In distance education, the student's high educational autonomy and active participation in the learning process are key features of the educational process that contribute to the concept of self-regulated learning in this environment, as they make the learner responsible for acquiring the knowledge through fact-finding and reflective learning practices. In this context, the work looks at the contribution of the Written Works and Group Consultative Meetings in supporting self-regulated learning strategies in the education environment of the Hellenic Open University. In particular, the purpose of the work is to explore how the Written Works and Group Consultative Meetings activate the mechanism for the expression of self-regulated learning for apprentices in the context of the educational autonomy that the OR offers through its curricula. The investigation is based on the literature review of distance education and self-regulated learning. The conclusions of the survey show that written work and group consultative meetings in the OR are areas for teaching, communication, collaborative management and evaluation negotiations and therefore important pedagogical tools to support self-regulated learning and, in particular, self-assessment strategies, self-monitoring, search for information, search for assistance and time management, which demonstrates the need for effective planning and organisation in providing them. ; Στην εξ αποστάσεως εκπαίδευση η υψηλή μορφωτική αυτονομία και η ενεργητική συμμετοχή του μαθητευόμενου στην διαδικασία μάθησης αποτελούν κυρίαρχα χαρακτηριστικά της εκπαιδευτικής διεργασίας που συντείνουν στην έννοια της αυτο-ρυθμιζόμενης μάθησης στο περιβάλλον αυτό, δεδομένου ότι καθιστούν υπεύθυνο τον μαθητευόμενο για την κατάκτηση της γνώσης μέσα από πρακτικές διερευνητικής και ανακαλυπτικής μάθησης. Στο πλαίσιο αυτό, η εργασία μελετά τη συμβολή των Γραπτών Εργασιών και των Ομαδικών Συμβουλευτικών Συναντήσεων στην υποστήριξη στρατηγικών αυτο-ρυθμιζόμενης μάθησης στο περιβάλλον εκπαίδευσης του ...
Examining identity in relation to globalization and migration, this book uses narratives and memoirs from contemporary authors who have lived 'in-between' two or more languages. It explores the human desire to find one's 'own place' in new cultural contexts, and looks at the role of language in shaping a sense of belonging in society.
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Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problemsThe idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes». ; Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problemsThe idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes».
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Spyridon Ploumidis, The notion of 'death' in the Greek Revolution (1821-1832): Ideological perceptions and political practice The evolution of Greek nationalist ideas signified the passage from patria to the nation. The eruption of the revolution influenced the way the Greeks perceived the notion of 'death'. Since, the struggle for independence was massive, death also became collective. The Greek revolutionaries claimed that the Sultan was intent on slaughtering the entirety of the Greek nation. This was not true, yet the death toll of the Greek Revolution exceeded the traditional limits of earlier Christian rebellions, and the number of dead is estimated between 230,000 and 600,000. Massacres occurred beyond the limits of the Peloponnese (in Constantinople, Smyrna, Chios at el.), and every Greek-speaking Orthodox individual became a potential victim of the revengeful Ottomans. The Ottoman atrocities drew the imaginary geographical boundaries of the Greek 'national' space. Nevertheless, Greeks were not the only victims of the War of Independence. By 1833, around 63.000 Muslims ('Turks') were either killed or expelled from the territory of the Greek state. Vengeance and hatred against the 'Turks' was a tenet of the Greek revolutionary agenda. In addition to its new collective nature, the notion of 'death' acquired during the Greek Revolution a new, political meaning. Koraes and Rigas had already prepared the ground for the grounding of their fellow-Greeks in this new perception. 'Death' came to describe 'slavery', 'tyranny', 'oligarchy' and submission to the 'Turks'. Natural death came to be seen as preferable to a meaningless life without Koraes' 'natural rights' (equality, rule of law, etc.). To this end, the Third National Assembly of the Greeks pronounced in 1827 the notion of 'political death'. The term 'death' in the revolutionary motto 'Freedom or Death' (Ελευθερία ή Θάνατος), which drew on the French maxim La Liberté ou la Mort, had by and large this political significance. The determination of the Greek revolutionaries to achieve freedoms and rights at the cost of their life is found in several official declarations and statements. General Spyromilios clarified that (life or) 'death' was hence forward a matter of 'national existence' and not of 'personal existence', i.e. it was primarily a collective and political issue. This ideological development was an outcome of secularization. Secular freedom was deemed to be hierarchically a superior value to the religious tolerance, which the Orthodox enjoyed within the Ottoman millet system. For that matter, the attainment of independence in 1830 was hailed by the protagonists as the 'resurrection' of the Greek nation.
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Photini Danou, The words of the voiceless Did ordinary men and women in pre-modern England have an opinion about politics? What was "politics" for the common people at a time when they had not any say in choosing who would rule them? Was popular engagement in state politics only to secure subsistence? Were "knife and fork" politics of the masses so separate from issues of "high politics" of the State? Was pre-modern commoners' mentality, "pre-political" as well? This paper discusses early modern popular political awareness. I argue that commoners in Tudor England pursued their own political agenda, by exploiting the sovereign's self-image as the "protector of the poor". However, as I set out to show, in pursuing their political agenda commoners also raised issues on the content of Englishness, common good, patriotism, legitimate governance and the right of resistance. The political identity of the lower strata was not an entity fixed in its essence. On the contrary, plebeian political identity was rather shifting, changeable, and always constituting its content in particular historical contexts. The commoners' commitment to the ideal of the"nation", their loyalty to the government, their allegiance to their Queen, their obedience to her laws, or their active participation in the enforcement of state policies were not unconditional. The ways they practiced their political identity was interrelated to their superiors' behavior and draw its legitimacy from the public transcript of the English Common wealth. Common prosperity, reciprocity, solidarity and, in general, protection of the poorer and weaker members of English society were ideals that constituted the meaning of "common wealth" in the plebeian mind. Those ideals were prerequisites for their giving of devotion and loyalty to the state. Thus, the commoners' political mentality and behavior ranged from national loyalty to indifference or even animosity to state officials; from cooperation and acquiescence to covered or overt forms of opposition and active resistance.
The dissemination of learning objects via the Internet in a smart way that meets the essential needs of learners could significantly improve the services offered by an e-learning system. A prerequisite for this is the adoption of an efficient framework for organising, describing and managing the available training materials. The various knowledge-organising systems that have been developed from time to time contribute to this objective, but are not the best solutions for each case. Therefore, through this work we are trying to distinguish the differences between the main knowledge representation structures and to identify the one best suited to modelling a field of knowledge in a machine-readable way. In this first attempt, we put in practice the knowledge organisation system which we believed to be predominant over others, in order to see its dynamics. Our ultimate goal is to make use of this technique in all aspects of a distance learning programme. ; Η διάχυση των μαθησιακών αντικειμένων μέσω του Διαδικτύου με τρόπο ευφυή, που να ανταποκρίνεται στις ουσιαστικές ανάγκες των εκπαιδευόμενων, θα μπορούσε να βελτιώσει σημαντικά τις προσφερόμενες υπηρεσίες ενός συστήματος ηλεκτρονικής μάθησης. Απαραίτητη προϋπόθεση για κάτι τέτοιο είναι η υιοθέτηση ενός αποδοτικού πλαισίου οργάνωσης, περιγραφής και διαχείρισης του διαθέσιμου εκπαιδευτικού υλικού. Τα διάφορα συστήματα οργάνωσης γνώσης που έχουν αναπτυχθεί κατά καιρούς αφενός συμβάλλουν στην επίτευξη αυτού του στόχου, ωστόσο δεν αποτελούν τις ιδανικότερες λύσεις για κάθε περίπτωση. Συνεπώς, μέσα από αυτήν την εργασία επιχειρούμε να διακρίνουμε τις διαφορές ανάμεσα στις κυριότερες δομές αναπαράστασης γνώσης και να εντοπίσουμε αυτή που ανταποκρίνεται ικανοποιητικότερα στην μοντελοποίηση ενός γνωστικού πεδίου με τρόπο μηχανικά αναγνώσιμο. Σε αυτή την πρώτη προσπάθεια, εφαρμόζουμε στην πράξη το σύστημα οργάνωσης γνώσης που κρίναμε ότι υπερτερεί έναντι των υπολοίπων, ώστε να διαπιστώσουμε τη δυναμική του. Απώτερο στόχο μας αποτελεί η αξιοποίηση αυτής της τεχνικής σε όλες ...