Left-libertarianism strives to reconcile the recognition of an unconditional right of self-ownership with the legitimacy of a structural requirement of equality. The foregoing article shows why that enterprise fails. Beginning with an exposition of the principle of self-ownership, it goes on to examine the chief left-libertarian variants of the principle of equal distribution of external resources & argues that the best version of this principle is indeed compatible with self-ownership. Despite their compatibility, however, the relationship between these principles is inherently unstable, as shown by Gerald Cohen's objections to left-libertarianists, particularly to the circularity of their definition of justice. Indeed, left-libertarianism inevitably swerves either toward right-libertarianism or toward a dilution of full self-ownership. Therefore, limiting self-ownership may be a way of maximizing individual autonomy. Adapted from the source document.
This article argues that left-libertarianism, ie., the combination of resource egalitarianism & full self-ownership, is a profoundly unstable reflective equilibrium. Focusing on the legitimacy of bequest & inheritance, it shows that left-libertarians, when confronted with this question, either abandon a key element of self-ownership -- thus diluting their position to a liberal, Rawlsian egalitarianism -- or turn into right libertarians. The underlying problem is that libertarianism in general bases its theory of self-ownership on hypothetical examples of individuals who single-handedly transform natural resources into products. This premise, which aims to establish the link between self-ownership & ownership of the fruits of one's labor, is too abstract to be relevant in a world in which almost every product is the result of a collective effort to which any individual makes but a small contribution. In the final analysis, an egalitarian should adopt only the no-coercion rule from libertarianism, & therefore advocate higher inheritance taxes. Adapted from the source document.
Cet Essentiel extrait de la Grande Leçon "La dégradation des sols dans le monde" traite de l'inégalité de la répartition des terres à travers le monde ; et en particulier dans les pays pauvres. Les causes historiques ; politiques et écologiques de l'aggravation de ce phénomène sont abordées ici.
This article addresses the conflict at the core of libertarian doctrine between self-ownership & the right to the fruits of one's labor, as far as begetting children is concerned. Hillel Steiner has proposed a left-libertarian solution to the paradox of universal self-ownership by arguing that genetic information is a natural resource that originally belongs to the common pool. This argument limits parents' property rights in their underage children. I argue that Steiner's solution leads to what may be called "the paradox of the first self-owners": the first self-owners, if there were any, would be entitled to make use of their parents as natural resources, even for purposes of reproduction, subject to the left-libertarian condition of paying a fair rent to the global fund for the use of natural resources. More generally, I argue that Steiner's theory of genetic justice is misleading in certain respects, especially as it is exclusively founded on intergenerational transfers. Adapted from the source document.
Left-libertarianism combines the principle of self-ownership with that of equal access to natural resources. This article looks at one branch of left-libertarianism, passed over by the movement's current mainstream, which holds that natural resources should not be appropriated by individuals but should remain state property. In 19th-century France, Leon Walras was a leading exponent of this view, which he inherited from his father, Auguste. The Walrases argued that public land ownership was the foundation of individual citizenship & the guarantee of liberty, & hence preferable to any form of individual appropriation of land. Adapted from the source document.
L'idée de « liberté économique privée » est centrale à la fois pour la conception de l'équité au sein d'un marché libre – conception développée par John Tomasi – ainsi que pour l'école du libéralisme néo-classique dont les travaux de Tomasi sont peut-être l'exemple le plus largement discuté. Dans cet article, j'examine le rôle joué par la conception de la liberté économique privée dans la conception de la justice de Tomasi. Je critique la conception de Tomasi en présentant un certain nombre d'arguments dérivés des travaux de l'économiste et critique social du 19e siècle Henry George, qui constituent le fondement d'une critique immanente de la vision de Tomasi. Le principal argument avancé dans cet article est que les arguments avancés par George et développés par les économistes georgistes ultérieurs – que je présente mais ne tente pas de défendre – ont permis de conclure que l'institution de la pleine propriété privée sur des terres est incompatible avec la stricte protection de la liberté économique privée que Tomasi défend.
Dans cet article, nous étudions l'influence de la structure de l'actionnariat sur la détermination de la rémunération des dirigeants. A cette fin, nous constituons une base de données sur la structure d'actionnariat et la rémunération des dirigeants pour 104 entreprises françaises cotées du SBF120 sur une période allant de 2005 à 2012. L'actionnariat est catégorisé selon deux principaux critères qui sont le degré d'engagement et l'horizon de placement. Les résultats apportent plusieurs conclusions. D'abord, la rémunération fixe du dirigeant est d'autant plus élevée que les actionnaires sont peu engagés dans le contrôle de l'entreprise ; la rémunération fixe ressort finalement comme une mesure du degré de délégation faite au dirigeant. Ensuite, la rémunération variable est liée à l'horizon de placement des actionnaires : le poids de la rémunération variable et sa sensibilité aux performances comptables et financières annuelles sont d'autant plus élevés que l'actionnariat est orienté vers le court-terme. Enfin, la rémunération dite de long terme (en actions, stock-options) est pratiquée de façon similaire par quasiment tous les types d'actionnariat mais sa variation annuelle est d'autant plus sensible aux performances comptables et financières que l'actionnariat est peu engagé et orienté vers le court-terme. Ces résultats tendent à montrer que les prescriptions de la théorie de l'agence en matière de rémunération des dirigeants sont essentiellement appliquées par les actionnaires peu engagés et de court-terme.
International audience ; At the junction of a purely bookish history of political ideas and of what could be called a socio-history of sensibility, this article claims that the modern political rationality is based on a peculiar form of subjectification captured by the notion of "self-ownership". Classically formulated by John Locke, the idea, according to which the end pursued by men when they submit to a government is "the preservation of their property", implies the existence of a foundational self-ownership, which conditions the individual's capacity to acquire properties. Thomas Hobbes wrote similarly, a few decades earlier, that "[o]f things held in propriety, those that are dearest to a man are his own life and limbs", those bodily things by means of which his liberty can come about as the unlimited extension of his vital force. At the root of the liberal doctrine thus lies this mode of self-relationship that holds that, possessing himself by virtue of natural right, the individual is qualified to receive from the sovereign authority the guarantee of his exclusive right to that which he can acquire, as well as the assurance of being protected from harm. In the political discourse as well as in the sensibility of modern men, to possess one's own body appears as the condition for freedom. This article aims to demonstrate the long-standing of such a conception of selfrelationship within other traditions critical of liberalism, such as the Marxist theory of alienation or the feminist critique of corporeal subjection to patriarchy. If the reappropriation of one's body, wrenched from the grips of the powers that exploit it, can foster emancipation, it raises the question whether or not this entails the risk of repeating the underside of the liberal posture, that is, the affective disposition that leads men to see in others a threat against selfownership, of which the Hobbesian state of nature, the motive of another form of servitude, is a paradigmatic example. ; Au croisement d'une histoire purement livresque ...
Facilitated by various online platforms, transaction costs of sharing and selling used products have become almost zero and this phenomenon has created new economic business form, competition and service. My research on the sharing economy can be considered from the four perspectives : consumers, providers, business models, and data policy. The consumer-based research investigates the temporal ownership boundary that exists in the sharing economy by considering the engagement duration, potential income and holding cost during the ownership. We decompose a merchandise as two substitute goods and find that there exists various conditions when this boundary may lean towards sharing, giving or reselling. The supplier-based research investigates the economic outcome of a monopolistic producer's self-competition between old and new generations of products. We consider a two-stage game in which a producer sells new products in the market in both stages and used products may enter the market in the form of shared and used goods in the second stage. We identify the market equilibrium of this two- stage game and provide managerial implications in different types of product markets that are represented by automobiles (with value depreciation) and real estates (with value appreciation). The business-model-based research studies the subscription contract provided by car manufacturers and studies the attractiveness of this new contract with discrete choice model. With the data collected from car manufacturers and rental platforms, we find that the subscription model has great potential to overrule the conventional methods of car ownership and holds a competitive advantage over car renting platforms. The data-policy-based research examines the data protection and privacy issue brought about by the sharing economy. ; Facilités par diverses plates-formes en ligne, les coûts de transaction de partage et de vente de produits d'occasion sont devenus presque nuls et ce phénomène a créé une nouvelle forme économique, une ...
International audience ; At the junction of a purely bookish history of political ideas and of what could be called a socio-history of sensibility, this article claims that the modern political rationality is based on a peculiar form of subjectification captured by the notion of "self-ownership". Classically formulated by John Locke, the idea, according to which the end pursued by men when they submit to a government is "the preservation of their property", implies the existence of a foundational self-ownership, which conditions the individual's capacity to acquire properties. Thomas Hobbes wrote similarly, a few decades earlier, that "[o]f things held in propriety, those that are dearest to a man are his own life and limbs", those bodily things by means of which his liberty can come about as the unlimited extension of his vital force. At the root of the liberal doctrine thus lies this mode of self-relationship that holds that, possessing himself by virtue of natural right, the individual is qualified to receive from the sovereign authority the guarantee of his exclusive right to that which he can acquire, as well as the assurance of being protected from harm. In the political discourse as well as in the sensibility of modern men, to possess one's own body appears as the condition for freedom. This article aims to demonstrate the long-standing of such a conception of selfrelationship within other traditions critical of liberalism, such as the Marxist theory of alienation or the feminist critique of corporeal subjection to patriarchy. If the reappropriation of one's body, wrenched from the grips of the powers that exploit it, can foster emancipation, it raises the question whether or not this entails the risk of repeating the underside of the liberal posture, that is, the affective disposition that leads men to see in others a threat against selfownership, of which the Hobbesian state of nature, the motive of another form of servitude, is a paradigmatic example. ; Au croisement d'une histoire purement livresque des idées politiques et de ce que l'on pourrait appeler une sociohistoire de la sensibilité, cet article pose que la rationalité politique moderne se fonde sur une forme de subjectivation singulière que désigne la notion de " propriété de soi-même ". Classiquement formulée par John Locke, l'idée voulant que la fin pour laquelle les hommes " se soumettent à un gouvernement, c'est de conserver leurs propriétés " suppose l'existence d'une propriété fondamentale de l'individu sur lui-même, un " droit de propriété sur sa personne " qui conditionne son pouvoir d'appropriation sur ses biens. Dans la même veine, Thomas Hobbes écrivait, quelques décennies plus tôt, que " parmi toutes les choses que chacun a en propriété, les plus chères sont sa vie et ses propres membres ", ces choses du corps grâce auxquelles sa liberté peut s'accomplir comme déploiement illimité de sa puissance vitale. À la racine de la doctrine libérale se trouve donc cette modalité du rapport à soi qui affirme que, se possédant lui-même en vertu d'un droit naturel, l'individu est dès lors qualifié à recevoir de l'autorité souveraine la garantie d'un droit exclusif sur ce qu'il peut s'approprier, de même que l'assurance d'être protégé des torts qui pourraient lui être faits. Avoir un corps en propre apparaît donc, dans le discours politique mais aussi dans la sensibilité des modernes, comme la condition de la liberté. L'article vise à démontrer la pérennité d'une telle conception du rapport à soi au sein de traditions critiques de la doctrine libérale, qu'il s'agisse de la théorie marxiste de l'aliénation ou de la critique féministe d'une corporalité asservie aux exigences du patriarcat. Si la réappropriation de son corps, son arrachement à l'emprise des puissances qui l'exploitent peuvent apparaître comme un moyen d'émancipation, la question se pose de savoir si cela ne risque pas de reconduire ce qui constitue l'envers de la posture libérale, soit cette disposition affective qui mène à voir en autrui une menace à la propriété de soi, dont l'état de nature hobbesien, motif d'un autre genre de servitude, offre l'exemple paradigmatique.
L'appropriation des politiques de développement est la base du nouveau consensus international formulé dans la Déclaration de Paris (2005). Les fondements théoriques de cette approche n'ont guère été explicités, et les documents de stratégies de réduction de la pauvreté sont « approuvés » en définitive par les Institutions de Bretton Woods, ce qui rend celles-ci juges et parties. Différentes options peuvent être envisagées pour faire progresser l'appropriation en pratique, tant au niveau institutionnel (une évaluation par les pairs pourrait aider à résoudre ce dilemme) qu'à celui de la qualité de l'appropriation, comme cela est fait dans le domaine des dépenses publiques.
Introduction to the thematic file on "Employee shareholding and corporate governance" in different countries of the European Union. ; International audience ; Introduction to the thematic file on "Employee shareholding and corporate governance" in different countries of the European Union. ; Article d'introduction du dossier thématique consacré à "L'actionnariat salarié et gouvernance de l'entreprise" dans différents pays de l'Union Européenne.
The aim of this article is to compare two of the leading contemporary theories of equality: those of left-libertarianism & perfectionist liberalism. I argue that, in theoretical terms, the chief difference between the two regards the State's responsibility for "wasted lives." Libertarianism rejects State spending on individual self-realization if such expenditure conflicts with the right of self-ownership. Perfectionist liberalism, in contrast, accepts this possibility. I also look at case studies that bring out ramifications of perfectionist liberalism unacceptable to left-libertarians. Specifically, only the former advocates public spending to cultural, humanitarian or economic ends. Adapted from the source document.
