Suchergebnisse

The image of the radical Palestinian and Lithuanian political parties Hamas, Fatah and The party of Order and Justice is analysed through their leaders – Ahmed Yasin, Yasser Arafat and Rolandas Paksas. The author of the essay chose prism of the public relation and tried to reveal a way the Middle East – in the case Palestinian – and Lithuanian politics show their selves to the local and international communities. The author of the essay believes that young democracies have lots of common tendency in the radical politic case. The political speeches and programmes are not analyzed in the essay. The most important task is to reveal the semiotics discourse of the political body in the photography because it is believed that one picture can say more then a thousand words text. Of course, it is necessary to compare the way those pictures reflect the linguistic discourse because the linguistic corpus and the outlook must be integral. All of those leaders are exclusive, controversial political bodies, who are acting in the very different geographical and time planes, but have some generalities. All of them represent their political parties, ideas and all of them have crowds of fans. All of them had ambitious for the highest political post and all of them reached the task. In the different ways. It is very difficult to analyze such a different and distant in the meaning of time, geographic and culture ways political bodies, but the author chose this way because of the French semiotic Eric Landowski. He analyzed very different and casual advertisements, which had no commonalities. Using this method, he found out very interesting and unexpected points. Besides, those comparable discourses are used for the images of the political bodies. So, the author recurred the same method in this essay. There were few problems for the essay. First of all, there was no possibility to get the election material of the Palestinian parties, so the information was taken from the international media, which is not the same as in R. Paksas case. And the second is the barrier of the language and culture. It is a serious problem to analyze linguistic and non-linguistic texts through cultural distance. Nevertheless, the author of the essay tried to reveal the image of the Palestinian political parties through their leaders comparing their semiotics discourse. It was analyzed through Lithuanian case also. This essay let to prove the hypothesis that the political bodies of the young democracies use many common instruments to create the coveted image.

The image of the radical Palestinian and Lithuanian political parties Hamas, Fatah and The party of Order and Justice is analysed through their leaders – Ahmed Yasin, Yasser Arafat and Rolandas Paksas. The author of the essay chose prism of the public relation and tried to reveal a way the Middle East – in the case Palestinian – and Lithuanian politics show their selves to the local and international communities. The author of the essay believes that young democracies have lots of common tendency in the radical politic case. The political speeches and programmes are not analyzed in the essay. The most important task is to reveal the semiotics discourse of the political body in the photography because it is believed that one picture can say more then a thousand words text. Of course, it is necessary to compare the way those pictures reflect the linguistic discourse because the linguistic corpus and the outlook must be integral. All of those leaders are exclusive, controversial political bodies, who are acting in the very different geographical and time planes, but have some generalities. All of them represent their political parties, ideas and all of them have crowds of fans. All of them had ambitious for the highest political post and all of them reached the task. In the different ways. It is very difficult to analyze such a different and distant in the meaning of time, geographic and culture ways political bodies, but the author chose this way because of the French semiotic Eric Landowski. He analyzed very different and casual advertisements, which had no commonalities. Using this method, he found out very interesting and unexpected points. Besides, those comparable discourses are used for the images of the political bodies. So, the author recurred the same method in this essay. There were few problems for the essay. First of all, there was no possibility to get the election material of the Palestinian parties, so the information was taken from the international media, which is not the same as in R. Paksas case. And the second is the barrier of the language and culture. It is a serious problem to analyze linguistic and non-linguistic texts through cultural distance. Nevertheless, the author of the essay tried to reveal the image of the Palestinian political parties through their leaders comparing their semiotics discourse. It was analyzed through Lithuanian case also. This essay let to prove the hypothesis that the political bodies of the young democracies use many common instruments to create the coveted image.

Master Thesis is focused on the culture and politics in Singapore's landscape architecture. The aim of the work is to analyze how Singapore's landscape architecture is presented in the photographs on the official website of the Singapore Tourism Board. Tasks of the work: to present the framework of semiotic and cultural geography theories; to discuss the political and ideological context in which Singapore's landscape architecture is being shaped; to form the analytical tool by using the examples of the methodology of semiotic analysis and the principles of cultural geography; to carry out a detailed analysis of the landscape architecture depicted in the photographs; to provide analytical results that will detail the representation of the culture and politics through the landscape architecture. With the help of synthesis of two sets of cultural research tools (semiotics and cultural geography), a unique instrument of analysis has been developed, which has proven that landscape architecture in Singapore can be regarded as representational material emphasizing the specific cultural and political aspects of the country, as it is formed on the basis of the strategic measures being implemented by the government. The analysis has shown how landscape architectural objects work by transmitting encoded systems of meanings that not only provide information about the location, but also culturally and politically mobilize the society using these objects. The Master thesis and the created semiotic analysis tool for landscape architecture could be useful to researchers in architecture and communication, who are planning to carry out a semiotic analysis of landscape architecture, as well as for scholars of Transcultural studies of Asia interested in Singapore cultural research.

Master Thesis is focused on the culture and politics in Singapore's landscape architecture. The aim of the work is to analyze how Singapore's landscape architecture is presented in the photographs on the official website of the Singapore Tourism Board. Tasks of the work: to present the framework of semiotic and cultural geography theories; to discuss the political and ideological context in which Singapore's landscape architecture is being shaped; to form the analytical tool by using the examples of the methodology of semiotic analysis and the principles of cultural geography; to carry out a detailed analysis of the landscape architecture depicted in the photographs; to provide analytical results that will detail the representation of the culture and politics through the landscape architecture. With the help of synthesis of two sets of cultural research tools (semiotics and cultural geography), a unique instrument of analysis has been developed, which has proven that landscape architecture in Singapore can be regarded as representational material emphasizing the specific cultural and political aspects of the country, as it is formed on the basis of the strategic measures being implemented by the government. The analysis has shown how landscape architectural objects work by transmitting encoded systems of meanings that not only provide information about the location, but also culturally and politically mobilize the society using these objects. The Master thesis and the created semiotic analysis tool for landscape architecture could be useful to researchers in architecture and communication, who are planning to carry out a semiotic analysis of landscape architecture, as well as for scholars of Transcultural studies of Asia interested in Singapore cultural research.

Master Thesis is focused on the culture and politics in Singapore's landscape architecture. The aim of the work is to analyze how Singapore's landscape architecture is presented in the photographs on the official website of the Singapore Tourism Board. Tasks of the work: to present the framework of semiotic and cultural geography theories; to discuss the political and ideological context in which Singapore's landscape architecture is being shaped; to form the analytical tool by using the examples of the methodology of semiotic analysis and the principles of cultural geography; to carry out a detailed analysis of the landscape architecture depicted in the photographs; to provide analytical results that will detail the representation of the culture and politics through the landscape architecture. With the help of synthesis of two sets of cultural research tools (semiotics and cultural geography), a unique instrument of analysis has been developed, which has proven that landscape architecture in Singapore can be regarded as representational material emphasizing the specific cultural and political aspects of the country, as it is formed on the basis of the strategic measures being implemented by the government. The analysis has shown how landscape architectural objects work by transmitting encoded systems of meanings that not only provide information about the location, but also culturally and politically mobilize the society using these objects. The Master thesis and the created semiotic analysis tool for landscape architecture could be useful to researchers in architecture and communication, who are planning to carry out a semiotic analysis of landscape architecture, as well as for scholars of Transcultural studies of Asia interested in Singapore cultural research.

Master Thesis is focused on the culture and politics in Singapore's landscape architecture. The aim of the work is to analyze how Singapore's landscape architecture is presented in the photographs on the official website of the Singapore Tourism Board. Tasks of the work: to present the framework of semiotic and cultural geography theories; to discuss the political and ideological context in which Singapore's landscape architecture is being shaped; to form the analytical tool by using the examples of the methodology of semiotic analysis and the principles of cultural geography; to carry out a detailed analysis of the landscape architecture depicted in the photographs; to provide analytical results that will detail the representation of the culture and politics through the landscape architecture. With the help of synthesis of two sets of cultural research tools (semiotics and cultural geography), a unique instrument of analysis has been developed, which has proven that landscape architecture in Singapore can be regarded as representational material emphasizing the specific cultural and political aspects of the country, as it is formed on the basis of the strategic measures being implemented by the government. The analysis has shown how landscape architectural objects work by transmitting encoded systems of meanings that not only provide information about the location, but also culturally and politically mobilize the society using these objects. The Master thesis and the created semiotic analysis tool for landscape architecture could be useful to researchers in architecture and communication, who are planning to carry out a semiotic analysis of landscape architecture, as well as for scholars of Transcultural studies of Asia interested in Singapore cultural research.

The concept Petersburg text by Toporov is criticized for its mythological essence, for the confusion of the languages of the object and the analysis in its description, and for the very attempt to create a mental space in which one can escape politics and ideology. The point of such critique is that the concept of Petersburg text is a product of the Soviet era and its highly ideologized atmosphere, as well as of the wish of the intellectuals not to participate in it. Nevertheles, there is a range of texts of cities or regions made by analogy with the Petersburg text (e.g., Moscow, Permj, Siberian, Crimean texts) in the recent Russian humanities. In this article, the author makes an attempt to show the actuality of the Toporov's concept by comparing it with the modern geocritical theory that does not make a strict separation between cities and texts and treats them as transgressive and mobile. On the other hand, it is stated that the concept of Toporov gains its actuality in discussing the text of the city in its relation to the main historical event of the nation, viz. the founding of Petersburg. This thesis could be proved by applying the notion to Vilnius and its literature. The main event of the modern Lithuanian history concerning Vilnius is the fact that it was given over to Lithuania in 1939. It took another 40 years to create the Vilnius text of Lithuanian literature, in which heroes and their stories are inseparable from the city and its history as well as from its topography. This means that Vilnius and its semiotics have been assimilated by Lithuanian culture, and the city has acquired its text.

The concept Petersburg text by Toporov is criticized for its mythological essence, for the confusion of the languages of the object and the analysis in its description, and for the very attempt to create a mental space in which one can escape politics and ideology. The point of such critique is that the concept of Petersburg text is a product of the Soviet era and its highly ideologized atmosphere, as well as of the wish of the intellectuals not to participate in it. Nevertheles, there is a range of texts of cities or regions made by analogy with the Petersburg text (e.g., Moscow, Permj, Siberian, Crimean texts) in the recent Russian humanities. In this article, the author makes an attempt to show the actuality of the Toporov's concept by comparing it with the modern geocritical theory that does not make a strict separation between cities and texts and treats them as transgressive and mobile. On the other hand, it is stated that the concept of Toporov gains its actuality in discussing the text of the city in its relation to the main historical event of the nation, viz. the founding of Petersburg. This thesis could be proved by applying the notion to Vilnius and its literature. The main event of the modern Lithuanian history concerning Vilnius is the fact that it was given over to Lithuania in 1939. It took another 40 years to create the Vilnius text of Lithuanian literature, in which heroes and their stories are inseparable from the city and its history as well as from its topography. This means that Vilnius and its semiotics have been assimilated by Lithuanian culture, and the city has acquired its text.

The concept Petersburg text by Toporov is criticized for its mythological essence, for the confusion of the languages of the object and the analysis in its description, and for the very attempt to create a mental space in which one can escape politics and ideology. The point of such critique is that the concept of Petersburg text is a product of the Soviet era and its highly ideologized atmosphere, as well as of the wish of the intellectuals not to participate in it. Nevertheles, there is a range of texts of cities or regions made by analogy with the Petersburg text (e.g., Moscow, Permj, Siberian, Crimean texts) in the recent Russian humanities. In this article, the author makes an attempt to show the actuality of the Toporov's concept by comparing it with the modern geocritical theory that does not make a strict separation between cities and texts and treats them as transgressive and mobile. On the other hand, it is stated that the concept of Toporov gains its actuality in discussing the text of the city in its relation to the main historical event of the nation, viz. the founding of Petersburg. This thesis could be proved by applying the notion to Vilnius and its literature. The main event of the modern Lithuanian history concerning Vilnius is the fact that it was given over to Lithuania in 1939. It took another 40 years to create the Vilnius text of Lithuanian literature, in which heroes and their stories are inseparable from the city and its history as well as from its topography. This means that Vilnius and its semiotics have been assimilated by Lithuanian culture, and the city has acquired its text.

The concept Petersburg text by Toporov is criticized for its mythological essence, for the confusion of the languages of the object and the analysis in its description, and for the very attempt to create a mental space in which one can escape politics and ideology. The point of such critique is that the concept of Petersburg text is a product of the Soviet era and its highly ideologized atmosphere, as well as of the wish of the intellectuals not to participate in it. Nevertheles, there is a range of texts of cities or regions made by analogy with the Petersburg text (e.g., Moscow, Permj, Siberian, Crimean texts) in the recent Russian humanities. In this article, the author makes an attempt to show the actuality of the Toporov's concept by comparing it with the modern geocritical theory that does not make a strict separation between cities and texts and treats them as transgressive and mobile. On the other hand, it is stated that the concept of Toporov gains its actuality in discussing the text of the city in its relation to the main historical event of the nation, viz. the founding of Petersburg. This thesis could be proved by applying the notion to Vilnius and its literature. The main event of the modern Lithuanian history concerning Vilnius is the fact that it was given over to Lithuania in 1939. It took another 40 years to create the Vilnius text of Lithuanian literature, in which heroes and their stories are inseparable from the city and its history as well as from its topography. This means that Vilnius and its semiotics have been assimilated by Lithuanian culture, and the city has acquired its text.

The discussion of the communicational aspects of the freedom of information may be related to the most important traditions of communication research, that is, semiotics and the so-called "process" school. This would enable distinguishing quantitative and qualitative aspects of the freedom of information, and creating a coordinate system for the analysis and evaluation of the attempts to limit the freedom of media. It seems that the dependence on quantitative principles of the freedom of information in a so-called marketplace of ideas undermines the importance of society's qualitative principles of information spread and disturbs the fragile balance between the right to know and the freedom of information. Inevitably, the following question arises: who, in the marketplace of ideas, will guarantee the right of a consumer to receive quality news? Democratic traditions condemn any censorship attempts. Do the changing role of the media and its place in the modern society require the expansion of the concept of the freedom of media? Perhaps, along with concepts such as the freedom of speech and the freedom of information, the discussion should also include considerations about the preservation of the right to know. Since in practice the right to know is usually passive, but the freedom of information is active, the society's right to know is often individualized down to the level of a single person's rights, whereas the freedom of information follows the reverse trend and is most commonly rolled up to a group, party, or corporate level. In this context, the proposed concept of "the freedom of media as an institution" relies on the assumption that the weaker side should be defended. By associating public interest and the quality of media with the right to know, this article aims to show that these two factors are no less important to the functioning of a democratic society than pluralism and diversity, which are directly linked to the freedom of information. The search for the balance between the right to know and the freedom of information is one of the most important issues concerning the functionality of the media, especially in Central and Eastern Europe. ; Aptariant komunikacinius informavimo teisės aspektus, juos galima sieti su svarbiausiomis komunikacijos tyrimo tradicijomis – semiotika ir vadinamąja "proceso" mokykla. Tai leistų skirti kiekybinius ir kokybinius informavimo laisvės principus bei kurti savotišką koordinačių sistemą, kurioje ir analizuojami bei vertinami bandymai riboti žiniasklaidos laisvę. Atrodo, kad, vadinamojoje idėjų rinkoje pasikliaujant kiekybiniais informacijos laisvės principais, sunyksta kokybinių visuomenės informavimo principų svarba, pažeidžiama trapi pusiausvyra tarp teisės žinoti bei laisvės informuoti. Todėl neišvengiamai kyla klausimas, kas idėjų rinkoje laiduos vartotojo teisę gauti kokybiškas žinias. Demokratinė tradicija smerkia bet kokius cenzūros bandymus. Ar kintantis žiniasklaidos vaidmuo ir vieta šiuolaikinėje visuomenėje nereikalauja plėsti žiniasklaidos laisvės sampratos, kalbėti ne tik apie žodžio, informavimo laisvę, bet ir apie teisės žinoti išsaugojimą? Kadangi praktikoje teisė žinoti dažniausiai yra pasyvi, o laisvė informuoti – aktyvi, visuomenės teisė žinoti dažnai individualizuojama iki atskiro asmens teisės, o laisvė informuoti, atvirkščiai, – dažniausiai institucionalizuojama iki grupinės, partinės, korporacinės ir pan. laisvės. Tokiame kontekste siūloma institucinės žiniasklaidos laisvės koncepcija remiasi silpnesniojo gynimo nuo stipresniojo prielaida. Straipsnyje žiniasklaidos kokybę ir viešąjį interesą siejant su teise žinoti siekiama parodyti, kad žiniasklaidos kokybė ir viešasis interesas demokratiniam visuomenėsfunkcionavimui yra ne mažiau svarbūs nei su laisve informuoti tiesiogiai siejamas pliuralizmas ir įvairovė. Pusiausvyros tarp teisės žinoti ir laisvės informuoti paieškos šiandien būtų viena opiausių visų pirma Vidurio ir Rytų Europoje kylančių visaverčio žiniasklaidos gyvavimo problemų.