1. Round Table: Discussion on the direct trade among developing countries. Zagreb, Yugoslavia, 12 to 14 September, 1973. Report. 45 S.; 3. Round Table: Financial co-operation among developing countries. Zagreb, Yugoslavia, September 15 to 19, 1975. Proceedings. V,387 S.; 4. Round Table on industrial co-operation among developing countries. Zagreb, September 13-17,1976. Proceedings. XII,179 S.; 5. Round Table: Technical and economic co-operation among developing countries. Zagreb, September 12-16, 1977. Proceedings. VIII,414 S
Local self-government units are key cells of every country's development, pervading deeply needs and interests of local community members, the citizens of a state, who are considered to be the key factor in survival and development of a community. No successful democratic society can be achieved without a good and effi cient local self-government. For that reason, a special attention needs to be brought to the issue of local self-government units. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, there is a fragmented system of local self-governmentmunits at entity level, with a very low degree of mutual cooperation, which greatly complicates and hinders the functioning of local self-government units at the state level. There is no unity in regulation and compliance of local self-government units functioning, at the state level, with the European Charter of Local Self-Government, or the documents of the Council of Europe, which is at odds with the aspirations of our country in the process of Euro-Atlantic integration with the rest of Europe.
The paper emphasizes the most important global problems in the field of the environmental protection in the context of the debate about the importance of the participation of the local self-governments in addressing those. The paper points out to the fact that the Republic of Serbia harmonized the national environmental legislation with the EU legislation as a part of the European Integration process of the Republic of Serbia. This process included the transfer of a significant part of the work in the environmental field (including activities related to global environmental issues) to be carried out by the local self-government. These are the following issues: climate change, protection of the biodiversity, forest resources management, sustainable use and management of water resources, waste management. This paper identifies how the RS regulations transferred jurisdiction on environmental responsibilities to the local self-government. The paper also refers to the national regulations in the field of the environment in which the local self-government has been made competent for the activities related to the global environmental problems and the question of the capacity of the local self-government to implement these regulations.
Pitanje prava drzava na samoodbranu je jedno od fundamentalnih pitanja medjunarodnog javnog prava. Ovo nacelo koji postoji koliko i samo medjunarodno pravo, formulisano je na univerzalan nacin sredinom proslog vijeka, i postoje mnogi pisani radovi o njegovoj izradi i tumacenju. Pozivanje na samoodbranu kroz cijelu istoriju je koristeno kao opravdanje za zloupotrebu sile od strane drzava van svojih teritorija. ; Question of right of states to self-defense is one of the fundamental questions of public international law. This principle, which exists just as long as public international law does, was formulated in universal manner by the mid 20th century and there are many written works on its formulation and interpretation. Invoking self-defense during the course of history was used as a pretext for the use of force by the states outside of its territories. Right of states to self-defense originates from customary international law. During antic and medieval times, principle of self-defense was linked to the theory of just war which was differently interpreted in different times. In the period between two world wars, still there was no absolute prohibition of the use of force in international relations so the principle of self-defense was linked to the right of self-help through use of different forcible measures: retorsions, reprisals, naval blockade, intervention and demonstration of naval power. Contrary to the period of League of Nations, mechanism of implementation of international law was centralized by the foundation of the United Nations because a single body – Security Council – was entrusted with the authority to determine when the use of force is allowed in international law. Article 51 of the United Nations Charter defines that the states have a right to individual or collective self-defense in case of armed attack on the UN member state. This right is considered legitimate until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security.
Kako osmisliti i operativno organizovati sećanja levice u delatnom, a ne u muzejskom pravcu? Šta znači otvoreno se suočiti sa kulturom poraza levice? Razmotrene su dimenzije poraza levice, priroda linearnog i kontingentnog vremena, različita proživljavanja poraza kod fašizma i liberalizma i dijalektika nade i razočarenja. Ukazano je da treba odbaciti jezik psihoanalize (čežnja, nostalgija, žalost, melanholija) i teleološku viziju neoliberalnog pobednika, pa levicu i desnicu shvatiti u novim dimenzijama vremena, unutar novog odnosa Kairosa i Hronosa u digitalnom dobu. Treba se samorefleksivno osvrnuti na greške levice, a naročito na greške iz kojih se može učiti. Treba teorijski probuditi ambiciju. Višeslojnom sećanju levice škodi dominacija jedne vrste sećanja, potrebna je samokontrola i ravnoteža pamćenja nestale socijalne države i vlastitog nasilja. ; How could we rethink and organize memories of the Left in an operational and active way? How could one openly confront the Left-Wing culture of defeat? The paper considers some dimensions of the Left-Wing defeat after 1989, the nature of the linear and the contingent time, various defeat experiences of fascism and liberalism and the dialectic of hope and disappointment. One should reject the language of psychoanalysis (longing, nostalgia, sorrow, melancholy) and the teleological vision of the neoliberal winner. The Left Wing and Right Wing should be understood in new dimensions of time within a new relationship between Cairos and Chronos in the digital age. The Left needs self-reflective review of its own mistakes, if it wants to learn lessons for the future. Theory can awake practical ambition. A desirable multilayered Left-Wing memory has been damaged by dominance of one type of memory. The Left needs self-control and a balanced memory of both badly missing socialist welfare state and its own violence.
If we take political economy to be concerned with the way a society satisfies its needs, we would expect that an account of Marx's critique of political economy of art should begin with a critique of the way a need for art is perceived within capitalistic production relations. We will try to provide a sketch of such a critique in this paper, taking various accounts of the place and role of art within a system of human needs as a context in which art works and artistic creation are connected with categories of commodity, production, labour, market etc. Then we will turn to an account of human needs, provided by Agnes Heller, that are not limited to political economy and aim to show that the need for art is properly located within that system of "non-alienated" needs and human self-determination. ; Ako znamo da politička ekonomija proučava način na koji društvo zadovoljava svoje potrebe, očekivali bismo da će prikaz Marxove kritike političke ekonomije umjetnosti krenuti od kritike načina na koji se potreba za umjetnošću percipira unutar kapitalističkih proizvodnih odnosa. U ovom radu pokušat ćemo skicirati takvu kritiku, uzimajući različite prikaze položaja i uloge umjetnosti u sustavu ljudskih potreba kao kontekst u kojem su umjetnička djela i stvaralaštvo povezani s kategorijama robe, proizvodnje, rada, tržišta itd. Zatim ćemo se okrenuti prikazu ljudskih potreba kako ih vidi Agnes Heller, a koje nisu ograničene na političku ekonomiju, i pokušati pokazati da je potreba za umjetnošću s pravom smještena u sustav "neotuđenih" potreba i ljudskog samoodređenja.
Osnovni cilj doktorske disertacije predstavlja analiza činilaca nastanka i održivosti radničkog samoupravljanja, kao oblika kolektivnog delanja radničke klase. U cilju utvrđivanja determinističke vrednosti različitih faktora analiza je smeštena u uporedni okvir. Model radničkog samoupravljanja u obliku 'oporavljenih preduzeća' (Empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores – ERT) u Argentini do čije pojave je došlo u jeku dramatične ekonomske krize početkom dvehiljaditih izabran je kao iskustveni okvir na čijem primeru su empirijskim istraživanjem analizirani faktori održivosti. Pored usmerenosti analize na 'oporavljena preduzeća' u Argentini, predmet razmatranja predstavljao je i model radničkog samoupravljanja u Jugoslaviji. U radu se pošlo od hipoteze da su nastanak i održivost radničkog samoupravljanja uslovljeni kombinacijom unutrašnjih i spoljašnjih činilaca (odnosno činilaca unutar i izvan preduzeća). Preciznije, testirana je hipoteza da spoljašnji činioci osiguravaju opšte okvire pojave radničkog samoupravljanja, dok mogućnost njegove konsolidacije počiva na konstelaciji niza unutrašnjih faktora. Rezultati analize radničkog samoupravljanja u Jugoslaviji i Argentini pokazali su da je hipoteza o činiocima uspostavljanja i učvršćivanja radničkog samoupravljanja u velikoj meri potvrđena. Na osnovu relativno opširne istorijske i empirijske analize donosi se zaključak da spoljašnji faktori obezbeđuju opšte pretpostavke za pojavu radničkog samoupravljanja, dok unutrašnji ostvaruju direktan uticaj na održivost ovakvog jednog procesa. Preciznije, spoljašnje pretpostavke u vidu sistemskih i strukturalnih činilaca stvaraju opštu mogućnost nastanka radničkog samoupravljanja, dok je veza između ove grupe faktora i održivosti radničkog samoupravljanja posredovana organizacijskim i akcijskim činiocima koji imaju neposredan uticaj. Ipak, kao osnovni faktori koji organizuju i oblikuju ostale faktore ističu se sistemski činioci. U sklopu unutrašnjih faktora, poredbeni plan analize je pokazao da ekonomski, organizacijski i vrednosni činioci (u smislu vrednosne i interesne konzistentnosti) imaju posebnu važnost za održivost radničkog samoupravljanja. ; The primary objective of the doctoral dissertation is to analyze factors related to the emergence and sustainability of workers' self-management, as a form of the collective action of the working class. In order to establish the deterministic values of different factors, the analysis was set within a comparative framework. A model of workers' self-management in the form of "worker- recuperated enterprises" (Empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores – ERT) in Argentina, which emerged in the midst of the dramatic economic crisis in early 2000, was chosen as an experiential framework in which sustainability factors were analyzed applying empirical research. In addition to the focus on "worker-recuperated enterprises" in Argentina, the analysis also considered the workers' self-management model in Yugoslavia. The dissertation started from the hypothesis that the sustainability of workers' self-management is conditioned by a combination of internal and external factors (i.e. factors within and out of the company). More specifically, it tested the hypothesis that external factors ensure the general framework supporting the emergence of workers' self-management, while the possibility of its consolidation relies on the constellation of a number of internal factors. The analysis of workers' self-management in Yugoslavia and Argentina resulted in confirming the hypothesis about the factors affecting establishment and consolidation of workers' self-management to a great extent. A relatively extensive historical and empirical analysis led to the conclusion that external factors ensure the general assumptions for the emergence of workers' self-management, while internal factors have direct effects on the sustainability of such a process. In other words, external assumptions in the form of systemic and structural factors create the general possibility of the emergence of workers' self-management, whereas the interconnection between these groups of factors and the sustainability of workers' self-management are interposed by organizational and activity factors which have direct influence. Nevertheless, systemic factors stand out as key factors that organize and shape other factors. As regards internal factors, a comparative analysis plan showed that economic, organizational and value factors (in terms of value and interest consistency) have a special significance in the sustainability of workers' self-management.
Osnovni cilj doktorske disertacije predstavlja analiza činilaca nastanka i održivosti radničkog samoupravljanja, kao oblika kolektivnog delanja radničke klase. U cilju utvrđivanja determinističke vrednosti različitih faktora analiza je smeštena u uporedni okvir. Model radničkog samoupravljanja u obliku 'oporavljenih preduzeća' (Empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores – ERT) u Argentini do čije pojave je došlo u jeku dramatične ekonomske krize početkom dvehiljaditih izabran je kao iskustveni okvir na čijem primeru su empirijskim istraživanjem analizirani faktori održivosti. Pored usmerenosti analize na 'oporavljena preduzeća' u Argentini, predmet razmatranja predstavljao je i model radničkog samoupravljanja u Jugoslaviji. U radu se pošlo od hipoteze da su nastanak i održivost radničkog samoupravljanja uslovljeni kombinacijom unutrašnjih i spoljašnjih činilaca (odnosno činilaca unutar i izvan preduzeća). Preciznije, testirana je hipoteza da spoljašnji činioci osiguravaju opšte okvire pojave radničkog samoupravljanja, dok mogućnost njegove konsolidacije počiva na konstelaciji niza unutrašnjih faktora. Rezultati analize radničkog samoupravljanja u Jugoslaviji i Argentini pokazali su da je hipoteza o činiocima uspostavljanja i učvršćivanja radničkog samoupravljanja u velikoj meri potvrđena. Na osnovu relativno opširne istorijske i empirijske analize donosi se zaključak da spoljašnji faktori obezbeđuju opšte pretpostavke za pojavu radničkog samoupravljanja, dok unutrašnji ostvaruju direktan uticaj na održivost ovakvog jednog procesa. Preciznije, spoljašnje pretpostavke u vidu sistemskih i strukturalnih činilaca stvaraju opštu mogućnost nastanka radničkog samoupravljanja, dok je veza između ove grupe faktora i održivosti radničkog samoupravljanja posredovana organizacijskim i akcijskim činiocima koji imaju neposredan uticaj. Ipak, kao osnovni faktori koji organizuju i oblikuju ostale faktore ističu se sistemski činioci. U sklopu unutrašnjih faktora, poredbeni plan analize je pokazao da ekonomski, organizacijski i vrednosni činioci (u smislu vrednosne i interesne konzistentnosti) imaju posebnu važnost za održivost radničkog samoupravljanja. ; The primary objective of the doctoral dissertation is to analyze factors related to the emergence and sustainability of workers' self-management, as a form of the collective action of the working class. In order to establish the deterministic values of different factors, the analysis was set within a comparative framework. A model of workers' self-management in the form of "worker- recuperated enterprises" (Empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores – ERT) in Argentina, which emerged in the midst of the dramatic economic crisis in early 2000, was chosen as an experiential framework in which sustainability factors were analyzed applying empirical research. In addition to the focus on "worker-recuperated enterprises" in Argentina, the analysis also considered the workers' self-management model in Yugoslavia. The dissertation started from the hypothesis that the sustainability of workers' self-management is conditioned by a combination of internal and external factors (i.e. factors within and out of the company). More specifically, it tested the hypothesis that external factors ensure the general framework supporting the emergence of workers' self-management, while the possibility of its consolidation relies on the constellation of a number of internal factors. The analysis of workers' self-management in Yugoslavia and Argentina resulted in confirming the hypothesis about the factors affecting establishment and consolidation of workers' self-management to a great extent. A relatively extensive historical and empirical analysis led to the conclusion that external factors ensure the general assumptions for the emergence of workers' self-management, while internal factors have direct effects on the sustainability of such a process. In other words, external assumptions in the form of systemic and structural factors create the general possibility of the emergence of workers' self-management, whereas the interconnection between these groups of factors and the sustainability of workers' self-management are interposed by organizational and activity factors which have direct influence. Nevertheless, systemic factors stand out as key factors that organize and shape other factors. As regards internal factors, a comparative analysis plan showed that economic, organizational and value factors (in terms of value and interest consistency) have a special significance in the sustainability of workers' self-management.
The article problematizes dominant understandings of moral rights to territory and rejects the claim that the legitimacy of independence of the former Yugoslav republics can be grounded in the right of their peoples to self-determination, either within ethnic or then-existing administrative boundaries. Instead, the most promising normative justification for a decision to recognize Yugoslav republics as independent states follows from a particular interpretation of the all-affected interests principle in democratic theory, which leads to a radical reconceptualization of the idea of the people, 'its' territory, and the legitimate role of the international community. Adapted from the source document.
According to Paul Kahn, one of the leading American constitutional theorists, the terms 'nation' and 'national sovereignty' are beyond the moral argument. From the perspective of constitutional ontology, the nation is the community of all those who share the 'political eros' love of the nation, who are ready to respond to her call and, if necessary, lay down their lives on the altar of its self-preservation. The moral debate about the limits of nation's state is meaningless, tells us Kahn. The boundaries of all, even liberal states arise through a 'make sacrifices' they 'never just a matter of geography', and therefore 'there is no abstract drawing of borders by some principle of justice. As in the life of the individual, the limits have the same necessity: There is nothing abstract in that necessity.'. Adapted from the source document.
This article's point of departure is that the national self-determination doctrine remains one of the most paradoxical, contested, but successful doctrines which has largely contributed to the shape of our existing international system of nation-states. It argues that the doctrine which is intended to safeguard peace and human dignity is and always has been at the heart of many conflicts. Starting with the tension between the universality of the national self-determination doctrine and the particularity of the national group whose interests it promotes, the article explores other paradoxes contained within this doctrine. They range from political and legitimacy challenges to the very nation-state it creates, through the violations of human rights contrary to its very meaning, to the fact that national self-determination doctrine, far from being a national issue, is actually an international affair. While not rejecting the doctrine, the paper concludes with the final (ninth) paradox that perhaps the success of this doctrine should not be measured by how many states it can produce, but how it can make the existing states a safe home for more self-differentiating national groups. Adapted from the source document.
This article deals with the issues of self-determination and multiethnic regionalisms in Dalmatia, Istria and Vojvodina - historic regions of today's Croatia and Serbia. The main aim is to explain the outcomes of regionalisms since 1990. The article analyses three important elements of regionalist mobilisation - the use of historiography, regional economic specificities and intergroup relations. Particular constellations of self-determination claims based on plurinational and multinational principles in the cases of Istria and Vojvodina respectively are the key theoretical contribution of the article. The article also finds that the lack of success of Dalmatian regionalism is largely due to the inability of regionalist parties to address multiple cleavages on the territory of Dalmatia. Adapted from the source document.
The article explores the process that led to Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence and argues that the willingness of many countries to contribute to the creation of Kosovo as cannot be explained solely by humanitarian concerns, and the remedial understanding of the right to self-determination. What seems to have motivated the Western powers was also the recent memory of the UN's failure to stop the internecine wars which characterised the SFRY's dissolution (particularly the war in Bosnia), as well as the rejection on the part of the international community with the way in which Kosovan autonomy, previously entrenched in the SFRY constitution of 1974, had been emasculated from 1989 onwards by both Serbia and the FRY in a process which served to deny Kosovo Albanians both the minority rights and the right of internal self-determination. Finally, the article speculates on the long-term implications of the Kosovo intervention. Instead of being seen as a 'unique case', the intervention in Kosovo may be seen as the consolidation of a growing European commitment to the rights of internal minorities, including the right to territorial autonomy for national minorities. Adapted from the source document.
What are the doctrinal implications of international responses to the demise of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY)? Faced with harshly conflicting internal visions of Yugoslav self-determination, the international order - taking direction from the Badinter Commission - reacted in an essentially ad hoc manner against the most manifestly virulent of the competing ethno-nationalisms. In ascribing international legal status to a particular set of constitutionally-established internal boundaries, the Badinter Commission gave a rationale that masked rather than highlighted its departure from existing doctrine, seeking thereby to minimize any implications for the future of sovereignty and s elf-determination. Any effort to invoke the Badinter Commission judgments as evidence of a broader doctrinal transformation, attributing international legal personality to constitutionally-delineated sub-national units more generally, neglects the peculiar context of those judgments and threatens to lend undue support to externally-promoted secessionist projects. Adapted from the source document.
