Suchergebnisse

The discussion of the role of self-government in Poland's political structure has been closely linked to the Polish people's aspirations and desire for freedom, democracy and a state in which sovereignty is indeed in the hands of its people. These aspirations, so strongly expressed during the general election of June 1989, have since the very beginning included demands for self-government. What it meant for the state and its political system, was the implementation of the idea embodied in the name Solidarity which, as a trade union, was also to be independent and self-governing. It was also the realisation of the demand for a 'Samorządna Rzeczpospolita' (a Self-governing Republic), one of the fundamental principles of the Solidarity movement put forward at its First National Congress, which I had the honour of chairing in 1981.In March 1990, only a few months after its election on 4 June 1989, the Polish parliament adopted a law that restored the institution of local self-government at the level of communes and municipalities (gmina). Thus, 25 years ago, the road to political transformation in Poland was opened, allowing the building of a Polish state understood as the political community of all its citizens – a real Res Publica.The predominating belief which accompanied us in this process was that the indispensable prerequisite to shaping democracy was to give back the state to its citizens, thus releasing dormant social energy and the entrepreneurial spirit of the people. After all democracy means not only the possibility of the democratically electing the political representatives (the authorities) but equally the chance for citizens to feel involved and take the responsibility for public affairs.Therefore the first democratic government, headed by Tadeusz Mazowiecki, began the process of restoring the state to its citizens from the most important starting point. It started with the rebuilding of communal and municipal self-governing structures and the recreating of the intellectual foundations for the formation of the new constitution of a citizens-centred state.This was possible mainly because a vision of reform had already been conceived and had been long developing in the minds of a number of distinguished persons. This project of self-government reform constituted an original example of engagement of Polish intellectuals in state affairs and their taking responsibility for the common good.The reform also turned out to be one of the most effective methods of de-communisation of Polish public life. This could be best seen in the results of the first election to self-governing structures in 1990, and the role which the Solidarity citizens' committees played in it. It was indeed the same people, the co-founders and members of the Solidarity movement, who have successfully carried out the restoration of self-government in Poland.'We marched for power to return it to the people' was the motto of the Polish government in 1997, a government which I had the honour of heading for the subsequent four years, and which articulated the goals and the sense of political and social transformation of those times. We called it a Four Reform Programme, and its objective was a fundamental transformation of public life in Poland. On the one hand we intended to create favourable conditions for the development of the public civic space, while on the other we strove to activate and make more dynamic the processes of economic, political and cultural development in the country.We believed that acceleration of this development and modernisation was contingent upon active participation of self-government structures. Hence the creation of strong self-government had gradually become our conscious choice and an urgent 'civilising task.' This task was grounded equally in the need to manage properly our recently regained independence, and in the need to make efficient use of the pre-accession period preceding Poland's membership of the European Union, which was then imminent.Thus the administrative reform undertaken by my government in 1999 introduced districts (powiat) as self-governing level of administration, allowing it, in conjunction with communes and municipalities (gmina), to take effective control of matters directly affecting local communities and their citizens. The self-governing structures formed at the level of strong voivodships, or regions, allowed at the same time to decentralise responsibility for regional economic development, competitiveness and modernisation strategies.Today, after over 10 years of EU membership, it is worth reflecting on the impact the political reforms which we carried through then have had on Poland's functioning in the system of European integration. We were proven right in our conviction that decentralisation and differentiation of various state functions would allow for a better and more effective use and management of EU funds.The three-tier self-government structure created solid foundations helping to satisfy better the aspirations of citizens, local communities and regions with regard to their modernisation and development. Today it is those local self-governing units, those closest to citizens, those most familiar with and with the best understanding of their needs, which are responsible for the drafting of regional development projects and the management of funds available for those projects. Self-government structures have become the real centres for formulating and implementing development strategies.This is the context in which the key challenge facing self-government is set, namely the fostering of entrepreneurship, ensuring proper conditions for innovation and mobilising citizens to engage in economic and social initiatives. The role of self-government in shaping of the state's development policy is not limited to dividing available means and resources. Much more important is its ability to effectively multiply the available means, to support partnership ventures, including public-private projects, to form strong business to business relationships as well as partner relations between research centres and local administrative bodies, or promote and support innovations and civic initiatives serving the common good. After all, all these are key factors for the long-term stability and development of our communities and our country, which is today the key measure of the responsibility for public matters, so deeply rooted in the idea of self-government.The self-government reform originated from the ideas developed in the 1980s of the twentieth century as part of the Solidarity movement, but was implemented in an already independent Poland, when laying the foundations for a transformation of the state and the democratisation of the citizen-state relationship. It also had, however, and maybe predominantly, a deep idealistic dimension, so easy to forget when we focus on the current and most urgent challenges of the present.In my opinion, it is in self-governance, as well as in the political and administrative culture, that opportunities for building our freedom lie: freedom, the sense of which we feel best if given a chance to share in the responsibility for it. In times of independence this means the possibility of personal engagement public issues based on the pro publico bono principle: issues pertaining to our family life, our local community, or the whole country.Today, in the context of our shared responsibility for the European Union, such an understanding of self-governance should also inspire us to seek new directions of development, and to participate in the shaping of Europe-wide standards of public life. In the same way as 25 years ago in Poland we founded a political community on the basis of self-governance, we should today look at self-governance as a chance to create a true political community of all European citizens.

The Joint Committee of Government and Local Self-Government has been operating for over 25 years. It is an institution that was conceived as having an advisory capacity, as a unique instrument of dialogue between the government authority and local self-government. However, experience over the last four years has shown that the central authority has marginalized the role of the Joint Committee, ignoring it completely in the legislative process – the vast majority of changes in the powers of the self-government authorities were introduced through member bills, which do not require an opinion from the Joint Committee. In this article, the authors propose extensive reforms to empower local self-government through the empowerment of the Joint Committee. Its fundamental recommendations are to furnish the Joint Committee with the right of legislative initiative, the right to file a motion with the Constitutional Tribunal, and the introduction of a group legislative initiative to the governing authorities of local self-government units. ; Komisja Wspólna Rządu i Samorządu Terytorialnego funkcjonuje już od ponad 25 lat. Jest to instytucja, która z założenia miała mieć charakter opiniodawczo-doradczy, stanowiąc swoisty instrument dialogu między władzą rządową a samorządem terytorialnym. Praktyka ostatnich czterech lat pokazuje jednak, że władza centralna zmarginalizowała rolę Komisji Wspólnej, pomijając ją zupełnie w procesie legislacyjnym – zdecydowana większość zmian dotyczących kompetencji władz samorządowych była wprowadzano poprzez projekty poselskie, które nie wymagają opinii Komisji Wspólnej. W prezentowanym artykule autorzy proponują szeroko zakrojoną reformę mającą na celu upodmiotowienie samorządu terytorialnego poprzez upodmiotowienie Komisji Wspólnej. Podstawowymi jej postulatami są: wyposażenie Komisji Wspólnej w prawo inicjatywy ustawodawczej, prawo do występowania z wnioskiem do Trybunału Konstytucyjnego oraz wprowadzenie grupowej inicjatywy ustawodawczej dla organów stanowiących jednostek samorządu terytorialnego.

Financial determinants related to the budgetary situation of territorial self-government units play the most important role among all the factors affecting the undertaking and conducting of investments by territorial units. Finances are a key element in functioning of territorial self-government units as well as the primary determinant of viability and success of any investment. The objective of this article is to present financial determinants associated with the budgetary situation of territorial self-government units in Poland and their effects on investment execution by these entities. Consequently, investment expenditure, own income, and budgetary result with particular attention to operating surplus have been characterized.

25 lat działalności samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce to okres w historii Polski szczególny – czas dynamicznych zmian politycznych, społecznych i gospodarczych, których samorządy w znaczącym stopniu były kreatorami. I trzeba przyznać, że to właśnie te pierwsze, najtrudniejsze przecież lata nie miały sobie równych, bo tak ogromnego entuzjazmu i zaangażowania społecznego nie udało się osiągnąć już nigdy później. Miałem szczęście uczestniczyć w budowaniu samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce niemal od początku, na wszystkich jego szczeblach.Na obejmujących swe funkcje samorządowcach spoczęła ogromna odpowiedzialność, bo kredyt zaufania, jakim ich obdarzono, związany był z ogromnymi oczekiwaniami społecznymi: 25 lat temu nie chodziło przecież tylko o możliwość przeprowadzenia wyborów samorządowych, ale o fundamentalne zmiany we wszystkich dziedzinach życia. Decentralizacja i demokratyzacja polskiego państwa nie byłyby możliwe bez samorządów. To one włączały w przemiany całe społeczeństwo, uczyły odpowiedzialności i transparentności działania.Budowa samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce była też ogromną operacją logistyczną, na niespotykana dotąd skalę ‒ 25 lat temu ponad 100 tysięcy osób z urzędników państwowych zmieniło się w samorządowych, zdobywając nowe umiejętności i kompetencje, m.in. korzystając z wcześniejszych doświadczeń innych krajów. W wyniku komunalizacji mienia gminy przejęły wtedy kilka milionów nieruchomości i ponad 1500 przedsiębiorstw.Doświadczenia legislacyjne i organizacyjne pierwszego etapu reformy pozwoliły już jednak w 1991 r. rozpocząć prace nad jej drugim etapem – tworzeniem samorządów powiatowych i wojewódzkich, co nastąpiło po ośmiu latach. Samorząd regionalny powstawał już w momencie, gdy Polska przygotowywała się na przyjęcie unijnych środków przedakcesyjnych, w których podziale samorządy regionalne miały odgrywać znaczącą rolę. To na samorządach regionalnych spoczęła odpowiedzialność za tworzenie warunków do rozwoju województwa i wzrostu jego konkurencyjności.A przed nami kolejne ogromne wyzwanie – optymalne wykorzystanie środków unijnych z okresu budżetowego 2014-2020. Nie mam żadnych wątpliwości, że zrobimy to dobrze. ; The 25 years of activity of self-government in Poland occupy a special place in Polish history. It has been a period of dynamic political, social and economic changes and self-government units have been to a large extent creators of that change. Undoubtedly, the first years, which were also the most difficult ones, played a crucial role, and never again has it been possible to achieve the same level of enthusiasm and social involvement in the process. I was lucky to participate in the building of self-governing structures in Poland from the very beginning and at all levels.There was huge responsibility placed on the shoulders of those who were appointed to the function of a local self-government officer. The credit of trust given to them was charged with enormous social expectations. The stake 25 years ago was not only the possibility of free elections; it was the fundamental changes in all aspect of life. Decentralisation and democtratisation of the Polish state would not have been possible without active engagement of self-government, which involved the entire society in the process of change, they taught responsibility and transparency.The building of self-government in Poland was a huge logistic project, on a scale not previously encountered. Over 100 thousand state clerks transformed into independent officials, learning new skills and competences, also drawing on experiences of other countries. In result of the processof passing state property to local governments, communes and municipalities (gmina) received several millions of plots of land and over acquired over 1,500 enterprises. The experiences gained in the legislative and organisational work of the first stage of the self-governance reform, enabled Poland to enter the second stage of the reform in 1989 and to commence work of the building of district (powiat) and regional (voivodship) self-government structures. That process was completed 8 years later. Self-governance at the regional level was being developed when Poland was about to receive pre-accession funds from the European Union, a lucky moment since it was self-government that was to play a vital role in their distribution. Regional self-government is also responsible for facilitating suitable and supporting conditions for regional development and competitiveness of regions.Today, we are facing another challenge which is an optimal use of the EU funds allocated to Poland from the 2014-2020 budget. I have no doubts that we shall do it well.

The author takes into consideration self-government problems of state enterprises and local administration, that arise from realization of the economy reform in conditions of deep economic and political crisis. The author assumes that independence of state enterprises is the basic premise for overcoming the economic crises in a several years' period of economy stabilizing. In that period internal equilibrium would be redressed. The author points out, however, that enterprise independence does not seem to be possible as long as inflation is increasing. In such conditions it is not possible to ensure rational functioning for enterprises. After reduction of inflation gap, in a range indispensable, for ensurance effective activities for enterprises, it will be possible to proceed to the reform aiming at- decentralization of economic system as well as redressing the equilibrium. Introduction of self-government into enterprises ought to conduce to easier population approval of sacrifices connected with antiinflation policy. The role of that self-government in directing enterprises might be definitely stated aliter realization of the reform, in a longer period of stabilizing the economy. The author considers local self-government in another aspect, explaining first of all, why people's councils which have been functioning since 1950 do not meet requirements of self-government local administration. The author pays attention to the fact that the lack of real local self-government results from unsatisfactory democratization of people's councils. That influences unfavourably not only the satisfaction of local needs but also the enterprises economy, leads to increase of political pressure on workers' self-government and is aversed to the effectiveness increase in their economic activity. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

In 2015 we celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the first free local elections to self-governing bodies. Those elections activated local citizens initiatives and greatly contributed to the transformation in our social awareness, leading to real change in Poland's political regime. The underlying rationale of free local elections, however, was the package of laws adopted on 8 March 1990 which created real self-government, enabled the elections to commune and municipality councils of 27 May 1990 and introduced a new dynamic to the process of the decentralisation of the state.Changes are always the result of dreams and our ability to realise them. It is possible to make them if there exist organisational structures and institutions which allow such changes to be made. The need for political transformation had long been felt and deliberated on by those involved in spatial development or and for whom the state monopoly status quo was unacceptable. To quote the late and much missed Professor Jerzy Regulski, the implementation of self-governance was departure from the monopoly of central government, which in turn meant an actual change in the political regime. The reform of 1990 broke up five monopolies of an authoritarian state which had existed in Poland since the end of the World War II: the political monopoly of one party, of centralised power, of uniform state ownership, of public finances and the state budget, and of the uniform public administration of the state.However, it must always be remembered that the possibility of realising dreams of a change in the nature of the state was shaped in the first triumphant stage of the Solidarity period in 1989, and later became a stable basis for the future in the resolution of the First National Congress of Solidarity Delegates and in the 'Samorządna Rzeczpospolita' (A Self-governing Republic) document. The success of the real change of 1990 was rooted in the long term determination and persistence of those whose personal experiences were involved in the quest for rationality in land management. Both Professor Jerzy Regulski and Professor Michał Kulesza drew their inspiration to change the political regime from the need to ensure that society worked in a way that would allow the local needs and initiatives be articulated, and inhabitants having the ability to take concrete decisions about the surrounding environment. In this way, the existing possibility of active involvement in local initiatives, incapable of being realised in the former political system, would become a reality and the citizens would be able to make collective decisions about their local area. This would also give a chance to oppose formally the investment logic resulting from the central planning of those times.The analytic work aimed at the transformation of the political regime that Professor Regulski started in the 1970s during his employment at the University of Lodz were subsequently continued at the Economic Institute of the Polish Academy of Sciences and led to the formation of a group of individuals for whom self-governance became a core value of the new regime and a way of looking at the modern state. The change that took place in 1990 was the beginning of the building of a de-centralised, modern state, the status of which was subsequently confirmed when Poland adopted the Council of Europe Framework Convention for the European Charter of Local Self-Government. Self-government is never an institution whose constitution is ever finished. This was shown during the reform carried out by Prime Minister Jerzy Buzek's government, which continued the break-up of the monopoly of power and implemented subsidiarity principles at the regional level enabling them to exercise powers locally, in newly created districts (powiat), as well as in the later legislative changes pertaining to the regulations governing the election of mayors (wójt or burmistrz) or the work of the Komisja Wspólna Rządu i Samorządu (Joint Committee of the Government and Self-Government). Today, after 25 years of our experience with self-government, we are much more aware of the changes needed in the self-governing system. They include the strengthening of actual independence of self-government achieved through the ensured free choice of the manner in which self-government bodies will carry out their tasks, guaranteed revenues and the possibility given to commune and municipality authorities of exercising real influence on their size, improved cooperation between communes and municipalities (gmina) and districts (powiat), and, fore and foremost, by ensuring all citizens a chance of co-decision on matters which directly affect them. Changes in the regime of self-governance are a consequence of its assessment by external, independent experts but are also motivated by the natural dynamics of the changes resulting from the very essence of self-governance and its institutions, communes and municipalities (gmina), districts (powiat) and regions (voivodships).In 2010 associations of self-governing units realised the need for change and amendments to the law on self-governance. Thus, they formulated a number of proposals which were included in a document called 'Requests to the President of the Republic of Poland to commence work on the white book of territorial self-government in the year of the 20th anniversary.' This document initiated work on a draft law which in 2013 became the subject of a legislative initiative put forward by President Bronisław Komorowski. The purpose of the new law on the collaboration of self-governing bodies in local and regional development is to strengthen the role of the citizen as well as the community in the work of self-government in Poland. The effort that Professors Jerzy Regulski and Michał Kulesza in their capacity as Advisors to President Komorowski put into the legislative work remains invaluable. It is believed that the involvement of individual citizens constitutes the strength of self-government and is a guarantee of its role at the service and in the interest of communities, individual inhabitants and businesses. Hence the need for enhanced collaboration and the partnership of different bodies of self-government and the increased involvement of citizens. There is draft law that contains regulations supporting these activities.Under the draft law, a local referendum is seen as an important tool to ensure the participation of citizens in decision-making processes, including those concerning local development plans. Local referenda should constitute a mechanism used to solve local issues of material importance to residents. Their result should be binding regardless of the turnout.Self-governance helps to create and strengthen the natural inclination of individuals to act together in areas where because of their social, business or cultural ties, a local community spirit develops. In today's world of global challenges and competition, we are looking for a space for the individual which provides a feeling of security. Another important value of self-governance is the possibility of creating affiliations with a community as well as individual entrepreneurship, social activity and a regard for the collective memory of the symbols of a place. The ability to participate in community life is inseparable from the functioning of democracy at a local level, with the consultation process, election of public officers, or participation in referenda.Self-governance is a special value which gives each of us a chance to exercise a real influence on local matters. It therefore occupies a very special place where politics has a personal dimension. The variety of self-governance means at the same time a variety of development policies since there are different communities, with different emotions, different experiences or ability to participate in democratic management. This variety is a special asset in the process of the stabilisation of the state as a whole. The diversity of opinions and experiences, appointments to public office of citizens not affiliated to or necessarily recommended by any party creates the solid foundations of a democratic state. This feeling of freedom within self-governing communities must be continued and promoted.The authors of many of the texts published in this issue of Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny devoted to self-governance are, at the same time, authors of the transformation of Polish law and Poland's administration in the last 25 years. Contributions submitted by, among others, Prof. dr hab. Irena Lipowicz, Prof. Jerzy Stępień, Prof. dr hab. Jerzy Buzek, Prof. dr hab. Leon Kieres or Prof. dr hab. Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz are the best proof of the capital importance that self-governance plays in a democratic state. I thank Professor Teresa Rabska and the editorial staff of Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny for their active involvement in questions of self-government from the very beginning. This issue is entirely devoted to a range of legal, economic and sociological aspects of new challenges facing self-government and its regime. Once again I thank them for such active involvement and participation in the jubilee celebrations of Self-Government and this special issue of the journal.We need self-governance not only to feel that we can influence decisions being made about local issues but also to be continually able to renew our confidence in institutions at a local level, and through their collaboration at the national level.

The last elections in Poland have substantially changed the political discourse. The new government has started to implement numerous reforms. Many of them aroused great controversy, including the one introducing changes in the local government system. This discussion can be considered as an invitation to broader considerations on the future of local government in Poland. It contains statements of six sociologists who are professionally interested in local government issues. They were inspired by three questions (asked by the editors of the text) about: (i) the possible outcome of the reform of the territorial self-government (ii) the functioning of the territorial self-government (iii) the evaluation of the discussion on the announced changes. The answers to these questions were based on the research knowledge and research experiences of the respondents and are therefore more science-based that general opinions typical for a public discussion which often manifest the worldview (or political attitudes) of the debating parties. ; Ostatnie wybory w Polsce mocno zmieniły sytuację polityczną. Nowe władze przystąpiły do realizacji licznych reform. Wiele z nich wzbudziło duże kontrowersje. Dotyczy to także zapowiedzi związanych ze zmianami w systemie samorządu terytorialnego. Artykuł można potraktować jako zaproszenie do dyskusji na temat przyszłości samorządności terytorialnej w Polsce. Zawiera wypowiedzi sześciu socjologów zajmujących się problematyką samorządową. Były one inspirowane trzema pytaniami, które dotyczyły: (1) bilansu polskiej reformy samorządowej, (2) problemów funkcjonowania samorządów, (3) oceny przebiegu dyskusji poświęconej zapowiedzianym zmianom. Wypowiedzi (odpowiedzi na pytania) opierają się na kompetencjach badaczy i ich doświadczeniu badawczym, są zatem w większym stopniu odwzorowaniem wiedzy naukowej i doświadczeń badawczych niż opinii, czy światopoglądu, które właściwe są dyskursowi publicznemu.

Dwudziestopięciolecie samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce jest dobrą okazją do poddania przebytej drogi pogłębionej refleksji. Dobrze jeszcze pamiętamy intencje skupionych w Senacie I kadencji twórców tworzonego wówczas systemu ‒ możemy zatem porównać pierwotne założenia ze stanem obecnym. Chodziło, z jednej strony, o wpisanie projektowanych rozwiązań w tradycję polskiego samorządu, ale z drugiej strony i przede wszystkim – o nawiązanie do tych wszystkich osiągnięć myśli prawnoustrojowej, które znalazły swój najpełniejszy wyraz w postanowieniach Europejskiej karty samorządu lokalnego, stanowiącej kwintesencję zachodnioeuropejskiego modelu władzy lokalnej. Samorząd jest instytucją charakterystyczną dla cywilizacji zachodnioeuropejskiej (w zasadzie poza nią nie jest znany), która odnosi treść zasady reprezentacji także do lokalnej przestrzeni życia obywateli (cives). W artykule starano się ukazać na konkretnych przykładach, w jaki sposób projektowany kształt władzy lokalnej w Polsce, wyrosły z paradygmatu ojców miasta, tracił poprzez kolejne nowelizacje swoją pierwotną zachodnią wyrazistość na rzecz charakterystycznego dla poprzedniego systemu rad narodowych modelu gospodarza. ; The twenty-fifth anniversary of self-government in Poland is a good occasion to reflect on the road we have travelled so far. While we still remember well the intentions of the creators of the system (members of the First Senate) we can now compare them with the current state of affairsand the status quo of government in Poland today. Two concepts have always been there since the beginning. Whereas the original solutions were to be inscribed in the tradition of Polish self-government, everything was done from the very start to draw as much as possible from the achievements of legal political thinking, later manifested in the provisions of the European Charter on Local Self-Government – a document which is the quintessence of the Western model of a local authority. Self-government is an institution characteristic of Western civilisation, practically unknown elsewhere, and it extends the principles of representation onto the local space inhabited by its citizens. Examples offered in the article illustrate how the initially planned model of government in Poland, rooted in the city fathers model has, in the course of subsequent reforms, been losing its original Western clarity in favour of the previous host model of local authority that characterised the past system.

The aim of the article is to analyse the state control function over the activity of local self-governments in the field of their finances. The analysis is based on empirical data of the Regional Accounting Chambers (RACs), which is a special body created for control and supervision in the field of local government finances. Attention is paid to the question of financial independence of the local powers and how it is influenced by the state's external supervision. In this context both too strong and too weak control has negative consequences for prudent funds usage by local government. The research indicates a decrease in law infringement by local authorities in the financial sphere. However, there are still cases of inefficient and irrational budget usage by local powers, which does not contradict the law, yet exerts a negative impact on their financial independence and performance of public tasks. Possible solutions of the indicated problems are outlined at the end of the article.

The aim of the article is to present self-government diplomacy as a novel, innovative form of international contacts realized by regional and local authorities, including the kujawsko-pomorskie voivodeship. The author has made a formal and statistical analysis of the various forms of functioning of this method of international cooperation. On this basis, the author concludes that local government diplomacy fosters the construction of international social, economic, cultural and other ties at local and regional level. ; Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie dyplomacji samorządowej jako nowatorskiej, innowacyjnej formy kontaktów międzynarodowych realizowanej przez samorządy regionalne i lokalne, w tym województwa kujawsko-pomorskiego. Autorka dokonała analizy formalnej i statystycznej różnych form funkcjonowania tej metody współpracy międzynarodowej. Na tej podstawie autorka wnioskuje, że dyplomacja samorządowa sprzyja budowie międzynarodowych więzi społecznych, gospodarczych, kulturalnych i innych na poziomie lokalnym i regionalnym.

Celem artykułu jest ukazanie idei demokracji jako podstawowego warunku urzeczywistnienia decentralizacji i samorządu terytorialnego, a także zagrożeń, które towarzyszą procesom demokratyzacji i uświadamiają potrzebę ich ochrony.Demokracja pojmowana zarazem jako wartość i zasada współtworzy wraz z zasadą wolności i zasadą państwa prawnego jeden z podstawowych standardów aksjologicznych i ustrojowych we współczesnej Europie. Próby określenia demokracji podejmowane w nauce poszczególnych państw ukazują różne postacie, w jakich się ona przejawia; w następstwie mnożą się definicje zasady demokracji i samego państwa demokratycznego. Różnorodność ujęć nie osłabia siły oddziaływania idei demokracji, a zwłaszcza jej siły inspiracji. W państwie prawnym demokracja chroni wszystkie prawa i wolności jednostki wiązane z liberalizmem politycznym. Poczynając od Deklaracji Praw Człowieka i Obywatela z 1789 r. kształtowało się w Europie pojęcie decentralizacji; umacniało się przekonanie, że demokracja jest jej warunkiem, a samorząd ‒ formą instytucjonalną udziału obywateli w rządzeniu, służącą budowaniu demokracji od dołu. Znalazło ono wyraz w pojęciu demokracji lokalnej najczęściej w połączeniu z procesem przemian ustrojowych: jako pozytywny efekt tych przemian lub jako cel (wartość), o którą należy zabiegać w projektowanych reformach. W artykule zostały zarazem wskazane immanentne słabości procedur demokratycznych, które mogą być wykorzystywane w sposób koniunkturalny i w celach odległych od idei demokracji. Demokracji lokalnej zagrażają m.in.: indyferentyzm polityczny wyborców, tyrania większości, populizm, upartyjnienie samorządu terytorialnego. ; The article aims to show the idea of democracy as a basic condition for implementing decentralisation and self-government. At the same time it identifies certain threats that accompany those processes and the need for their protection.Democracy, understood both as a value and a principle, constitutes, together with the principles of freedom and the state of law, one of the basic axiological and system standards in modern Europe. Attempts at defining democracy made within the scientific domain of particular states manifest themselves in various ways; as a result, there are numerous definitions of the principle of democracy and of a democratic state itself. However, the variety of perspectives does not reduce the influence of the idea of democracy and, especially, its inspirational effect. In the state of law, democracy protects all the rights and freedoms of an individual connected with political liberalism. Since 1789 and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, the notion of decentralisation has been developing in Europe. This has taken place together with consolidation of the belief that democracy is a condition of decentralisation and self-government is an institutional form of participation by citizens in governance, serving the bottom-up development of democracy. This has been reflected in the concept of local democracy, most often, in connection with the process of systemic change: as a positive effect of these transformations or as an objective (value) which should be pursued in future reforms. The article also indicates immanent weaknesses of democratic procedures that can be used opportunistically and for purposes far removed from the idea of democracy. Local democracy is threatened by the political indifference of voters, the tyranny of the majority, populism and a ruling party's control over self-government.

One of the greatest achievements of the socio-political transformation process in Poland is the profound decentralization of public governance. In administrative law, decentralization is perceived as a system with a larger number of independent hubs, vested with competences in terms of public law, and a single center. Therefore, decentralization is a process of delegating certain public functions which formerly were reserved for the central government to groups of citizens organized in corporations. Although local government exemplifies decentralization it is not a one-dimensional no- tion that refers exclusively to territorial relations. In the system of representation specialized self-government bodies, formed with different criteria, play a highly significant role represen- ting the interests of various groups. They are divided into self-governing bodies focused on the economy and the professions. Formal and legal homogeneity, though, does not translate into the appropriate political position of these two forms of self-governing bodies in Poland. While the professional self-governing body is clearly an association governed by public law, the so-called economic self-governing body is based on concepts that emphasize the volunta- ry nature of the ties between entrepreneurs, associated in chambers of commerce. The differences in their legal status and the resulting powers bear no influence on the fact that both economic and professional self-governing bodies are now facing equally serious threats in Poland. In both cases these are related to how the state approaches the extra-territo- rial form of decentralization. We can speak of different motivations here. The state, or rather the state administration, is excessively interested in the professional self-governing bodies and is curbing the autonomy they have traditionally been vested with. The situation is quite different with respect to the economic self-governing bodies, where the public authorities are scarcely interested in becoming involved in supporting them. It should be realized then, that the success of Polish decentralization reform will only be complete when all forms of self-government develop harmoniously irrespective of the rela- tions between their members, whose empowerment will serve democracy and strengthen civic society. ; One of the greatest achievements of the socio-political transformation process in Poland is the profound decentralization of public governance. In administrative law, decentralization is perceived as a system with a larger number of independent hubs, vested with competences in terms of public law, and a single center. Therefore, decentralization is a process of delegating certain public functions which formerly were reserved for the central government to groups of citizens organized in corporations. Although local government exemplifies decentralization it is not a one-dimensional no- tion that refers exclusively to territorial relations. In the system of representation specialized self-government bodies, formed with different criteria, play a highly significant role represen- ting the interests of various groups. They are divided into self-governing bodies focused on the economy and the professions. Formal and legal homogeneity, though, does not translate into the appropriate political position of these two forms of self-governing bodies in Poland. While the professional self-governing body is clearly an association governed by public law, the so-called economic self-governing body is based on concepts that emphasize the volunta- ry nature of the ties between entrepreneurs, associated in chambers of commerce. The differences in their legal status and the resulting powers bear no influence on the fact that both economic and professional self-governing bodies are now facing equally serious threats in Poland. In both cases these are related to how the state approaches the extra-territo- rial form of decentralization. We can speak of different motivations here. The state, or rather the state administration, is excessively interested in the professional self-governing bodies and is curbing the autonomy they have traditionally been vested with. The situation is quite different with respect to the economic self-governing bodies, where the public authorities are scarcely interested in becoming involved in supporting them. It should be realized then, that the success of Polish decentralization reform will only be complete when all forms of self-government develop harmoniously irrespective of the rela- tions between their members, whose empowerment will serve democracy and strengthen civic society.