education models in Europe are distinguished. The article presents an overview of the European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI) evolution after the World War II (WWII), including three periods of its formation, and identifies the development of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the European Union (EU). The emergence of the most recent officer education model is examined within the context of the CSDP development and the Europeanization of officer education. The article provides a contextual analysis of four distinct officer education models. Further analysis of officer education paradigms reveals the cyclic nature of officer education policy, thus identifying five main elements fostering officer education policy development. At the end of the article, officer education policy development model is presented.
The article analyzes the genesis of officer education policy in Europe and delineates the major patterns of its development. On the basis of literature analysis, officer education concept is defined and four main officer education models in Europe are distinguished. The article presents an overview of the European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI) evolution after the World War II (WWII), including three periods of its formation, and identifies the development of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the European Union (EU). The emergence of the most recent officer education model is examined within the context of the CSDP development and the Europeanization of officer education. The article provides a contextual analysis of four distinct officer education models. Further analysis of officer education paradigms reveals the cyclic nature of officer education policy, thus identifying five main elements fostering officer education policy development. At the end of the article, officer education policy development model is presented.
The article analyzes the genesis of officer education policy in Europe and delineates the major patterns of its development. On the basis of literature analysis, officer education concept is defined and four main officer education models in Europe are distinguished. The article presents an overview of the European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI) evolution after the World War II (WWII), including three periods of its formation, and identifies the development of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the European Union (EU). The emergence of the most recent officer education model is examined within the context of the CSDP development and the Europeanization of officer education. The article provides a contextual analysis of four distinct officer education models. Further analysis of officer education paradigms reveals the cyclic nature of officer education policy, thus identifying five main elements fostering officer education policy development. At the end of the article, officer education policy development model is presented.
The aim of this work is to evaluate the preparation of Lithuania and the EU to respond to the threat of infectious diseases outbreaks, the impact of COVID-19 on public health. The work consists of 3 main parts with subsections. The first chapter discusses the historical and theoretical aspects of "security" public health policy, which include the relationship between national security and health, infectious diseases, biological weapons, and their uses. The second chapter analyzes the EU and Lithuanian health policy. The third chapter examines how COVID-19 affects EU and Lithuanian health policy, general human well-being and social media. The analysis was based on the literature of Lithuanian and foreign scientists.
The aim of this work is to evaluate the preparation of Lithuania and the EU to respond to the threat of infectious diseases outbreaks, the impact of COVID-19 on public health. The work consists of 3 main parts with subsections. The first chapter discusses the historical and theoretical aspects of "security" public health policy, which include the relationship between national security and health, infectious diseases, biological weapons, and their uses. The second chapter analyzes the EU and Lithuanian health policy. The third chapter examines how COVID-19 affects EU and Lithuanian health policy, general human well-being and social media. The analysis was based on the literature of Lithuanian and foreign scientists.
The aim of this work is to evaluate the preparation of Lithuania and the EU to respond to the threat of infectious diseases outbreaks, the impact of COVID-19 on public health. The work consists of 3 main parts with subsections. The first chapter discusses the historical and theoretical aspects of "security" public health policy, which include the relationship between national security and health, infectious diseases, biological weapons, and their uses. The second chapter analyzes the EU and Lithuanian health policy. The third chapter examines how COVID-19 affects EU and Lithuanian health policy, general human well-being and social media. The analysis was based on the literature of Lithuanian and foreign scientists.
The aim of this work is to evaluate the preparation of Lithuania and the EU to respond to the threat of infectious diseases outbreaks, the impact of COVID-19 on public health. The work consists of 3 main parts with subsections. The first chapter discusses the historical and theoretical aspects of "security" public health policy, which include the relationship between national security and health, infectious diseases, biological weapons, and their uses. The second chapter analyzes the EU and Lithuanian health policy. The third chapter examines how COVID-19 affects EU and Lithuanian health policy, general human well-being and social media. The analysis was based on the literature of Lithuanian and foreign scientists.
This paper suggests that "scenario building" offers methodology for understanding the forces which are crucial for ESDP development. Author analyzes such driving forces of ESDP as EU integration tendencies, threats & demands on crises management operations, defense potency & NATO transformation success, as well as the US attitude towards ESDP. After the driving forces are examined, four scenarios are constructed: creation of European security & defense union, integration of ESDP into the broader system of euroatlantic cooperation, ESDP as a project of "core" states, & ESDP as capabilities & operations of "coalition of willing." All this is done in order to find a scenario, which is most suitable for the small states of the EU. Almost all of them are participating in the activities of ESDP, however, their interests & arguments are different. At last three groups of small EU states may be recognized regarding the European security & role in international sphere. Their preferences mostly depend on the leaders in each scenario: pro-European eurocontinentalists support France & Germany & euroatlantists support those scenarios, where UK is leading. Traditionally "neutral" countries seek the realization of scenarios, which would enhance their structural power inside the EU. So, none of the approached scenarios is supported by the majority of the small EU states. For Lithuania most appropriate, of course, is the one, which withholds the US in Europe. No doubt, this is scenario of integration of ESDP into the broader system of euroatlantic cooperation. Adapted from the source document.
India is a rapidly growing democratic naval power. Moreover, its features such as the strong and fast-growing economy, newest military technologies and nuclear weapon make a big impression. Considering the other major powers, it seems that the world is becoming multipolar where India could have a significant role and become one of the major poles. It has been a subject for discussions among journalists and academics for a log time. On the other hand, there are a lot of discussions about India's "friendly and mild" foreign policy; also, it is sometimes named the non-ambitious passive player in the international arena. The optimism with doubts: the paradoxical situation composed of the history of the impressive imperial civilization, modern-day economic growth, huge progress in technologies versus the major internal problems and "soft" state image. Here emerges the problem: why India's foreign policy, despite its power growth, is still passive/neutral on the international arena? The hypotheses to answering this question are: 1. India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power. 2. India's role on the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India. The aim of this article is to ascertain and explore India's status (regional or global) and to ascertain India's role (self-identification) on the international arena by using the ontological security theory. The theoretical background of this essay is ontological security theory which ten years ago was absorbed from sociology and is quite new in the international relations and security studies. Its main arguments are: ontological security is the security of being; in addition to physical security, states also seek ontological security (security of the self); ontological security is achieved by routinizing relationships with significant others, after all players become attached to those relationships, even if they are dangerous to their physical security. This theory is strongly bound with the identity that India always gives the self culture prominence in its discourse and its friendly discourse in the Ministry of Defence annual reports. This is the reason why the ontological security theory was chosen to help understand and explain India's foreign policy. First, links between ontological and traditional security are discussed in the first part of this work. There is a broad analysis of the assumptions of the ontological security theory in the same paragraph. Second, there is a short criticism of the ontological security. Finally, the ontological security theory as the India's foreign policy explanation tool is discussed; the discourse analysis is introduced as a methodological instrument of the work, and the model of analysis of the second part of the work, is defined. The second part of the work contains the content analysis of experts' articles and official documents of India's Foreign Ministry, using the model defined in the previous part and ontological security for the results' explanation The analysis made in the second part of the work has shown that the ontological security theory is able to explain India's foreign policy and does it. The first hypothesis (India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power) was denied. This means that India can be a major global power. The second hypothesis (India's role in the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India) was approved. Strictly, it means that India does not want to be a major power because of it self-identity and ontological security. India does not expose itself as a major power but thinks that is worth to be such. On the other hand, if India has absorbed the international politics routine form the British Empire, this could mean that India's identity is to be a global power, but it does not want to publicise it yet. The study has shown that it is hard to regard India in the international community as a major power without special observation or using just the realism theory tools. Consequently, the ontological security theory has shown that it has the tools that can be used in countries' foreign policy explanation.
India is a rapidly growing democratic naval power. Moreover, its features such as the strong and fast-growing economy, newest military technologies and nuclear weapon make a big impression. Considering the other major powers, it seems that the world is becoming multipolar where India could have a significant role and become one of the major poles. It has been a subject for discussions among journalists and academics for a log time. On the other hand, there are a lot of discussions about India's "friendly and mild" foreign policy; also, it is sometimes named the non-ambitious passive player in the international arena. The optimism with doubts: the paradoxical situation composed of the history of the impressive imperial civilization, modern-day economic growth, huge progress in technologies versus the major internal problems and "soft" state image. Here emerges the problem: why India's foreign policy, despite its power growth, is still passive/neutral on the international arena? The hypotheses to answering this question are: 1. India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power. 2. India's role on the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India. The aim of this article is to ascertain and explore India's status (regional or global) and to ascertain India's role (self-identification) on the international arena by using the ontological security theory. The theoretical background of this essay is ontological security theory which ten years ago was absorbed from sociology and is quite new in the international relations and security studies. Its main arguments are: ontological security is the security of being; in addition to physical security, states also seek ontological security (security of the self); ontological security is achieved by routinizing relationships with significant others, after all players become attached to those relationships, even if they are dangerous to their physical security. This theory is strongly bound with the identity that India always gives the self culture prominence in its discourse and its friendly discourse in the Ministry of Defence annual reports. This is the reason why the ontological security theory was chosen to help understand and explain India's foreign policy. First, links between ontological and traditional security are discussed in the first part of this work. There is a broad analysis of the assumptions of the ontological security theory in the same paragraph. Second, there is a short criticism of the ontological security. Finally, the ontological security theory as the India's foreign policy explanation tool is discussed; the discourse analysis is introduced as a methodological instrument of the work, and the model of analysis of the second part of the work, is defined. The second part of the work contains the content analysis of experts' articles and official documents of India's Foreign Ministry, using the model defined in the previous part and ontological security for the results' explanation The analysis made in the second part of the work has shown that the ontological security theory is able to explain India's foreign policy and does it. The first hypothesis (India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power) was denied. This means that India can be a major global power. The second hypothesis (India's role in the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India) was approved. Strictly, it means that India does not want to be a major power because of it self-identity and ontological security. India does not expose itself as a major power but thinks that is worth to be such. On the other hand, if India has absorbed the international politics routine form the British Empire, this could mean that India's identity is to be a global power, but it does not want to publicise it yet. The study has shown that it is hard to regard India in the international community as a major power without special observation or using just the realism theory tools. Consequently, the ontological security theory has shown that it has the tools that can be used in countries' foreign policy explanation.
India is a rapidly growing democratic naval power. Moreover, its features such as the strong and fast-growing economy, newest military technologies and nuclear weapon make a big impression. Considering the other major powers, it seems that the world is becoming multipolar where India could have a significant role and become one of the major poles. It has been a subject for discussions among journalists and academics for a log time. On the other hand, there are a lot of discussions about India's "friendly and mild" foreign policy; also, it is sometimes named the non-ambitious passive player in the international arena. The optimism with doubts: the paradoxical situation composed of the history of the impressive imperial civilization, modern-day economic growth, huge progress in technologies versus the major internal problems and "soft" state image. Here emerges the problem: why India's foreign policy, despite its power growth, is still passive/neutral on the international arena? The hypotheses to answering this question are: 1. India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power. 2. India's role on the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India. The aim of this article is to ascertain and explore India's status (regional or global) and to ascertain India's role (self-identification) on the international arena by using the ontological security theory. The theoretical background of this essay is ontological security theory which ten years ago was absorbed from sociology and is quite new in the international relations and security studies. Its main arguments are: ontological security is the security of being; in addition to physical security, states also seek ontological security (security of the self); ontological security is achieved by routinizing relationships with significant others, after all players become attached to those relationships, even if they are dangerous to their physical security. This theory is strongly bound with the identity that India always gives the self culture prominence in its discourse and its friendly discourse in the Ministry of Defence annual reports. This is the reason why the ontological security theory was chosen to help understand and explain India's foreign policy. First, links between ontological and traditional security are discussed in the first part of this work. There is a broad analysis of the assumptions of the ontological security theory in the same paragraph. Second, there is a short criticism of the ontological security. Finally, the ontological security theory as the India's foreign policy explanation tool is discussed; the discourse analysis is introduced as a methodological instrument of the work, and the model of analysis of the second part of the work, is defined. The second part of the work contains the content analysis of experts' articles and official documents of India's Foreign Ministry, using the model defined in the previous part and ontological security for the results' explanation The analysis made in the second part of the work has shown that the ontological security theory is able to explain India's foreign policy and does it. The first hypothesis (India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power) was denied. This means that India can be a major global power. The second hypothesis (India's role in the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India) was approved. Strictly, it means that India does not want to be a major power because of it self-identity and ontological security. India does not expose itself as a major power but thinks that is worth to be such. On the other hand, if India has absorbed the international politics routine form the British Empire, this could mean that India's identity is to be a global power, but it does not want to publicise it yet. The study has shown that it is hard to regard India in the international community as a major power without special observation or using just the realism theory tools. Consequently, the ontological security theory has shown that it has the tools that can be used in countries' foreign policy explanation.
