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Ensuring internal security is one of the core objectives of European integration in the context of the establishment of an area of freedom, security and justice of the European Union (E.U.). The aim of the internal security policy of the E.U. is to support Member States with regard to the maintenance of law and order and the safeguarding of internal security. In the last 20 years in the area of internal security of the E.U. many important initiatives, political agendas and legal instruments at the E.U. level have arisen. This article aims to show the development of the internal security policy of the E.U., its most important guidelines and the challenges in the coming years.

In this article, the author carries out a comprehensive analysis of the security policy pursued by Ukraine towards the broadly understood West. While describing the Ukrainian security policy since the state gained independence, it draws attention to both the conceptual layer (strategic documents, political declarations) and the implementation layer (the actions actually taken). The considerations in the article contain historical and comparative issues concerning the nature of the Ukrainian security policy towards the West, including towards the European Union, NATO and the United States. The theory of neoclassical realism, which is still not very popular among researchers, was applied to analyze this issue. It has a great explanatory power, because it takes into account both external aspects inherent in the international system, as well as internal ones resulting from the situation in the state itself. The aim of this article was to search for answers to the following questions: why, how and under what factors did the position of the West change in Ukraine's security policy? As a result of the research, the hypothesis that the Ukrainian state is gradually approaching the West is confirmed, despite the inconsistency in its security policy and the West's uncertainty as to the deepening of cooperation with it. ; W niniejszym artykule autorka dokonuje wszechstronnej analizy prowadzonej przez Ukrainę wobec szeroko pojętego Zachodu polityki bezpieczeństwa. Charakteryzując ukraińską politykę bezpieczeństwa od momentu uzyskania przez państwo niepodległości, zwraca uwagę na warstwę zarówno koncepcyjną (dokumenty strategiczne, deklaracje polityczne), jak i realizacyjną (faktycznie podjęte działania). Rozważania w artykule zawierają w sobie zagadnienia historyczne i komparatystyczne dotyczące charakteru ukraińskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa prowadzonej wobec Zachodu, m.in. wobec Unii Europejskiej, NATO i Stanów Zjednoczonych. Do analizy niniejszej kwestii została wykorzystana jeszcze niezbyt ciesząca się popularnością wśród ...

W niniejszym artykule autorka dokonuje wszechstronnej analizy prowadzonej przez Ukrainę wobec szeroko pojętego Zachodu polityki bezpieczeństwa. Charakteryzując ukraińską politykę bezpieczeństwa od momentu uzyskania przez państwo niepodległości, zwraca uwagę na warstwę zarówno koncepcyjną (dokumenty strategiczne, deklaracje polityczne), jak i realizacyjną (faktycznie podjęte działania). Rozważania w artykule zawierają w sobie zagadnienia historyczne i komparatystyczne dotyczące charakteru ukraińskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa prowadzonej wobec Zachodu, m.in. wobec Unii Europejskiej, NATO i Stanów Zjednoczonych. Do analizy niniejszej kwestii została wykorzystana jeszcze niezbyt ciesząca się popularnością wśród badaczy teoria realizmu neoklasycznego. Posiada ona dużą moc eksplanacyjną, ponieważ uwzględnia aspekty zewnętrzne, tkwiące w systemie międzynarodowym, jak i wewnętrzne, wynikające z sytuacji w samym państwie. Jako cel tego artykułu wyznaczono poszukiwanie odpowiedzi na następujące pytania: dlaczego, w jaki sposób oraz pod wpływem jakich czynników zmieniała się pozycja Zachodu w polityce bezpieczeństwa Ukrainy? Wskutek przeprowadzonych badań potwierdza się postawiona hipoteza o stopniowym zbliżeniu się państwa ukraińskiego do Zachodu mimo niekonsekwentności w jego polityce bezpieczeństwa oraz niepewności Zachodu co do pogłębiania współpracy z nim. ; In this article, the author carries out a comprehensive analysis of the security policy pursued by Ukraine towards the broadly understood West. While describing the Ukrainian security policy since the state gained independence, it draws attention to both the conceptual layer (strategic documents, political declarations) and the implementation layer (the actions actually taken). The considerations in the article contain historical and comparative issues concerning the nature of the Ukrainian security policy towards the West, including towards the European Union, NATO and the United States. The theory of neoclassical realism, which is still not very popular among ...

The transformation of the Russian foreign and security policy based on a more courageous use of military potential is a fact. Over the past several years, Russia has moved from articulating its interests to their enforcement with the use of military force. This article focuses on analyzing this process and identifying its potential consequences for global security. The conclusions drawn by the author, based on the conducted research, allow to state that the armed forces are and will be an important instrument of the Russian foreign and security policy. This does not mean, however, that the Russian Federation will strive for an armed conflict posing a threat to international security.

Rated both positively and negatively, Shinzō Abe has achieved a lot as prime minister. He contributed to a new perception of Japan in the international arena. During the eight years of his rule in power, his administration carried out reforms aimed at better coordination of security policy, strengthened the position of the prime minister in this field, and increased the involvement of the SDF in ensuring security. They resulted primarily from changes taking place in its security environment: the development of North Korea's missile and nuclear program, the assertive attitude of the People's Republic of China, and an increase in arms spending and the intensification of Chinese military activity in the region (around the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands and in the South China Sea). The article aims to analyze the changes in the security policy introduced during the rule of Shinzō Abe in the internal aspect.

The first part of the article is dedicated to the classic approach to security in three areas: the security of the individual, the state and on the international stage. Then the author conducts an analysis of the interdisciplinary approach to security. He characterised the behavioural as well as sociological and economic theories. The author analyses the government policies pertaining to internal security in the last fifteen years. He explained the legal and constitutional rules of the government administration in Poland and then characterised the system of institutions responsible for security within the country involving a critical analysis of internal security policy, i.a. its effectiveness and efficiency. The author formulates the thesis which holds that within the last fifteen years the governments have failed to design an effective policy of internal security, so far. The postulated concepts and governmental proposals have been designed as temporary measures and under political pressure without much consideration for systemic solutions. The policy of internal security lacks the systemic approach deriving from the theory of organisation.

Ensuring internal security is one of the core objectives of European integration in thecontext of the establishment of an area of freedom, security and justice of the EuropeanUnion (E.U.). The aim of the internal security policy of the E.U. is to support MemberStates with regard to the maintenance of law and order and the safeguarding of internalsecurity. In the last 20 years in the area of internal security of the E.U. many importantinitiatives, political agendas and legal instruments at the E.U. level have arisen. Thisarticle aims to show the development of the internal security policy of the E.U., its mostimportant guidelines and the challenges in the coming years. ; Zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego jest jednym z podstawowych celów integracjieuropejskiej w kontekście tworzenia na terytorium Unii Europejskiej przestrzeni wolności, bezpieczeństwa i sprawiedliwości. Celem polityki bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznegoUE jest wspieranie państw członkowskich w zakresie utrzymania porządku publicznegoi ochrony bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego. W ostatnich 20 latach w obszarze bezpieczeństwawewnętrznego UE odnotowano duże zmiany, zrodziło się wiele inicjatyw, programówpolitycznych oraz instrumentów prawnych na szczeblu Unii. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie rozwoju polityki bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego UE, jej najważniejszych założeńi wyzwań na nadchodzące lata.

The rise to power of the Suga Cabinet in Japan in September 2020 and the victory of J. Biden in the U.S. presidential elections in November 2020 will have a considerable impact on Tokyo's security policy. According to one view, a focus on the global agenda would force Biden to step up dialogue with China, which could damage the Japan-U.S. security relations. Others say that Biden will not correct the «hawkish» policy towards China that has emerged under D. Trump, and therefore Japan has no good reason for concern. In its security policy Japan will in any case continue to rely on the Security Treaty with the United States, strengthen security dialogue with India, Australia and other «like-minded» democracies, and develop political dialogue with China and Russia. However, it is too early to ascertain what will be the priorities of this policy and will there be a tilt in any direction.

The article aims to determine the importance of Austria for Poland's security policy in 1918–1926. The Polish authorities considered the threat of a loss of independence by Austria as a factor threatening the Versailles system, the inviolability of which was the cornerstone of the Polish security policy. An analysis of the bilateral relations conducted by the author is to reveal whether Poland regarded Austria as a potential ally or more as a threat. Paradoxically, it was Austria's weakness that determined the great importance of this state in Poland's security policy. ; Celem artykułu jest ustalenie znaczenia Austrii w polityce bezpieczeństwa RP w latach 1918–1926. Przeprowadzona analiza stosunków dwustronnych ma wykazać, czy Polska traktowała Austrię jako potencjalnego sojusznika, czy jednak w większym stopniu jako zagrożenie. Groźba utraty niepodległości przez Austrię była uznawana przez władze polskie za czynnik zagrożenia systemu wersalskiego, którego nienaruszalność stanowiła kamień węgielny polityki bezpieczeństwa RP. Paradoksalnie to słabość Austrii decydowała o jej dużym znaczeniu w polityce bezpieczeństwa Polski.

The article aims to determine the importance of Austria for Poland's security policy in 1918–1926. The Polish authorities considered the threat of a loss of independence by Austria as a factor threatening the Versailles system, the inviolability of which was the cornerstone of the Polish security policy. An analysis of the bilateral relations conducted by the author is to reveal whether Poland regarded Austria as a potential ally or more as a threat. Paradoxically, it was Austria's weakness that determined the great importance of this state in Poland's security policy. ; Celem artykułu jest ustalenie znaczenia Austrii w polityce bezpieczeństwa RP w latach 1918–1926. Przeprowadzona analiza stosunków dwustronnych ma wykazać, czy Polska traktowała Austrię jako potencjalnego sojusznika, czy jednak w większym stopniu jako zagrożenie. Groźba utraty niepodległości przez Austrię była uznawana przez władze polskie za czynnik zagrożenia systemu wersalskiego, którego nienaruszalność stanowiła kamień węgielny polityki bezpieczeństwa RP. Paradoksalnie to słabość Austrii decydowała o jej dużym znaczeniu w polityce bezpieczeństwa Polski.

Раздел "Международные отношения и внешняя политика" ; Статья посвящена исследованию политики Республики Беларусь в сфере обеспечения безопасности. В работе рассматриваются структуры обеспечения безопасности в регионе, анализируются пути повышения их эффективности в нейтрализации новых угроз и отмечаются возможности налаживания конструктивного диалога. Объектом исследования стал «российский фактор» как наиболее важное стратегическое направление внешней политики и политики обеспечения безопасности Республики Беларусь. Авторами подробно рассматривается военный аспект белорусско-российской интеграции, анализируется степень контактов Беларуси и России в оборонной сфере, приводятся примеры военно-технического сотрудничества. Изучаются подходы руководства страны к таким военно- политическим структурам, как Организация Договора о коллективной безопасности (ОДКБ) и Организация Североатлантического договора (НАТО). Высказывается тезис о том, что национальным интересам республики отвечает конструктивное взаимодействие и сотрудничество со всеми, без исключения, многосторонними структурами безо¬пасности в регионе, предлагается концепция прагматичного взаимодействия с НАТО на западных границах при акцентировании военного сотрудничества с Российской Федерацией как приоритетного и действительно стратегического. = The article examines the Republic of Belarus policy in the field of security. Security structures in the region are considered, ways of increasing their efficiency in challenging new threats are analyzed, and opportunities for establishing a constructive dialogue are noted in the article. The paper is focused on the role of the Russian factor in enhancing national security and defense of Belarus since special ties with Russia form the mainstream of Belarus' foreign and security policy. The military component of the Belarusian-Russian integration is of a particular interest in this regard. Large-scale tasks in the security area between the two countries, treaties on military cooperation and joint efforts on provision for regional security in the military sphere are covered. The Belarus' attitude to such political and military alliances as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is presented in detail. The authors argue that the formation of an even, stable and dynamic relationship with all structures for common security in the region serves national interests of Belarus. The paper favors maximum flexibility in the Belarus' foreign and security policy, genuine pragmatism and openness for diverse options in the relations with NATO — while stressing key strategic axis to military cooperation with the Russian Federation in strengthening national security.

Ключевые слова: безопасность человека; добрые услуги; насильственный экстремизм; разоружение и нераспространение оружия; частные военные и охранные компании; Инициатива Нансена; Совет ООН по правам человека; смертная казнь; миграционные партнерства. = Keywords: human security; good offices; violent extremism; disarmament and non-proliferation; private military and security companies; Nansen Initiative; UN Human Rights Council; death penalty; migration partnerships. ; Статья посвящена реализации концепции безопасности человека во внешней политике и политике безопасности Швейцарии. В ней дается краткий обзор исследований этой концепции и ее отдельных аспектов. Оценивается международная обстановка после окончания холодной войны и прослеживается история разработки концепции, начиная от первого упоминания в Докладе ООН о человеческом развитии (1994 г.) до итоговой формулировки (2012 г.), содержащей право всех людей на свободу от страха, свободу от нужды и свободу жить в достойных условиях. Делается акцент на том, что Конфедерация включила эту концепцию в свою политику в начале 2000-х гг., когда стратегия безопасности через сотрудничество (с 1999 г.) окончательно сменила ее предыдущую концепцию всеобщей обороны (с 1973 г.). Дается информация о соответствующей национальной правовой базе, работе координационного органа (отдела по вопросам безопасности человека) и механизмах финансирования. Описывая четыре основных направления деятельности Швейцарии в этой сфере – политику мира, гуманитарную политику, политику в области прав человека и внешнюю политику в области миграции, автор обращает внимание на то, что в каждом из них Конфедерация поддерживает различные инициативы и выступает с собственными, а также стремится расширять и укреплять международный диалог и сотрудничество. ; The article deals with the implementation of the concept of human security in Switzerland's foreign and security policy. It provides a brief overview of the studies on this concept and its individual aspects. It assesses the international situation after the end of the Cold War and traces the development of this concept from its first mention in the UN Human Development Report (1994) to the final formula (2012) entitling all individuals to freedom from fear, freedom from want and freedom to live in dignity. The article emphasizes the fact that the Confederation incorporated this concept into its policy in the early 2000s, when the strategy of security through cooperation (since 1999) had completely replaced its previous concept of total defence (since 1973). It describes the relevant national legal framework, coordinating authority (Human Security Division) and credit facilities. While describing the four main areas of Switzerland's activities in this area, i.e., peace policy, humanitarian policy, human rights policy and foreign policy on migration, the author notes that in each of them the Confederation supports various initiatives and submits its own as well as seeks to increase and strengthen the international dialogue and cooperation.

Information in the modern world is a strategic resource that decisive the competitive advantage of countries on the international arena. In order to ensure the appropriate quality of the information resources held as well as the processes and mechanisms of their acquisition, processing and protection, individual countries develop and implement an information security policy. The implementation of this policy is supported by various instruments, among which the supervision and control of the Internet deserve attention. The aim of the article is to discuss the supervision and control of the Internet as an instrument of information security policy, considering the specificity of democratic, totalitarian and authoritarian states. For the purposes of the research, the method of analyzing the literature and the method of synthesis were used. It has been proven that, regardless of the political regime, state-owned entities use Internet supervision and control, while the main objectives of these activities are different. In democratic countries, it is primarily for the protection and defense of cherished social values and goods, in totalitarian and authoritarian countries for the realization of the particular interests of those in power.

The article aims to analyse the impact of historical memory on foreign and security policy using the example of the Serbia – Kosovo relations in the period of 2014-2019. Historical memory is a burden, challenge and opportunity for foreign and security policy, and has a considerable impact on bilateral relations between countries which used to be in conflict. Historical memory generates numerous research questions – who is the architect of memory? what are the actors? what are the mechanisms, tools and instruments of its creation? how is it used to maintain power and what are its effects? – to name but a few. In the example analysed, leaders use historical memory to create separate identities and gain power, whereas NGOs do it to commemorate victims. Historical memory is present in celebrating important dates, historical places, monuments and events, and creating national heroes. It also draws attention to the stereotypes in school textbooks and to transitional justice. The most important space for historical memory in the analysis is Kosovo and the role of an international organisation – the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Historical memory has an important function in the process of regional reconciliation, which is an essential condition for cooperation and security in the Western Balkans.

The article analyzes the situation in the Baltic countries during the interwar period with an emphasis on the period preceding the outbreak of World War II. Based on the analysis, a conclusion is drawn on the reasons and prerequisites for the annexation of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia to the USSR, followed by the introduction of the Soviet troops on the territory of these countries.