Suchergebnisse

Food security is a major issue and constant challenge in the developingworld. Morocco has reached the target of the first MDG and, since 1990-1992, hasmaintained the prevalence of undernourishment level of 5%, but it remainsvulnerable to climate change in case of recurrence of drought and external shocks.Researches on food security in Morocco and its relationship with sustainabledevelopment are not been sufficiently developed in the direction ofproposing models of sustainable food security strategies. Then, this study aims toclarify the relationship between food security and sustainable food chain and topropose a roadmap for food security in Morocco, learnt from the visit study toSingapore as a leading country in food security. According to GFSI (Global FoodSecurity Index) of the Economist Intelligence unit, Singapore is ranked second inthe world after United States in 2015. Results outline the issues and challenges offood security at both global and national levels and highlight the strengths andweaknesses of food security in Morocco via the analysis of the Moroccan's foodsecurity balance through the GFSI (Global Food Security Index) of the EconomistIntelligence Unit. Finally, this study proposes a roadmap to ensure sustainable foodsecurity in Morocco focused on two strategic pillars: governance andorganizational pillar and technical and financial support pillar. The first pillarconcerns the establishment of a national authority in charge of coordination andimplementation of food security strategies. The second pillar includes a set ofrecommendations related to technical and financial support aspects as optimizingstorage foods, increasing agricultural productivity via agro-ecologicalintensification and sensitizing farmers in adoption of sustainable agricultureprinciples.

After the termination of war confrontations, on the basis of the UN Security Council Decision, a protectorate had been established in Kosovo and Metohia, including the engagement of international security and civil forces. The order of interim administration ended in 2008, when the self-proclaimed Kosovo assembly adopted the decision on declaration of independence from the Republic of Serbia, and the process of administrative mandate transfer started from international to local institutions. In the paper, first of all, general performances of social and political life were delineated, and then the complex architecture of security forces active there during previous eleven years was presented. Also, all the most important problems Kosovo and Metohia faces are enumerated. The post-war Kosovo and Metohia may be characterized as a society in disorganization. The old system of institutions was destroyed, and a new one has not been established. The number of Serbs is decreasing, and local Albanians have not maturated for a self-administration of the newly established state. The further maintenance of this circumstances or even its deterioration might move towards social riots, caused by the bad living conditions, large unemployment, impoverishment of significant social groups or the escalation of attacks at remaining non-Albanian population, which could induce serious security threats in the region.

The paper points to the relations between multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) with global characteristics and contemporary security problems. Starting from the existing architecture of MEAs, the importance of several key global security challenges (climate change, water resource management, biodiversity protection, waste management and hazardous chemicals) has been ephasised. Status of the members of the UN Security Council, Republic of Serbia (RS) and RS' neighboroughing countries (EU members) in MEAs is overviewed. The basis of the analysis is 15 MEAs open for universal membership, whose depository is the UN Secretary General. It is noted that there is no uniform membership of the states UN Security Council' members in the MEAs. Some of the UN Security Council's members are not contracting party in several MEAs. At the same time, EU member states (those who are permanent members of the UN Security Council, as well as RS neighboring EU countries) are members of majority of the MEAs. RS, in terms of the number of MEAs where is a contracting party, lags behind the neighboring states EU members.

Post-cold war concept of security is based on realistic postulates and emphasises a concept of state, forces,power and national interests. Military and political concept of security was dominant while the relations between the superpowers was based on the so called bipolar balance of power. Identity of states was realised by membership in military, political and economic organisations. The strategy of returning to the era of nuclear weapons reaches its full flowering. The crucial point of security after the end of Cold war consists of searching for giving answers to the threats coming from the outside and abilities of states to maintain their independent integrity against changed relations among the powers, which potentially may become enemies. Under such circumstances powers should not be ignored in any interpretation of any aspect of security, for realistic theories of international relations are still of great influence in the field of security. They will be modified in different conditions and will act in the sense of enlarged concept of security - instead of dominant concepts of political and military security typical for the Cold War era, economic, social and environmental factors will appear. Basic weakness of the realistic theories of security is in the lack of recognising the importance of cooperation between main factors in international community. This failure will be replaced neo realistic and liberal and institutional theories of security which emphasises the concept of cooperation in the first place. Concepts of power, forces and integral processes will be observed within the context of changes in the international relations.

The paper analyses the development of the Bratislava–Schwechat Pipeline, which is supposed to connect the Slovak and Austrian oil pipeline networks. The research question asks why the project is being developed without taking into account arguments concerning environmental security even though rather significant environmental opposition to the pipeline has arisen. While the proponents of the project stress mainly its importance for the fostering of Slovak energy security, its opponents claim that the pipeline will endanger the current level of environmental security, since it presents a risk to Slovak fresh water reservoirs. In line with the theoretical approach, the paper argues that the conflict between these two types of security is positively skewed towards energy security, because its proponents are able to support their argumentation with concrete evidence. Moreover, advantages from improvements in energy security are visible in the short-term. On the other hand, the possible future negative environmental impacts of the pipeline are not so easy to assess (or quantify) and are of a long-term nature. The analysis also shows that due to the lack of activity of the Slovak Ministry of the Environment, a non-governmental organization Nie ropovodu (No to the pipeline) has become the main proponent of environmental security through the preparation phase of the project. ; The paper analyses the development of the Bratislava–Schwechat Pipeline, which is supposed to connect the Slovak and Austrian oil pipeline networks. The research question asks why the project is being developed without taking into account arguments concerning environmental security even though rather significant environmental opposition to the pipeline has arisen. While the proponents of the project stress mainly its importance for the fostering of Slovak energy security, its opponents claim that the pipeline will endanger the current level of environmental security, since it presents a risk to Slovak fresh water reservoirs. In line with the ...

The new security paradigm of the modern world, created in 1990s, led to a security organization of a number of countries of the former Soviet bloc. Also evolving, at varying pace, was the contractual relationship of collective security, which, due to the escalation of activities of extremist groups on the territory of Central Asia, the deterioration of Russia-NATO relations, as well as the emergence of the US military bases in the region, resulted in a decision to form the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in 2002. The basic declared purpose of the organization is a desire of the signatory countries to increase the effectiveness of their cooperation in the field of security. Established as a typical military alliance with characteristics of multifunctional organization for securing peace, CSTO aspires to the role of a regional leading organization in the field of security cooperation, with many open questions concerning its functioning and future development. Whether the new security organization raises the level of collective security of its associate member countries, and whether the said organization contributes to the security of the region and the world, only time ahead will tell.

In this article its author wanted to treat the history and presence of the system constitutional institutions competent for the area of conception, execution and control of security and defence policy of the Czech Republic and also addresses in short the function and content of the main security documents of the country. The author tried to sketch the institutional and documentary framework of the Czech security policy and to explain roles, relations and obligations of the highest-level constitutional bodies in the process of creation and carrying out of this policy (especially positions of the President, the Parliament, the Government and its so called power ministries and other important institutions). This text does not take a lot all this theme in detail, but it is more aimed at basic information and its target is to expound these problems to those interested, especially to foreign students. ; In this article its author wanted to treat the history and presence of the system constitutional institutions competent for the area of conception, execution and control of security and defence policy of the Czech Republic and also addresses in short the function and content of the main security documents of the country. The author tried to sketch the institutional and documentary framework of the Czech security policy and to explain roles, relations and obligations of the highest-level constitutional bodies in the process of creation and carrying out of this policy (especially positions of the President, the Parliament, the Government and its so called power ministries and other important institutions). This text does not take a lot all this theme in detail, but it is more aimed at basic information and its target is to expound these problems to those interested, especially to foreign students.

In this paper the author points out to the importance of main organizations for establishing of international peace and security. They are the following: League of Nations, United Nations, Organizations of European Security and Co-operation, Conference of European Security and Co-operation, European Council, West European Union and NATO. Until the end of the Cold war, the universal organizations have played primordial role, but after the mentioned period the regional ones took the lead. The reason lies in the shift in balance of power - from bipolar to unipolar. The League of Nations and CESC can be observed from the historic perspective. NATO and UN played a crucial role during the internationalization of Kosovo issue and the act of intervention itself. NATO demonstrated its power and proved in the absence of real balance of power, la force l'emporte sur le droit. On the other hand, UN had passed several resolutions that condemned violence in Kosovo and Metohia (1160, 1199 and 1203 - all passed in 1998). During 1999 Security Council had passed a famous Resolution 1244, by which it was decided a civic and military mission should be established in Kosovo and Metohia - UNMIK and KFOR KFOR dealt with security issues in order to ensure the respect of it to all nationalities in Kosovo and Metohia. UNMIK set a very ambitious task lying ahead trying to establish standards before the future status. Realizing that it would be impossible to reach the standards, UNMIK started with the policy of status determination without standards establishing. The outcome of such policy is Ahtissari's Plan for supervised Independence of Kosovo, and finally the Declaration of Self-proclaimed Independence of Kosovo. We are also witnessing the transfer of horizontal and vertical effective state authorizations to the mentioned international organizations, bearing in mind problems it encounters. NATO deals with security issues, but European Union being unable to deal with such tasks (ESDP policy is to be as attempt), is more concentrated on economic issues.

International police and other cooperation is a necessity of the modern world and imperative for the survival of human civilization. The goal of cooperation is that states and the international community unite in opposing crime as the greatest peacetime evil in the world. This is particularly in relation to organized crime, terrorism, and corruption and other most serious forms of crime in contemporary society. Cooperation takes place at the bilateral, regional and multilateral levels. Bilateral cooperation mainly has a trans-border character of neighboring countries, while the regional cooperation between states within certain areas such as the SEE region (Western Balkan) or Europe (e.g. Europol). Multilateral cooperation is mainly on a broader level, e.g. in the field of combating terrorism or through universal organizations (e.g. Interpol). International police cooperation in Europe has a long tradition. One part takes place today in this area through the OSCE, with the caveat that this is a global organization that deals with security issues. The Council of Europe is the next organization through which co-operation began in the past and is partly carried out to this day, given that it brings all European countries together (except Belarus). Cooperation is more intensive still throughout the European Union, its forerunners, the current forms of the organization and present mechanisms (EAW- European surrender and arrest warrant).53 The cooperation in the EU, that takes place through Europol as a specialized agency of the Union is especially current, but with minimal operational competencies. In the SEE region, a significant cooperation between countries of the former Yugoslavia and countries in its neighborhood has been achieved. This cooperation is not only based on bilateral and multilateral acts, but primarily regional documents of which the most important are the International Convention on Police Cooperation in SEE and SELEC Convention. According to these and other acts, all the countries in the region have taken part in regional cooperation, since the fight against crime is the common interest of all. This applies in particular to organized crime, terrorism, corruption and other most serious forms of crime. Extremely important shapes, forms and mechanisms of international police cooperation are: exchange of information, joint investigation teams, joint operational actions, liaison officers, contact points, regional centers for police and customs cooperation, joint police stations and others. To recap, international police cooperation in the world today is an expression of anti-criminal solidarity between states and its prospects are clear, because the danger of crime is global and requires a harmonized response at the international level.

In the last twenty years the world has undergone serious changes, unfortunately not in positive direction. The collapse of the bipolar system and the establishment of one bloc hegemony - NATO headed by the USA, has not only failed to establish more stable and secure international relations, but, on the contrary, it has corresponded with the greatest insecurity and uncertainty of the mankind ever since World War II till the present day. After the 'counter-balance' disappeared, there has been open political, economic, even direct military, interference by the Alliance states in the sovereignty of many countries. Consequently, the world's conflicting potential has largely increased. Apart from the threats present from earlier, the contemporary world is faced with a series of new, formerly unknown or marginal, ones. The most notable among them are: uncontrolled escalation of armed conflicts; international terrorism; proliferation of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction; expansion of drugs trafficking; illegal cross-border migrations; human trafficking and trafficking in human organs; piracy; criminalization of different areas of living; etc. The economic and financial crises have additionally warned the world of the limitedness of natural resources and, in the most serious form, posed the issue of the fight for preservation, or conquest of areas rich in raw minerals. Apart from the current courses of action in the fight for control over the natural resources, both new methods of action and new areas of contest are emerging (Arctic, Antarctic .; above and under the Earth's surface; on the sea, and under the sea bottom), over which the interests of great powers will be increasingly conflicting. Michael Klare, the author of well-known books 'Blood and Oil' and 'Resource Wars', convincingly evokes a growing hunger for resources by the picturesque title of his latest book 'Race for What's Left: Global Scramble for the World's Last Resources'. For success in this new competition in strength and skills, new strategic concepts are required. Some have already been created and preliminarily tested; others are being prepared for implementation and corrected 'on the go' based on the performance of already proved solutions; still others are being hurriedly shaped. Understandably, along with this, what actual and potential rivals do related to this, or what their activities suggest, is watched closely.

Crime and violence pose a serious challenge to Mexico. The problem appears to be growing worse, with 2011 on pace to become the most violent year on record. The rising violence in Mexico has resulted in a sharply heightened sense of fear among citizens, who now feel the presence of cartels in their every day lives. The use of extortion and kidnapping by cartels combined with a lack of trust in security forces terrorizes the population and makes them feel like they have no where to turn. Despite this fact, crime rates in Mexico remain lower than in other parts of Latin America. Venezuela, for example, has among the highest homicide rates in the world. Yet the pervasive infiltration of cartels into public life gives Mexicans a heightened sense of the severity of violent crime in their own country. Although accurate statistics are hard to come by, it is quite possible that 60,000 people have died in the last six-plus years as a result of armed conflict between the Mexican cartels and the Mexican government, amongst cartels fighting each other, and as a result of cartels targeting citizens. Mexico has been struggling with drug production and drug transit through its territory from South America to the U.S. for many decades, given the fact that it is the most important transit country for drug production originating from South America. In recent years, the escalating violence in Mexico has led to dramatic deterioration of the security situation. Recent wave of drug-war violence is associated with the beginning of the term of President Felipe Calderón in December 2006. The immediate implications of his assumption of the presidency and his hard-line policy, which he has applied against drug cartels and organized criminal groups across the country, were the deployment of Mexican army to fight cartels and the gradual weakening of the influence of local and state police at the expense of federal troops. This was done in order to combat corruption and collaboration of local law-enforcement institutions with drug trafficking organizations (DTOs). The consequence of such a policy, however, has been increased violence among rival cartels and between them and the federal police and military, resulting in a dramatic increase of the number of victims. The future of US-Mexican counter drug cooperation, as well as of the whole bilateral relation in the area of security, depends on the outcome of US presidential elections. As for Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto takes the office on December 1, 2012 that will mark a comeback of his party PRI after 12 years in opposition. As far as the security strategy of the future Mexican President is concerned, there are no significant changes to be expected. Peña Nieto seems to be aware of the current situation and its consequences as well as of the inevitability of an extremely close and dynamic mutual cooperation with the US.

Napriek neustálemu hľadaniu alternatívnych zdrojov energie pre život vyspelej spoločnosti, patrí stále prvé miesto v jej získavaní rope. Popri jej ťažbe je nesmierne dôležitý efektívny spôsob jej prepravy, nakoľko sa nachádza len na určitom území a do ostatných krajín sa musí dopravovať. Práve z tohto dôvodu sa každá krajina snaží o vlastnú ropnú bezpečnosť budovaním núdzových zásob a systému riadenia ropnej bezpečnosti štátu. Vzhľadom na napätú ekonomickú i politickú situáciu sa efektivita prepravy ropy a budovanie systému riadenia núdzových zásob ropy a ropných produktov, stáva dôležitým prvom bezpečnosti systému každej krajiny. ; Despite the continuous search for alternative sources of energy for the life of the mature society, include still first place in its acquisition of the oil. In addition to its mining is an extremely important effective way for its transportation, since it is loca-ted only in a certain territory and into other countries must be transported. For this reason, each country aims on its own oil security, building emergency stocks and the management system of a safety of the state. Due to the tense economic and political situation, the efficiency of transport of crude oil and building a management system for emergency stocks of crude oil and petroleum products, becomes an important first safety system of each country.

In this paper the authors examine the dynamics of security relations of the three key security actors in the Euro-Atlantic area - NATO, Russia, and the European Union. Based on their findings, and using a comparative analysis of the actors' doctrinal and strategic documents, as well as their observations of contemporary challenges, risks and threats, the authors discuss if, and to what extent, their productive security cooperation is possible, or their positions are opposed in such a way that in short and medium terms only disputes or less or more open conflicts are likely to be expected between them. This leads to a conclusion that a majority of recognized security challenges, risks and threats are shared, as well as that these actors see each other not only as competitors but also as partners in the struggle against those challenges, risks and threats, which opens possibilities of security cooperation.

The term politics, from its origin until nowadays, has been closely related to coercion and effects of coercion. The first rulers were finding support in a belief in the divine nature of power, but since, in time, this belief faded, the solution was found in physical superiority of rulers. The development of politics as an activity by which a community can be governed instrumentally, conditioned its closer linkage to force. Politics was sometimes identified with force, and sometimes politics was using force as an instrument for taming the bullying by others. Undoubtedly, the man is a rational and instinctive being. Monopolization of bullying within political activity made it possible to place the force, depending on the circumstances, into the service of one or the other attribute of human nature. Integration processes in political, economic, military and other areas, significantly contributed to changing the role of a national state in its formerly inviolable spheres, even in those elements that are considered classic attributes of the state as an institution (sovereignty, independence, monetary policy, defense, state power legitimacy, etc). Does this power, which is 'taken away' from the national state, go away, through integrative processes with other international subjects, to some distant power and alienated centers, or does it, on the contrary, enter the corpus of political activity that strengthens its overall position? Without immersing into more profound analysis about what is closer to the truth, it is a fact that through integrative processes a number of 'state' activities is transferred to joint institutions. In the spirit of this paper, the most important institutions are those which decide about organization, preparing, functioning, and using of the state (interstate) power. Strategic solutions concerning these matters, are a part of domestic and intergovernmental policy. They are products of a great number of internal and external factors, starting from economic and institutional, to social and cultural-traditional, and to international.

Measuring the quality of political regimes is a field that occupies a traditional place in statistical studies that have the subject of studying the characteristics of the political system as an important segment of the explanation of the behavior of states in international relations. In a desire for a comprehensive and complete spatial and temporal interaction, researchers seek to classify data categories through an extremely complex set that represents the starting point for further research. The aim of this article is a comparative overview of the most used quantitative instruments of the level of the political regime. In addition, the author points to the advantages or limitations of certain databases. The subject of the comparative presentation are the following databases: Polity IV, Lexical Index of Electoral Democracy-LIED, Authoritarian Regime Dataset, Varieties of Democracy, and other data sets relevant to statistical testing. In addition, the author presents the problems that researchers in security studies meet in "measuring" the level of the political regime, that is, quantifying the relationship between democracy and autocracy. The method of descriptive statistics will be used in order to present the most important statistical cross-sections of the instruments used in modern research.