Suchergebnisse

The situation in Ukraine concerns the international community since January 2014 and remains a central issue in legal and political science researches. The United Nations Security Council (UN) was not only unable to prevent the conflict but also to take any possible steps to resolve it. As a result, a number of regional European organizations have been involved in the crisis in eastern Ukraine. The article discusses the mechanisms of activity of key European structures and organizations which aim at preventing, mitigating and resolving the conflict in Ukraine. The specifics of the methods used by each organization are determined, the success of their activities is evaluated, and the ways of increasing their effectiveness and involvement in resolving the Russian-Ukrainian conflict are suggested. The international response of the European community to the conflict in Crimea and eastern Ukraine has been investigated. The approaches, activities and efforts of the OSCE, the EU and the Council of Europe to address the conflict are reviewed. As the crisis in Ukraine deepened, the tasks of the OSCE Monitoring Mission included the following: facilitating access of international experts to the MH17 crash place, monitoring the implementation of Minsk agreements, facilitating the dialogue on local level to achieve a temporary ceasefire, participating in humanitarian sector coordination groups, ongoing supplying with the information regional, national and international media on the current state of conflict. Accordingly, the situation should not be confined solely to the conflict between Ukraine and Russia, as it poses a threat not only to the territorial integrity of Ukraine but also to security in Europe, so the activities of international organizations should be assessed comprehensively with a focus on the need for international law to be respected by all parties concerned.

The research is aimed at disclosing the threats to national security in the humanitarian sphere related to the need of outlining value- and sense-bearing contents in terms of social shifts, military actions, and an axiological crisis, as the actualization of historical and cultural heritage and ethnonational processes overlaps with the axiologically inhomogeneous and fragmentary modern sociocultural space. The complexity of national security policy formation is due to the fact that it must encompass social, economic, political, and cultural features of unity; create national space without denying the right to represent other identities. Thus, it is crucial to form the common sociocultural space as horizontal solidarity of the society based on the national identity's dominant values. The notion of national values must serve as a conceptual basis for such an approach as, along with the notion of national interests, it most fully depicts the specifics of the humanitarian sphere. The legacy of substance and spirit, as well as traditional ethnonational dimensions, which are fundamental for the national being of Ukraine and allow feeling a constant connection with the Motherland, form an essential foundation for the further representation of Ukrainians and their culture in Ukraine and abroad. The article draws attention to the insufficient depiction of humanitarian problems, the role of national values in the formation of national interests and goals in the strategic security documents of Ukraine. The fact of constructing fake identities and nourishing separatist tendencies in the regions of Ukraine as an element of hybrid warfare requires the state's reaction. Consideration of dominant meanings and values when working on legal documents in the educational field, language issue, and ethnocultural processes will allow the prognosis of conflict situations, security threats, and elaboration of tools to avoid the crisis.

The time limits of the life of one generation are about 25-30 years, so lived in the struggle for building its own state and its armed defence, this time for Ukraine goes down in the history of the first generation of creation and attempts to comply with four military doctrines (1993-2004-2012-2015), in which our own defence course was proclaimed.
The theoretical basis of these official documents of significance were certain paradigms of military-political thinking, according to which Ukraine did not consider it a continuation of politics. The direction and principles of military policy (defence or security policy in European terminology) for modern Ukraine from the mid-20s of the XIX century, as well as 100 years ago, again came to the fore in connection with the implementation of previously abstract concepts " annexation "," occupation "," war ", which allegedly did not exist for our country in recent history. But today they have been embodied or, in the image of Franz Kafka, "reincarnated" into threatening forms of Russia's military practice against our state, the end of which is not yet visible in the near future. The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of militarypolitical thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the creation of a "comprehensive defence system" with the integration of all forces of the state and civil society, law enforcement agencies and volunteers, administrative regions and territorial communities.
The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. We will prove that this is a philosophy of military security instead of the previously expressed doctrinal military-political ideas of entrusting a matter of national importance to the forces of the defence sector. The new generation of public life Ukraine will begin with a new paradigm of militarypolitical thinking, the central idea of which is the transition from hopes for the political levers of defence for international cooperation to the creation of a system of comprehensive national security with the synergistic potential of Ukrainianity.

The study's purpose is to critically analyse approaches to international communi- cation in the global environment and clarify the specifics of processes that char- acterize the asymmetry of foreign-policy communication because the contem- porary communication tools allow forming both a positive perception of foreign policy initiatives and a negative attitude of politicians or the world community toward foreign-policy actions. As a result, the research focuses on studying the transformation of the EU foreign-policy communication tools; analysing the practice of foreign-policy communications of Germany and Ukraine; detecting the impact of destructive communications on the image of the EU, Germany, and Ukraine in the international information space. The main conclusions of the research are such statements: the aggravation of Ukrainian-Russian relations has demonstrated an imbalance in the existing for- eign-policy orientations; the EU leaders rethought the political impact of supra- national formation on the contemporary system of international relations; Germany's practice in foreign-policy communication concerns the preservation of the position as a world leader that is able to influence the solution of complex international political and security issues.

It has been shown that in recent years in Ukraine the pressure of religious organizations on the legislative and executive authorities has increased and information campaigns and projects of anti-gender and anti-Ukrainian trends have been implemented. The author analyzed how in the regions staying under Russian informational pressure the religious fundamentalism shows the potential of development develop into religious extremism. It has been demonstrated that in Ukraine the gender aspects of security are not well-developed and are heavily influenced by religion. It has been shown that the lack of high-quality gender analytics significantly complicates the forecasting of social processes. The article deals with the question how religious fundamentalism manipulates women's security issues in favor of religious interests. It is noted that the pressure of pro-religious anti-gender movements on the authorities in Ukraine can lead to negative consequences, and that the establishment of a state policy based on religious perceptions of the world can threaten the country's internal security. It was concluded that in times of conflict, religious extremism does not recognize the rule of human rights and proclaims the primacy of religious customs over women's human rights. It is proved that, considering direct conflict with Russia, the spread of religious fundamentalism in Ukraine and the spread of structural gender violence will be relevant and require the immediate development of gender and biopolitical aspects of security. It was concluded that for the progressive democratic development of Ukraine, as well as safe living conditions and the well-being of its citizens, the security services should turn to gender analytics. It has been proven that, in order to protect their interests, religious leaders can initiate a departure from state-guaranteed compliance with international agreements on gender equality in all spheres of life. In this regard, Ukraine's implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution No. 1325 on Women, Peace, Security and the similar resolutions as well as Recommendations of the UN Committee on the Status of Women for Countries that have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, other UN instruments is important for Ukraine. Also important are the country's European commitments in the field of gender equality. In particular, the Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention) needs to be ratified.

У статті розглядається поточний російсько-український конфлікт із точки зору класичної теорії тріадичного зв'язку Роджерса Брубейкера. Ми протиставляємо нову політику пам'яті, освіти та мови в Україні після Євромайдану офіційній російській критиці з її широкими посиланнями на, серед іншого, нацизм та "етноцид", міжрегіональну напруженість всередині України, а також спільне "героїчне" минуле росіян і українців. На перший погляд, риторичне та політичне загострення між Україною та Росією у 2014-2019 роках виглядає як типовий тристоронній конфлікт між постколоніальною державою-націоналізатором, етнічною меншиною та її зовнішньою батьківщиною, за концептуалізацією Брубейкера. Проте на основі історичної контекстуалізації ми робимо висновок, що класична теорія тріадичного наступу може лише частково пояснити причинно- наслідкові механізми ескалації російсько-українського конфлікту.

У статті на основі комплексного системного аналізу українського і міжнародного законодавства у сфері фінансової, економічної, податкової політики, розглянуто перспективи впровадження цифрових технологій у податкову сферу, що дасть змогу вести ефективну боротьбу з тіньовою економікою. Адже тіньові економічні процеси є загрозою стабільності розвитку національної економіки, фінансової діяльності держави, знижують розмір бюджетних надходжень, перешкоджають синхронізованому та збалансованому розвитку всіх секторів економіки. Методологічною основою дослідження є діалектичний метод наукового пізнання соціальних і правових явищ в їх взаємозв'язку та взаємодії. Достовірність і обґрунтованість отриманих результатів досягається за рахунок застосування комплексу методів загальнонаукових та приватно-наукових. Серед загальнонаукових методів пізнання в основу дослідження закладені: системно-структурний, статистичний, історичний, аналіз, синтез, індукція, дедукція, абстрагування, спостереження та порівняння. З приватно-наукових методів – порівняльно-правовий, формально-юридичний, техніко-юридичний та контент-аналіз юридичних документів. Використання зазначених методів сприяло дослідженню податкового регулювання як інструменту боротьби з тіньовою економікою, з урахуванням співвідношення теоретичних та практичних проблем податкового права. Предметом дослідження є правові норми, що регулюють перспективи впровадження міжнародних цифрових технологій у сферу оподаткування України по боротьбі з тіньовою економікою. Проаналізовано перспективи цифровізації податкового адміністрування України на прикладі країн Європейського Союзу. Досліджено використання цифрових технологій у податковому адмініструванні як інструменту протидії тіньовій економіці. Проведено співвідношення між різними податковими стратегіями країн-членів ЄС. Узагальнено етапи удосконалення цифрового податкового середовища: моніторинг, розробка нових сервісів, створення стимулів для залучення платників податків у цифрову взаємодію, утримання платників податків у цифровому середовищі. Також обґрунтовано, що цифровізація передбачає вдосконалення податкової сфери, підвищення ефективності правозастосовної діяльності податкових органів, що сприяє виведенню коштів із тіньового обороту.

The article is aimed to define the preconditions for the legal background for the Russia's expansion towards the Balkans (late XVIII – second half of the XIX centuries) and its peculiarities listed in the interstate treaties and the Russian Empire's legal system. To achieve the defined goal and the set objectives of this paper various methods of the scientific research have been used. First of all, owing to the dialectic method the dynamic of the changes in the directions of the Russian expansion towards the Balkans has been defined. The content s of various legal norms relating to the subject of our research has been expertised by means of the hermeneutical method. The historical legal method is the main one used to conduct the research. It has been used for the analysis of the regulatory documents together with the social and political circumstances causing their adoption and future use. The multidisciplinary method enables d the author to analyse a great number of the historical sources concerning the way how Russian legal proscriptions influenced the Balkan population. As a result, it is stated that basic tendencies of Russian Empire's foreign policy implementation date back to the legal background created by Peter the Great. These tendencies include artificial guardianship towards "one-minded Christian peoples", widely spread use of conquered nations for the sake of achieving strategic goals and the pronounced assimilatory direction of the national policy. Those issues were implemented in the Russian-Turkish treaties signed in the XVIII– XIX centuries. There were listed artificial guaranties for of the Balkan nations' security based mainly on the mercantile goals. The Tsar's manifests and other regulatory documents defining peculiarities of the policy towards certain Balkan nations were arranged in a declarative manner. The author concludes that the Russian Empire used all possible legal and organizational tools to spread its expansion all over the Balkans.

The article deals with the national cultural policy of the invaders on the territory of modern Belarus and various forms of co-operation of the population against the invaders. It may be noted the following forms of cooperation of the part of the population with the occupiers. The political collaboration – those who worked in local administrative bodies created by the invaders or with their help (elders, burgomasters, Judenraths, etc.), public organizations, were auxiliary employees of the German occupation organs. Military collaboration: a) local police, law enforcement, auxiliary security police units, railway battalions, "eastern" battalions, Cossack formations, agents of the Abwer, SD, GUF, police, auxiliary construction and other parts; b) local self-defense (BКS, BSA), the formation of the Polish army (АК) and the Ukrainian OUN-UPA, who collaborated with the Germans, members of the defensive military settlements, the Russian Cossack military units, Kaminsky army. The economic (economic) collaboration included the heads and employees of economic bodies, enterprises and organizations that functioned during the war years, working directly or indirectly for the occupiers. During the occupation, there were differences in the situation of national groups in different parts of Belarus. The most active in some regions of the country were Belarusians and Russians, while others were Poles and Ukrainians. The Tatars showed the least activity. It is concluded that the composition of the different groups of collaborators in Belarus were representatives of various nationalities and ethnic groups.

The article studies the problem of forming Ukrainian national identity of the Ukrainian citizens, which becomes crucial in the modern Ukrainian studies discourse, especially during the opposition to the hybrid war initiated by Russia against Ukraine. The formation of a national identity is a decisive socio-cultural trend not only for Ukraine, but for the whole of the modern world. The urgency and importance of this problem is expressed in the fact that for some societies, the crisis of national identity has become such forms and scales that overcoming it means not only the choice of an adequate strategy for development, but also becomes a problem of survival.
The attention is drawn to the fact that since the establishment of the new Ukrainian state in 1991, Ukrainians haven't managed to overcome Russian identity with its "friendship of nations" and great Russian culture. The majority of citizens in the new country have preserved the distorted understanding of their own history and state traditions, related to the historical myths and a pantheon of historical heroes and traitors. It is determined that our state must construct its own policy of shaping Ukrainian national identity, which must be implemented in the system of education and upbringing of the younger generation. This context requires giving credence to the researchers' opinion about the priority of education as the key factor for shaping modern Ukrainian national identity, which serves as the base for the national development, national security, and consolidation of the Ukrainian society. It is with education that modern scholars associate the implementation of the state policy of preserving the united socio-cultural space of Ukraine, the formation of a value system, genuine citizenship and patriotism, the formation of a consolidation of society and Ukrainian national identity. Today, the Ukrainian education is undertaking a journey from de-ideologization and humanization to the national focus on the European vector of transformations. Special attention is paid to the educational strategies: National Education Development Strategy for 2012–2021, Strategy of National and Patriotic Education of Children and Youth for 2016–2020, «Ukraine 2020» Sustainable Development Strategy, etc.

Ukraine is a supplier of migrant workers. Research has shown that migrant workers and their families are at high risk of exploitation, discrimination and abuse.The objective of the study is to characterize the specifics of labor migration from Ukraine and the migration process, to determine the main forms of social work with migrant workers. The research is based on the analysis of scientific literature and documents.The study identifies the key features of labor migration and features of the stages of the migration process. The circular and unregulated nature of the current labor migration from Ukraine and the repetition of the stages of adaptation and re-adaptation are established.It has been determined that social work as an institution of civil society is aimed at reducing the risks and vulnerabilities of migrants at different stages of migration, which should be facilitated by respect, protection and realization of human rights, as well as support and assistance. The content of social work with migrant workers at different stages of the migration process (initial, relocation, adaptation, readmission) is described. The main forms of preventive and supportive actions are discussed.Considering the cycle of labor migration from Ukraine, social work at the stage of return may also have a re-adaptive focus and should be clearly tied to the local community. Social workers can also: 1) lobby social policy measures to support a circular model of migration with the prospect of possible final repatriation of migrants; 2) promote the legal employment of Ukrainian migrants abroad, non-discrimination and respect for their rights, in particular in the field of social security.

This article is devoted to the study of human rights restrictions in Ukraine. The author states that there is an increasing tendency of human rights restriction in Ukraine. Both the state and private persons are the subjects of violation of human rights. In the legislative policy this tendency has increased since the parliamentary election in 2014. That year is known as the beginning of the in Ukraine. But most of the restrictions of human rights made by the laws of Ukraine (which violate the Constitution of Ukraine) since then have no relation to military activities and national security. The author identifies a number of tendencies: 1) recent amendments to Ukrainian legislation not only limit constitutional rights but also violate the principles of law and constitutional guarantees of human rights; 2) due to the usage of modern informational technologies, violations of the right to privacy are total; however, the law-enforcement agencies do not struggle with such violations systematically; 3) many constitutional human rights are violated by the laws devoted to family relations; those laws are being passed by the Parliament of Ukraine with the very high speed that is not quite usual for legislative process in Ukraine; 4) both the state and private persons use modern technologies to violate human rights; on the

basis of modern technologies new ways of violation of human rights appear. Conclusions. The restrictions of human rights, provided by the laws, always have some reasons. But neither political, nor economical, nor social nor any other interest can be the reason for violation of human rights and freedoms. "In spite of the fact that the air was never so full of theories of liberty and wild declarations of «rights», there has been a steady curtailment of «personal freedom»". These words of the great American Henry Ford are so relevant for modern Ukraine.

The article is devoted to the analysis of vaccination discourses as ways of constructing and transforming social reality. Vaccination is considered, firstly, as a direction of state policy in the social and medical sphere; secondly, as a basis for realizing a legitimizing identity or constructing a resistance identity. Based on M. Castells' concept of identity and the theory of discourse by E. Laclos and C. Mouffe, two discourses are distinguished that coexist in an antagonistic struggle – "for" (support) and "against" (resistance) to vaccination. The state is the main subject of the formation of the discourse for vaccination, constructing a legitimizing identity. The nodal points of this discourse are analyzed in the sphere of the regulatory law, particularly, in the Roadmap for COVID-19 Vaccines. This discourse is constructed on the nodal points of inclusion (being vaccinated means "being included" and having access to certain benefits), trust (in health care system and the vaccines), safety (both on the individual and national levels). The discourse "against" vaccination, which is the basis for the formation of the resistance identity, is characterized by the absence of the main subject of its construction. The channels of its objectification through which the media act becomes more significant than the status of the discourse constructing subjects. The nodal points of this discourse are analyzed in the context of new media – Ukrainian-language publications of the online media in Ukraine – as a space of the "culture of freedom" that creates the basis for the transition from mass communications to mass self-communications. Such discourse is constructed on interconnected nodal points of distrust and unsafety (the formation of scientific and medical doubts, discrediting the quality of vaccines, direct or indirect articulation of the sign of death). This study has recorded the exceptional significance of distrust as a point of catalyzing other nodal points and signs. The construction of discourses of support and resistance to vaccination occurs according to different algorithms: if, in the field of discourse struggle, the articulation of the point of distrust is sufficient for the dominance of the discourse of resistance, then for the discourse of support for vaccination it is necessary to construct various signs and nodal points to reproduce the positions of its dominance. It is obviously that public policy should provide for the meaningful integration of the nodal points of security and trust, as well as the construction of a new nodal point of rallying, which should be articulated not only in the legal framework, but also in the plurality of discourse fields that form the discourse of support for vaccination (speech officials, communications from the responsible authorities and generally within the vaccination information campaign).