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In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake. ; In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake.

Two analyses have been carried out for the purpose of this study. The first refers to the analysis of the gender differences in the development of civil sense (understanding citizenship) & the practice of citizenship (practicing citizenship). The second refers primarily to the analysis of the variables of the "school experience" (the school climate or the perceived opportunity for an open classroom discussion, & the variables of the perceived tasks of classroom learning or education) & how they influence the expected voting behaviour of adults. The findings were compared to similar international comparative studies (the 2001 TEA study, C. Hahn's study of 1998). Our study has shown that the gender differences regarding the civil political sense & the culture among young people have been diminishing but have not fully disappeared, & that there are significant differences among individual countries in that respect. Our research has shown that there are significant gender differences in their understanding of citizenship; these differences are somewhat smaller for the variable of the practice of citizenship among high-school students. However, those differences are not particularly pronounced. It seems that it is no longer justified to talk about civil political culture as "male culture," though gender still creates marked differences but no longer solely in favour of men. We have not come to the end of the road leading to a balanced civil political culture yet, at least regarding gender. & secondly, our study has shown that the political education of students & the perceived tasks of political education in schools influence the expected adult voting behaviour. This confirms the thesis that the classroom political education is relevant, at least to a limited degree, for the key variables of civil sense & practice. 4 Tables, 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyses globalization and freedom by discussing the works of Dahrendorf and Giddens. Examining issues like risk, tradition, family and democracy, Giddens explores the influence of globalization on societies and states, and on individuals and their everyday life. Dahrendorf discusses the concept of freedom as an "action for realization of opportunities" and in that sense he sees freedom is an action and not as a state. Dahrendorf also discusses globalization as de-democratization. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyses globalization and freedom by discussing the works of Dahrendorf and Giddens. Examining issues like risk, tradition, family and democracy, Giddens explores the influence of globalization on societies and states, and on individuals and their everyday life. Dahrendorf discusses the concept of freedom as an "action for realization of opportunities" and in that sense he sees freedom is an action and not as a state. Dahrendorf also discusses globalization as de-democratization. Adapted from the source document.

One of the most significant results of European convergence is an increase in the number of channels for the "European" policy activities of subnational actors. These actors are no longer limited to bilateral political relations & national i.e. state actors, but are to cooperate & communicate with different actors in different arenas of decision-making & make use of various channels of influencing the European policy process. The question of subnational mobilization has become extremely significant in the theory of European convergence, particularly following the major reform of the EU cohesion policy of 1988 & the introduction of the partnership principle. In that sense, the mobilization of subnational actors is closely linked to the evolution of the EU cohesion policy. Tt should be noted that despite this, the EU cohesion policy is primarily the essential catalyst of subnational mobilization & thus not "exclusively" linked to the public policy realm; it has increasingly become a prominent feature of other public-policy areas. And finally, hand in hand with the elaboration of the common cohesion policy (related to subnational mobilization) the concept of the so-called multilevel governance was formulated in the context of the European integration, in the sense of identifying the environment in which the processes of the formation & the implementation of common European policies are today taking place. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

One of the most significant results of European convergence is an increase in the number of channels for the "European" policy activities of subnational actors. These actors are no longer limited to bilateral political relations & national i.e. state actors, but are to cooperate & communicate with different actors in different arenas of decision-making & make use of various channels of influencing the European policy process. The question of subnational mobilization has become extremely significant in the theory of European convergence, particularly following the major reform of the EU cohesion policy of 1988 & the introduction of the partnership principle. In that sense, the mobilization of subnational actors is closely linked to the evolution of the EU cohesion policy. Tt should be noted that despite this, the EU cohesion policy is primarily the essential catalyst of subnational mobilization & thus not "exclusively" linked to the public policy realm; it has increasingly become a prominent feature of other public-policy areas. And finally, hand in hand with the elaboration of the common cohesion policy (related to subnational mobilization) the concept of the so-called multilevel governance was formulated in the context of the European integration, in the sense of identifying the environment in which the processes of the formation & the implementation of common European policies are today taking place. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the role of the constitutional judiciary & the traditional theory of the tripartite division of power. His radical conclusion is that the division of power in Montesquieu's sense, as a tool of control & balance in the modern state, does not exist. There is no social violence to which such balance, control, or correction could be applied. In such circumstances, the role, selection, & work of constitutional judges is of utmost significance for the control, correction, & balancing of political process. 4 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

In the narrow sense, "Geomagnetic Information" (GI) refers to the Earth's magnetic field declination (D) and its annual variation (AVD) as marginal information of official and military maps. In order to assess the reliability and update the geomagnetic information, it is necessary to continuously monitor the GI model by observing the Earth's magnetic field. ; U užem smislu, "geomagnetska informacija" (GI) odnosi se na deklinaciju (D) Zemljinog magnetskog polja i njezinu godišnju promjenu (GPD), kao informaciju izvan okvirnog sadržaja službenih i vojnih karata. Za procjenu pouzdanosti i ažuriranje geomagnetske informacije, neophodno je kontinuirano praćenje GI modela opažanjem Zemljinog magnetskog polja.

Autor u radu obrađuje desne političke stranke. Riječ je o najbrže rastućoj stranačkoj obitelji u Europi. U tom smislu analizira i prikazuje ideologiju, pojmove i vrste desnih političkih stranaka. Posebna pozornost posvećena je ideologiji stranaka radikalne desnice kroz teorijski okvir nizozemskoga politologa Casa Muddea. ; The author deals with right-wing political parties. It is the fastest growing party family in Europe. In this sense, he analyses and displays the ideology, concepts, and types of right-wing political parties. Special attention is paid to the ideology of the parties of the radical right through the theoretical framework of the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde.

Due to their professional selectiveness & standardized processing, commercial databases are a valuable source of scientific information. This paper describes the rationale behind their emergence & evolution in the sense of technological & content changes that the online databases have gone through in their 40-year existence. On today's market, there are hosts that offer a plethora of databases. In the Croatian academic community, access is provided via NSK & CARNet. The article lists the examples of surfing on major online databases available in the Web form (EMERALD, CSA, & EBSCO) as the relevant electronic sources of information from the field of social sciences/humanities. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

Due to their professional selectiveness & standardized processing, commercial databases are a valuable source of scientific information. This paper describes the rationale behind their emergence & evolution in the sense of technological & content changes that the online databases have gone through in their 40-year existence. On today's market, there are hosts that offer a plethora of databases. In the Croatian academic community, access is provided via NSK & CARNet. The article lists the examples of surfing on major online databases available in the Web form (EMERALD, CSA, & EBSCO) as the relevant electronic sources of information from the field of social sciences/humanities. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

Nakana je ovog rada predstaviti etički pogled na demokraciju Karola Wojtyle - pape Ivana Pavla II. kao aktualan i značajan doprinos obrani demokracije na njenim izvorima. Budući da govor o demokraciji pretpostavlja govor o čovjeku ponajprije se osvjetljuje Wojtylin personalizam kao ishodište za promišljanje smisla demokracije. Wojtylin filozofijski prinos promišljanju smisla demokracije prepoznaje se već u odlučnoj kritici antipersonalistickih koncepcija koje leže u temelju individualizma i kolektivizma, u njegovoj razradi načela "sudjelovanja" kao autentičnog temelja ljudske zajednice, u personalističkoj i teleološkoj koncepciji "zajedničkog dobra", a posebice u isticanju temeljnih načela i fundamentalnih vrijednosti (istine o čovjeku, ispravno shvaćene slobode), bez kojih nije moguće izgraditi autentičnu demokraciju. ; The purpose of this article is to present the ethical view of democracy held by Karol Wojtyle – pope John Paul II, as a relevant and significant contribution to the defense of democracy at its sources. Since the discourse of democracy presupposes a discourse on man, the first step the article takes is to illuminate Wojtyl's personalism as the point of departure for reflecting upon the sense of democracy. Woytyl's philosophical contribution to reflecting upon the sense of democracy canalready be recognized in his decisive critique of the anti-personalist conceptions which are at the base of individualism and collectivism, in his elaboration of the principle of "participation" as an authentic foundation of the human community, in his personalist and theological conception of the "common good" and especially in the emphasis he places on the fundamental principles and fundamental values (the truth concerning man, properly conceived freedom) without which it is impossible to build an authentic democracy.

U radu se razmatraju osnovni aspekti Lutherova i Calvinova shvaćanja morala, posebno u povezanosti s pojmom (moralne) individualizacije kao ključnog etičkog određenja. Također, razmatra se i pitanje uloge reformacijskog učenja u razgradnji srednjovjekovne »moralne slike svijeta«, kao i posljedice koje je ono izazvalo u političkom i ekonomskom smislu. ; This paper deals with the fundamental aspects of Luther's and Calvin's understanding of morality, particularly regarding the notion of moral individualisation as a key ethical definition. Additionally, the question of the role of Reformation teachings in the degeneration of the medieval "moral picture of the world" is also being considered, as well as the consequences it caused in the political and economic sense.

Education & breeding, like culture in general, are, in the broadest sense, universal human phenomena inseparably linked & interactive. Anthropology, generally speaking, is a holistic science of man, his nature, & culture, so its approach & findings are always current, even in the scientific pedagogic treatment of education & its application. Because of that, the notions "education & breeding" & "anthropology," as a science of man & culture, are first theoretically determined so they can both contextually & explicitly be deduced & their necessary dialectical connection & mutuality be ascertained. The second, applied part of this paper is about religious education (scientifically, religiologically based) as a school subject & studies in the context of democratic social & political changes in Croatia & their relation to catechism. Adapted from the source document.

Autori u tekstu propituju povijest razvoja lokalne samouprave u Hrvatskoj od samih početaka do danas. U tom smislu, rabe pravnopovijesnu metodu i daju presjek razvoja te institucije s naglaskom na normativnu regulaciju unutar zadnjih 30-tak godina. Rad ukazuje na temeljne nedostatke u razvoju lokalne samouprave koji se moraju prevladati kako bi ona bila učinkovitija. ; The authors question the history of the development of local self-government in Croatia from the very beginning to the present day. In that sense, they use the legal-historical method and give a cross-section of the institutions' development with an emphasis on normative regulation within the last 30 years. The paper points to fundamental drawbacks in the development of local self-government that must be overcome in order to make it more effective.