STEINBERG, Blema S. Shame and Humilliation : Presidential Decision Making on Vietnam. Montréal, McGill-Queen's University Press, 1996, 397 p
In: Études internationales, Band 28, Heft 2, S. 431
ISSN: 1703-7891
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In: Études internationales, Band 28, Heft 2, S. 431
ISSN: 1703-7891
Le concubinage fait naître une obligation naturelle de contribuer aux charges du ménage. Ce qui dépasse le montant de cette obligation naturelle peut faire l'objet d'une répétition pour enrichissement sans cause. ; Peer reviewed
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In Transjordan, and more particularly in Karak, until the end of the XIXth century, in a region at the margin of the sphere of influence of the Ottoman order, Christianity and its particular manifestations constituted a simple marker of tribal affiliation and identity comparable to other religious or social markers available to Moslem tribes. ; En Transjordanie, et plus particulièrement à Karak, jusqu'à la toute fin du XIXe siècle, dans un espace aux marges des zones d'influence des pouvoirs politiques et religieux centralisés de l'empire ottoman, le christianisme et ses manifestations particulières a constitué un simple marqueur d'appartenance tribale à l'instar d'autres marqueurs, religieux ou sociaux, dont disposaient les tribus musulmanes.
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In Transjordan, and more particularly in Karak, until the end of the XIXth century, in a region at the margin of the sphere of influence of the Ottoman order, Christianity and its particular manifestations constituted a simple marker of tribal affiliation and identity comparable to other religious or social markers available to Moslem tribes. ; En Transjordanie, et plus particulièrement à Karak, jusqu'à la toute fin du XIXe siècle, dans un espace aux marges des zones d'influence des pouvoirs politiques et religieux centralisés de l'empire ottoman, le christianisme et ses manifestations particulières a constitué un simple marqueur d'appartenance tribale à l'instar d'autres marqueurs, religieux ou sociaux, dont disposaient les tribus musulmanes.
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In: Monde arabe: Maghreb - Machrek, Heft 151, S. 13-17
ISSN: 0336-6324, 1241-5294
Seit einigen Jahren hat in Ägypten eine gewisse Zahl von Künstlerinnen (Schauspielerinnen, Tänzerinnen, Sängerinnen und Sprecherinnen) damit begonnen, den Schleier zu tragen und die Arbeit aufzugeben. Ihr Verhalten hat eine Polemik ausgelöst. Die Autorin geht auf diese Polemik zwischen Kritikern und Verteidigern der verschleierten Künstlerinnen ein. In diesem Zusammenhang verweist die Autorin auf einen weiteren Aspekt. Viele dieser Künstlerinnen sehen ihre Produktionen, bei denen sie in der Vergangenheit mitgewirkt haben, als Sünde an. Einige haben um die Vernichtung von Filmen gebeten, in denen sie mitgespielt haben (z.B. Shams al-Barudi). (DÜI-Ott)
World Affairs Online
In: Politique internationale: pi, S. 187-199
ISSN: 0221-2781
Interview with Vietnamese poet, dissident, and refugee to the US Nguyên Chi Thiên about his experiences under communist dictatorship in North Vietnam, particularly in Ho Chi Minh's jails, focusing on his views of economic reforms as sham, the regime's grip on production and foreign trade, and on Western funding organizations' responsibility for Vietnamese suffering. Summaries in English and Spanish p. 449 and 464.
In: Confluences Méditerranée: revue trimestrielle, Band 51, Heft 4, S. 183-192
ISSN: 2102-5991
Story : The Sultan, Itidal Othman was born in 1942. She studied English literature at the University of Cairo and at the American University in Cairo. She works as an editor at the General Egyptian Organization for the Book, and is also an editorial board member for several literary journals. She is the author of two short story collections : Yûnus wal-Bahr (Jonas and the Sea, 1987) and Wash ash-Shams (Tattoo from the Sun, 1992), as well as several essays of literary criticism, one of which is consecrated to Youssef Idriss.
In: Droit et société: revue internationale de théorie du droit et de sociologie juridique, Band 28, Heft 1, S. 629-636
ISSN: 0769-3362
The Opening of Prisons and the Surrounding Social Ecosystem.
For not having been ideologically considered, the primary function of prisons (keeping in confinement to keep apart) gives them a stigma similar to that which punishes inmates. The ways of dealing with this shame (in terms of neighbourhood relationships, economies and social integration) demonstrate the development of a sensitive zone around each jail, structured by these social relationships. On the other hand, the socio-economical characteristics of the environment reinforce different spheres of influence within each prison, to the detriment of global coherence. These social logics conflict with the recent French policy of « opening » jails to external partnership.
In: Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, Band 34, Heft 1, S. 119-138
André Berelowitch, Plea for the Muscovite nobility. In respect of affairs of honor in the seventeenth century.
On basis of lawsuits for insults and the substantial damages they could yield, Muscovite nobles are often accused of being devoid of the sense of honor. Sources nearer to every-day life (informal letters for instance) show that in reality Muscovite honor is that of a "shame society" with its anthropological meaning. A careful examination of complaints for insults or precedence quarrels of Court nobility demonstrates, on the other hand, that these affairs follow a near-universal pattern: challenge, counter-challenge and redress. Physical punishments, and putting one's life in somebody's hand (vydacha golovoi) could be relics of a real or symbolic fight with the objective of defending one's honor in days of old.
In: Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, Band 111, Heft 1, S. 92-109
ISSN: 1955-2564
The right to write badly
Using Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778), Rodolphe Töpffer (1799-1846) and Charles-Ferdinand Ramuz (1878-1947), all three shaped in the French linguistic space of Switzerland, this article looks at the welcome Paris reserves for deviations from standard written practice, a point of pride or shame that announces national differences. Attenuated or accentuated, depending on the historical moment, these deviations may be the object of a violent bringing into line. But at the cost of a labor of legitimation undertaken by the critics (e.g. Sainte-Beuve's remarks on Töpffer, Claudel's defense of Ramuz) ; they can also be perceived as effects of style. More is at stake than simply esthetics, however. Ramuz' highly personal style, for instance, appears both as an individual production and a polemical response to the unspoken rules of the French literary field.
Deploring the chasm between regional variants of spoken French and the standard written version, many authors around the French-speaking periphery refuse to align their style on the French "of Paris". A literary issue may thus emerge from a geohistorical gap between fields : many cases in French-speaking Switzerland, Quebec, Belgium or the West Indies present striking similarities in their enthusiastic debauching of the French "of Paris" the better to construct their own identity.
International audience ; The «blague» (humbug, send up) was born under Napoleon. This sort of deception, based on bragging or «puffing» became more and more widespread during the XIX th century, notably under the guise of political caricature, an art form that was to reach summits under the reign of King Louis-Philippe. The whole point of the «blague» is the shift of the opposition between truth and falsehood to that between fullness and emptiness. The political «blagueur» is less the hypocrite who canceals a presence than the buffoon who displays an absence. This is epitomized by the famous caricature of Louis-Philippe in the guise of a pear, full of emptiness as it were. Thus replacing the show by a mere appearance, a sham, an image that conveys nothing but itself the caricature, by means of the «blague», sounds the death knell of symbols. It opposes presence to transcendence and current events to history. But at the very moment it creates a vacuum, by means of the caricatural portrait, the «armes parlantes» (parodie coat of arms) it brings back to life the lost symbols, creates a memory of and by the caricature, it erects, facing the History Museum of Versailles, the «Museum of the People» - a living museum of a history which has become contemporary by now. No doubt, between the «puff» of Louis-Philippe's time and President Chirac's notorious «pschitt», the «blague» has taken a deep breath. ; Née sous Napoléon Ier, la blague, cette tromperie par hâblerie, ce «puff» ou «pouff», étend son empire sur l'ensemble du XIXe siècle, notamment sur la caricature politique, qui prend son essor sous la Monarchie de Juillet. Tout l'enjeu de la blague réside dans le déplacement du couple faux-vrai vers le couple plein-vide: le blagueur politique est moins l'hypocrite qui cache une présence que le bateleur qui exhibe une absence, si bien incarnée! par la fameuse poire-blague Louis-philipparde pleine de vide. Substituant ainsi au spectacle le simulacre, cette image qui ne renvoie qu'à elle-même, la caricature, par la blague, ...
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International audience ; The «blague» (humbug, send up) was born under Napoleon. This sort of deception, based on bragging or «puffing» became more and more widespread during the XIX th century, notably under the guise of political caricature, an art form that was to reach summits under the reign of King Louis-Philippe. The whole point of the «blague» is the shift of the opposition between truth and falsehood to that between fullness and emptiness. The political «blagueur» is less the hypocrite who canceals a presence than the buffoon who displays an absence. This is epitomized by the famous caricature of Louis-Philippe in the guise of a pear, full of emptiness as it were. Thus replacing the show by a mere appearance, a sham, an image that conveys nothing but itself the caricature, by means of the «blague», sounds the death knell of symbols. It opposes presence to transcendence and current events to history. But at the very moment it creates a vacuum, by means of the caricatural portrait, the «armes parlantes» (parodie coat of arms) it brings back to life the lost symbols, creates a memory of and by the caricature, it erects, facing the History Museum of Versailles, the «Museum of the People» - a living museum of a history which has become contemporary by now. No doubt, between the «puff» of Louis-Philippe's time and President Chirac's notorious «pschitt», the «blague» has taken a deep breath. ; Née sous Napoléon Ier, la blague, cette tromperie par hâblerie, ce «puff» ou «pouff», étend son empire sur l'ensemble du XIXe siècle, notamment sur la caricature politique, qui prend son essor sous la Monarchie de Juillet. Tout l'enjeu de la blague réside dans le déplacement du couple faux-vrai vers le couple plein-vide: le blagueur politique est moins l'hypocrite qui cache une présence que le bateleur qui exhibe une absence, si bien incarnée! par la fameuse poire-blague Louis-philipparde pleine de vide. Substituant ainsi au spectacle le simulacre, cette image qui ne renvoie qu'à elle-même, la caricature, par la blague, ...
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