Suchergebnisse

En Deudas coloniales: el caso de Puerto Rico, Rocío Zambrana ofrece una robusta conversación con pensadorxs, creadorxs y activistas de Puerto Rico y el Sur Global, así como con algunxs de lxs observadorxs más conocidxs en el contexto europeo y norteamericano, en torno a la deuda como forma y práctica de captura, sujeción, control y desposesión que profundiza y expande el alcance de la modernidad capitalista colonial. Al mismo tiempo, Zambrana insiste, el caso particular de Puerto Rico demuestra que, para lograr lo anterior, el capitalismo requiere la continua "actualización" de la condición colonial como orden racista, no sólo como subordinación jurídico-política, en "condiciones materiales e históricas alteradas." La deuda financiera en la colonia, entonces, es una "manifestación de la deuda histórica" de la conquista y la esclavitud, fungiendo así como agente del régimen de raza/género/clase que "la colonialidad del poder" (el concepto es de Aníbal Quijano) perpetúa en el presente a través de nuevas rondas de invasión, saqueo y explotación. No obstante, Puerto Rico también ejemplifica, plantea la autora, formas esperanzadoras de "organizar el pesimismo," que pueden advertirse en variadas prácticas de resistencia, tales como el rehusarse, la subversión y el rescate/ocupación. Éstas interrumpen la sujeción de la deuda, tanto financiera como histórica, pese a los inherentes desafíos de la cooptación neoliberal. Así sea con gestos que parecen inconsecuentes o temporeros, nuestras resistencias constituyen modos descoloniales y reparadores de "vincular la vida." Con la publicación de esta traducción de Raquel Salas Rivera al español, nuestras series Otra universidad y Libros libres continúan aportando saberes a las luchas por el archipiélago liberado al que aspiramos y que forjamos, día con día, en cada una de nuestras subversiones. --- In Deudas coloniales: el caso de Puerto Rico, Rocío Zambrana offers a robust conversation with thinkers, creators, and activists in Puerto Rico and the Global South, as well as with some of the most well-known analysts in European and North American contexts, on debt as a form and a practice of capture, subjection, control, and dispossession that deepens and expands the reach of colonial capitalist modernity. To achieve this, as Zambrana shows through her analysis of Puerto Rico's particular case, capitalism requires the colonial condition's constant "updating" as a racist order, and not only as a juridical-political subordination, in "altered material and historical conditions." Financial debt in the colony, then, is a "manifestation of the historical debt" from conquest and slavery, thus operating as an agent of the race/gender/class regime that Aníbal Quijano's "coloniality of power" perpetuates in the present through new sequences of invasion, plunder, and exploitation. However, the author argues that Puerto Rico also exemplifies hopeful forms of "organizing pessimism," which can be noticed in various resistance practices, such as refusal, subversion, and rescue/occupation. These interrupt the subjection of both financial and historical debt, despite the inherent challenges associated with neoliberal cooptation. Even when its gestures might seem inconsequential or temporary, our resistance constitutes decolonial and reparative modes of "life binding." With the publication of this translation into Spanish by Raquel Salas Rivera, our series Otra Universidad and Libros Libres continues contributing to the struggles for the liberated archipelago we aspire to and craft, every day, in all our subversions.

La tesi di dottorato ha l'obiettivo di riflettere sul rapporto indissolubile che, nella prima metà del diciannovesimo secolo, venne a crearsi tra la sfera della domesticità e il processo di costruzione ed espansione dell'impero statunitense attraverso l'analisi critica del contributo teorico di due pioniere del riformismo bianco americano, Lydia Maria Child (1802–1880) e Margaret Fuller (1810–1850), proponendo uno studio di tipo comparato che tenga in considerazione l'intersezionalità di prospettive di genere, razza e classe. La tesi mostra come la riflessione sulla domesticità e il suo ripensamento servirono a Child e Fuller da un lato per sviluppare una feroce critica al sistema imperialistico statunitense, inserendosi all'interno di alcuni tra i dibattiti più vivaci e controversi della storia imperiale americana – quello sui diritti e sul destino dei nativi americani, sull'abolizione della schiavitù, sull'immigrazione irlandese, sulla questione della classe lavoratrice, sul ruolo degli Stati Uniti nel panorama politico internazionale – e, dall'altro, per forgiare un nuovo ruolo femminile che non solo era strettamente connesso e dipendente dall'impero, ma che ne riproduceva le contraddizioni e le tensioni razziali. Senza negarne la portata radicale, la ricerca mette in evidenza quelle che appaiono le aporie della loro riflessione legate all'intreccio tra complessi dibattiti relativi all'espansione imperiale e questioni di genere, razza e classe. La domesticità, infatti, servì talvolta a giustificare e riprodurre le stesse contraddizioni e tensioni dell'espansione continentale del periodo compreso tra gli anni Venti e gli anni Cinquanta dell'Ottocento. Le fonti esaminate comprendono materiale edito e inedito di varia natura, tra cui saggi, pamphlet politici, racconti per l'infanzia, romanzi, manuali domestici, articoli di giornale, biografie e diari di viaggio, in aggiunta alle corrispondenze epistolari. ; This PhD thesis aims to investigate the close bond that, in the first half of the nineteenth century, existed between the sphere of domesticity and the process of building and expanding the U.S. empire, by critically analyzing the contribution of two pioneers of American white reformism, Lydia Maria Child (1802-1880) and Margaret Fuller (1810-1850), and by offering a comparative perspective that takes into account the intersectionality of gender, race and class. The dissertation shows how the exploration of domesticity was used by Child and Fuller on the one hand to develop a strong critique of U.S. imperialist system, becoming part of some of the most vivid and controversial debates in American imperial history - that on the rights and destiny of Native Americans, on the abolition of slavery, on Irish immigration, on the labor question, on the role of the United States in the international political scenario - and, on the other hand, to forge a new female role that was not only closely connected to and dependent on the empire, but that reproduced its contradictions and racial tensions. Without denying their radical significance, the research highlights what appear to be the aporias of their thinking related to the intertwining of complex debates concerning imperial expansion and issues of gender, race and class. Indeed, domesticity sometimes served to justify and reproduce the same contradictions and tensions of continental expansion in the period between the 1820s and the 1850s. Primary sources include published and unpublished material of various kinds, ranging from essays, political pamphlets, children's fiction, novels, domestic manuals, newspaper articles, biographies and travelogues, in addition to private correspondence.

Introduction. Human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation is a growing social problem in today's democratic societies, affecting mainly girls and women (Eurostat, 2018). It is also a crime(Palermo protocol [UN, 2000]),a violation of human rights, anda manifestation of gender-based violence (UN's Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women [UN, 1993]), and a type of slavery (Correa, 2011)against the most impoverished women. Purpose. In this article, we focus on the sub-Saharan trafficked women who come to southern Europe via the human trafficking routes that cross northern Africa going through places such as Lagos, Tinzaouaten (Mali), Tamanrrasset (Argelia), the Sahara Desert, and different Moroccan cities, before reaching Europe over the Southern Spanish coastline. Ew show the resources used by these women when going through the said contexts of exploitation and forced prostitution. Methodology. Our research reviews the existing literature taking resilience as a pivotal point that is present in various areas of knowledge, including psychology and literature, among others. It allows us to show a change of perspective in this matter, by making these women visible in terms of their capacities. Results. We show examples, from different fields of knowledge and disciplines, of women who, having lived in these contexts, have carried out processes of fortitude, recovery, and personal growth. A new glimpse of this phenomenon and of these processes is studied, from a scarcely researched perspective to this day. Contribution. The originality of this analysis contributes a new understanding of the capacity of resilience of this population, despite the adverse conditions of their migratory experience ; Introducción. La trata de personas con fines de explotación sexual es un problema social creciente en las sociedades democráticas actuales, que impacta mayoritariamente en mujeres y niñas (Eurostat, 2018). Es también un delito (Protocolo de Palermo [UN, 2000]), una violación de derechos humanos, y una manifestación de violencia de género (Declaración de Naciones Unidas para la Eliminación de la Violencia contra las Mujeres [UN, 1993]) y una forma de esclavitud (Correa, 2011)cometida contra las mujeres más empobrecidas. Propósito. Este artículo se centra en las mujeres subsaharianas tratadas que llegan al sur de Europa a través de rutas de compra-venta de personas que recorren Áfricaatravesando, lugares como Lagos, Tin Zaoautin (Malí), la ciudad de Tamanrasset (Argelia), el Desierto del Sáhara, o determinadas ciudades de Marruecos antes de cruzar a Europa a través de las costas del sur de España. Se muestran los recursos que estas utilizan al atravesar los contextos de explotación y prostitución forzada mencionados. Metodología. A través de la revisión de la literatura, nuestra investigación recoge la resiliencia como un eje presente en distintos ámbitos de conocimiento, como la psicología y la literatura, entre otras, para mostrar un cambio de miradayun nuevo acercamiento a este fenómeno, así como a los procesos puestos en marcha por estas mujeres desdeun enfoque de capacidad. Resultados. Se muestran ejemplos de mujeres, recogidos desde distintas disciplinas y campos del saber, que habiendo estado en contextos de trata han llevado a cabo procesos de fortalecimiento, recuperación y crecimiento personal. Aportación. Nuestra aportación es original en la medida en que contribuye a una nueva comprensión de la capacidad de resiliar de esta población a pesar de las adversas condiciones de su experiencia migratoria.

This article has as its main objective to help in the understanding of the ethnic-racial identity concerning the discrimination contexts (multiple, intersectional and institutional) based on race and its implication for the law against discrimination. The approach for the discrimination problem is referred to a series of perceptions, given that the term race is derived from the constant struggle and controversy in the social relationships, political and legal frameworks in Latin-America. In fact, the right to non-discrimination from a decolonizing perspective is attentive to the principle of equality and tries to bring near the historical need of those subordinate and stigmatized, especially in front of the Latin pro-slavery heritage. The analysis of the identity problems is well suited for elucidating the complex discriminatory situations inserted in scenarios which structures reinforce the subordination of the Afro-descendants, this being a way of eliminating the restriction to rights. This study was aided by a qualitative methodology and a data collection through bibliographic review in books, scientific articles and websites to go deeper in the knowledge of the problem. ; El presente estudio tiene como objetivo ayudar a comprender la identidad etnorracial en relación con los contextos de discriminación (múltiple, interseccional e institucional) basados en la raza y sus implicaciones para la ley contra la discriminación. El enfoque de la cuestión de la discriminación racial se refiere a una serie de percepciones, ya que el término raza se deriva de la lucha constante y la controversia en el marco de las relaciones sociales, políticas y legales en América Latina. De hecho, un derecho de no discriminación desde una perspectiva descolonizante está atento al principio de igualdad y procura aproximar las demandas históricas de los subordinados y estigmatizados, especialmente frente a la herencia esclavista latina. El análisis de los problemas de identidad sirve para dilucidar situaciones discriminatorias complejas que se insertan en escenarios cuyas estructuras refuerzan la subordinación de los afrodescendientes, siendo una forma de eliminar las restricciones a los derechos. Se acudió a una metodología cualitativa y a la recopilación de datos a través de la investigación bibliográfica en libros, artículos científicos y sitios web para profundizar el conocimiento sobre el problema. ; Este estudo tem o objetivo de ajudar a compreender a identidade étnico-racial em relação com os contextos de discriminação (múltipla, intersetorial e institucional) baseados na raça e suas implicações para a lei contra a discriminação. A abordagem da questão da discriminação racial se refere a percepções, já que o termo "raça" é derivado da luta constante e da controvérsia no âmbito das relações sociais, políticas e legais na América Latina. De fato, um direito de não discriminação sob uma perspectiva descolonial está atento ao princípio de igualdade e procura aproximar as demandas históricas dos subordinados e estigmatizados, em especial ante a herança escravista latina. A análise dos problemas de identidade serve para esclarecer situações discriminatórias complexas que são inseridas em cenários cujas estruturas reforçam a subordinação dos afrodescendentes, sendo uma forma de eliminar as restrições aos direitos. Recorreu-se a uma metodologia qualitativa, e a coleta de dados foi realizada por meio da pesquisa bibliográfica em livros, artigos científicos e sites web para aprofundar o conhecimento sobre o problema.

The article is devoted to the consideration of the Ukrainian issue on the pages of the magazine "Ab imperio" and the analysis of the terms Assimilationary Policy and Positive Discrimination Policy. The basis of the work is a contrastive method of research, which allows finding out the difference between the Ukrainian-centric and Russian-centric positions regarding the determinant terms.It has been proved that such core tokens as discrimination (deprivation of rights by a certain part of people) and empire (one of the values is a state that has colonies) are mostly used by the authors of the Russian-centric magazine "Ab imperio" with a positive connotation. It is argued that the terms Policy of Positive Discrimination (positive action) (authors – T. Martin, S. Rumyantsev) and Empire of Positive Action (author – P. Blitstein) are oxymora, that is, a combination of unrelated, such as happy murder or happy slavery. The term Assimilation is an analogy, so the only possible term for the policy of the USSR is an Assimilationary Policy that was designed to create a "single Soviet people". It was the assimilationary policy that was dominant both in linguistic (similarity of vocabulary, similarity of the spelling system), and in political terms (Famishment 1932–1933 organized, resettlement of Ukrainians to non-Ukrainian territories, mass exchange of specialists, mixed marriages, Russian schools, etc.). It is noteworthy that some scholars (D. Staliunas and S. Velychenko) submit the term Partial Assimilation. Not only Ukraine, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Lithuania, but also Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, where their nationalism was completely destroyed, have undergone an assimilationary language policy of Tsarist Russia and the USSR.Thus, the distortion of the essence of the defining terms in the magazine "Ab imperio" destroys the synodic sentiments of Ukrainians, forms a misunderstanding of Ukrainian identity, culturally and ideologically makes Ukraine dependent from Moscow.Keywords: term, Policy of Positive Discrimination, Assimilationary Policy, magazine "Ab imperio", Soviet policy. ; Розглядові українського питання на сторінках "Ab imperio" та аналізові термінів асиміляторська політика та політика позитивної дискримінації. Основою роботи є контрастивний метод дослідження, що з'ясовує відмінність українськоцентричної та російськоцентричної позиції щодо визначальних номенів.Доведено, що стрижневі лексеми дискримінація (позбавлення прав у певної частини людей) та імперія (одне зі значень – держава, що має колонії) автори російськоцентричного журналу "Ab imperio" вживають здебільшого з позитивною конотацією. Вмотивовано, що термін політика позитивної дискримінації (позитивної дії) (автори – Т. Мартін, С. Рум'янцев) та імперія позитивної дії (автор – П. Блітстайн (P. Blitstein)) є оксимороном, тобто поєднуванням непоєднуваного, на зразок щасливе вбивство, або щасливе рабство. Термін асиміляція – це уподібнення, тому єдино можливий термін щодо політики СРСР – це асиміляторська політика, яка відбувалася з метою творення "єдіного совєтського народу". Саме асиміляторська політика була домінантною і в мовному (уподібнення словникового складу мови, уподібнення правописної системи), і в політичному плані (організований Голодомор 1932–1933, переселення українців на неукраїнські території, масовий обмін спеціалістами, мішані шлюби, російські школи тощо). Прикметно, що деякі вчені (Д. Сталюнас та C. Величенко) подають термін часткова асиміляція. Асиміляторської мовної політики часів царської Росії та СРСР зазнали не лише Україна, Білорусь, Казахстан та Литва, а також Грузія, Вірменія, Азербайджан, у яких було в корені знищено їхній націоналізм.Отже, спотворення суті визначальних термінів у журналі "Ab imperio" руйнує соборницькі настрої українців, формує неправильне розуміння української ідентичности, культурно та ідеологічно узалежнює Україну від Москви. Ключові слова: термін, політика позитивної дискримінації, асиміляторська політика, журнал "Ab imperio", совєтська політика.

Abstrak - Penelitian ini membahas tentang diplomasi pertahanan dan diplomasi HAM yang dilakukan Indonesia sebagai penanggulangan kejahatan perdagangan manusia, khususnya di industri perikanan. Dalam upayanya memberantas IUU fishing di Indonesia, pemerintah menemukan fakta bahwa ternyata aktivitas tersebut tidak hanya tentang pelanggaran kedaulatan wilayah negara saja, tetapi juga tentang pelanggaran HAM. Jadi, alih-alih hanya menggolongkan IUU fishing sebagai ancaman bagi keamanan maritim, Indonesia juga menggolongkannya sebagai transnational organized crime yang mengancam keamanan individu. Beberapa wawancara dan tinjauan pustaka adalah metode pengumpulan data yang digunakan untuk penelitian ini. Diplomasi pertahanan yang diiringi dengan diplomasi HAM menjadi langkah Indonesia untuk memberantas praktik perdagangan manusia dan segala bentuk perbudakan di industri perikanan. Melalui upaya-upaya diplomasi tersebut, dari tingkat bilateral, regional, hingga multilateral, Indonesia memperoleh jalinan kerja sama keamanan dengan berbagai negara lain dan berbagai organisasi internasional. Dari sisi diplomasi pertahanan, kerja sama keamanan yang dilakukan sesuai dengan alur kebijakan strategis Indonesia. Sedangkan diplomasi HAM yang dilakukan menelaah kedua aspek utama penanganan perdagangan manusia, yakni aspek HAM itu sendiri dan aspek hukumnya. Rumusan peningkatan kemampuan 3A + 1A (the ability to detect ,the ability to respond, the ability to punish, dan the ability to build perception) menjadi sasaran pencapaian upaya-upaya tersebut. Pada akhirnya, penelitian ini memberikan kesimpulan bahwa diplomasi pertahanan dan diplomasi HAM yang dilakukan pemerintah sudah cukup efektif, namun masih ditemukan beberapa kekurangan dalam implementasinya. Diharapkan penelitian ini dapat memberikan manfaat dan masukan, baik kepada para stakeholders maupun kalangan akademisi, yang sama-sama memiliki tujuan untuk membersihkan industri perikanan dari segala bentuk kejahatan kemanusiaan.Kata kunci: perdagangan manusia, IUU fishing, diplomasi pertahanan, diplomasi HAM Abstract - This research examines defense diplomacy and human rights diplomacy done by Indonesia as countermeasures to eradicate human trafficking, specifically in fishing industry. Through its war on combatting IUU fishing, the government found the fact that the crime activities were not about violation to Indonesia's territory only, but about violation to humanity as well. So, instead of only to consider IUU fishing as threat to maritime security, Indonesia also chooses to consider it as transnational organized crime which threatens human security. Several interviews and literature reviews are the techniques used for data collection in this research. Defense diplomacy and human rights diplomacy are the actions taken by Indonesia to combat human trafficking and all slavery practices in fishing industry. Through those efforts, from bilateral, regional, to multilateral levels, Indonesia has gained several security co-operations with other countries and several international organizations. From the defense diplomacy perspective, the security co-operations are corresponding with the strategic policy of Indonesia. Whereas the human rights diplomacy focuses on its two main aspects, they are the human rights itself and the legal aspect of it. Sets of ability improvement called 3A + 1A (the ability to detect, the ability to respond, the ability to punish, and the ability to build perception) become the indicator of accomplishment. In the end, both of diplomacies have been quite effective, but some deficiensies are still found in their implementations. It is expected that this research can provide benefits and inputs, both to stakeholders and academics, who have a goal to cleanse our fishing industry from all crimes against humanity.Keywords: human trafficking, IUU fishing, defense diplomacy, human rights diplomacy

Over the past thirty to forty years, the academic study of religion has brought the category of religion into crisis, unveiling its Christian architecture and its formation as a settler-colonial category of European expansion. While the proliferation of research on the genealogy of religion has opened new and important vantages for study, we remain conflicted about what is at stake. In this dissertation, I argue that the modern-colonial construction of religion is organized by a racial-theological operation that categorically separates people into humans, subhumans, and nonhumans, by which the social, economic, and political inequalities of racial capitalism have been made to seem natural and inevitable. The dissertation brings Black Studies and decolonial theory to bear on critical genealogies of religion, and argues modern discourses of race and religion are rooted in anti-blackness and settler-colonialism. I aim to specify the practice of racial distinction as the force or movement that opens religion's discursive economy. Chapter one reviews the state of contemporary criticism of religion, and situates critique of religion in the material crises of the twentieth century. In chapter two, I engage the work of Caribbean theorist Sylvia Wynter to historicize the argument, and show how modern politics became possible by secularizing the theological distinctions or oppositions of medieval Christendom into the biological enemies or failures of the human species itself. I deploy this framework in chapter three by reading together the work of Lindon Barrett with David Chidester's Savage Systems, and argue that the human is a structure of value in relation to that which can generate value but not be valued in itself. Chapter four engages Silvia Federici's Caliban and the Witch, and turns the argument towards the subjugation of the European peasants in the witch-hunts, as a constitutive relation of settler-colonialism. Finally, chapter five explores the work of Charles Long on the history of religions, with the work of black feminists M. NourbeSe Philip, and Hortense Spillers, to interrogate religion as a modern category around the themes of freedom and racial slavery. In this chapter, I aim more directly at the religious logic of whiteness, especially as whiteness is structured by a grammar of captivity. The conclusion offers constructive reflections on the implications of the argument, and argues a way forward is to study religion in relation to what survives or escapes the installation of the human. This dissertation is a critique of dominant Christianity and the racial-(post)colonial world made as Western European Christendom secularized itself. But it is a critique that is launched in relation to contemporary theories and methodologies in religious studies. In this way, the project suggests a way of reading contemporary religious studies criticism as moving towards, but being unable to name, the problem of the human as that which houses the current crisis of religion and its resolutions. As a transmutation of the Christian subject, the human names the form of life - global in scope - that (re)produces itself as the proper mode of the human through the sociopolitical hierarchical differentiation of the human from the not-quite-human and the nonhuman (Alexander Weheliye).

Modernity is a history changing phenomena that has left an irreplaceable mark particularly in the Western world in the last five hundred years. This is the reason why modernity has been at the centre of the works of philosophers and sociologists. Modernity has denoted various meanings and been defined on different levels. Modernity, therefore, has two faces: one wears make-up while the other does not. The face of modernity in make-up is its fake side with the emphasis it puts on freedom, equality, human rights, democracy, justice, peace, brotherhood, welfare, wealth, and good spirits. The other face of modernity, however, is its real face free of its misleading veil. Despite all the polish applied on the surface of modernity, time has removed its superficial mask and revealed its defects, crises, and problems. In other words, the actual face of modernity entails war, violence, savageness, genocide, xenophobia, colonialism, racism, inequality, slavery, injustice, exploitation and poverty. When one studies modernity under spotlight, it can clearly be seen that the major faults within are barbarism, despotism, totalitarianism, terrorism, colonialism, racism, ethnic cleansing, and holocaust. This paper focuses on colonialism, racism, and holocaust, three of the serious make-up components curtaining the face of modernity. Modernity and these three concepts are closely related. Modernity is based on colonialism and it was colonialism that has triggered tendencies towards racism. It was modernity itself that had led to a world order that casts away, marginalises, and humiliates the other. Colonialism and racism, the two good-old friends of modernity, have prepared the ground for the holocaust. In this article, holocaust is analysed with reference to Zygmunt Bauman's Holocaust (the massacre of the Jews) with the aim of studying modernity in relation to colonialism and racism.Extended English summary is in the end of Full Text PDF (TURKISH) file. ÖzetModernlik, dünya tarihinin akışını değiştiren, bilhassa Batı dünyasının son beş yüzyılına damgasını vuran bir olgudur. İşte, bu yüzden, gerek geçmişte gerekse de günümüzde filozofların ve sosyologların ilgisini çeken konuların başında modernlik gelmektedir. Modernlik, kendisine farklı anlam yüklemeleri yapılan ve değişik boyutlarıyla tanımlanan bir olgudur. Modernliğin biri makyajlı, diğeri makyajsız olan iki yüzü vardır. Modernliğin makyajlı yüzü, özgürlüğe, eşitliğe, insan haklarına, demokrasiye, adalete, barışa, kardeşliğe, refaha, zenginliğe ve mutluluğa vurgu yapan sahte yüzüdür. Modernliğin diğer yüzü olan makyajsız yüzü ise, aslında onun gerçek yüzüdür. Modernliğin yüzüne yapılan bütün cilalara rağmen zamanla onun defoları, krizleri ve sıkıntıları daha görünür hale gelmiştir. Daha açık bir deyişle, modernliğin savaşı, şiddeti, vahşeti, soykırımı, yabancı düşmanlığını, sömürgeciliği, ırkçılığı, eşitsizliği, köleliği, adaletsizliği, sömürüyü ve yoksulluğu içeren gerçek yüzü vardır. Modernliği yüzeysel değil, derinlemesine analiz ettiğimizde karşımıza modernliğin ana pürüzleri olarak barbarlık, despotizm, totalitarizm, terörizm, sömürgecilik, ırkçılık, etnik temizlik ve soykırım gibi büyük problemler çıkmaktadır. Bu makalede, modernliğin gerçek yüzünü kaplayan ciddi arızalarından olan sömürgecilik, ırkçılık ve soykırım üzerinde durulmuştur. Modernlik ile sömürgecilik, ırkçılık ve soykırım arasında yakın bir ilişki vardır. Modernlik, sömürgeciliğe dayanan bir sistemdir. Sömürgeciliğin yayılmasıyla ırkçılık eğilimleri çoğalmıştır. Modernlik, farklı olanı dışlayan, ötekileştiren ve aşağılayan bir toplum düzeni inşa etmiştir. Modernliğin sadık dostu sömürgecilik ve ırkçılık, aynı zamanda, soykırımlara zemin hazırlamıştır. Makalede, soykırım, Zygmunt Bauman'ın Holocaust, yani "Yahudilerin topluca katledilmesi" örneği üzerinden irdelenmiştir. Bu makalenin ana amacı, modernliği, birbirleriyle bağlantılı olan sömürgecilik, ırkçılık ve soykırım boyutları bağlamında tahlil etmektir.

The maritime and land trade of the City of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) and its surroundings has always been "the corner stone" on which the grandeur of Dubrovnik, its political and economical power and culture were built. As early as 1441, the Dubrovnik trade was considered to consist of 3/4 of the maritime and only 1/4 of the land based trade. In 1181, the comunitas ragusina - the Commune of Ragusa was mentioned for the first time; as the time went by, it became the City-state. It was named The Ragusan Republic in 1430. The treaty concluded with Turkey in 1442 was in force up to the twilight of the Dubrovnik Republic (1806). It was convenient for Ragusans to have a sole ruler and a single state in their neighbourhood, not to mention how stubborn and quite often wanton ones. In his work "Mari, Gol , Isole,..." (1688.), Vincenzo Coronelli, the mapmaker, said about the Ragusans: "...They are the most ardent defenders of their freedom, putting in a great deal of effort to secure it, and at the same time, hating any kind of slavery...". The Ragusan vessels were attacked by the pirates from Rhodes from 1507-1509 and later on. The main reason for flourishing of Ragusan shipping and trade was based upon focussing on their public life within these domains. The Ragusan Republic depended upon its investments into maritime affairs and assistance offered through stimulations, interaction of processes and consequential strengthening of its own prosperity (its enriched citizens). The Ragusan Maritime Insurance Law (Ordo super assecuratoribus) of March 5th, 1568 is the oldest enacted law in the world, and in this way it was more than a century older than legal regulations on the maritime insurance - Ordonnance de la marine of 1681. Apart from the main shipyard in the old City port (in portu interiori Ragusii, in portu Ragusii), up to the construction of the new shipyard in Gruž (1526) there were shipyards in Ston and in the nearby islands of Lopud, Šipan (in Suđurađ) and Koločep (Kalamota) already in the 14th century. Palladius Fuscus (1450-1520), in his work De situ orae Illyrici (published posthumously in 1540) cited that "there was no such a secluded part of Europe or one so inaccessible to the newcomers, where you would not encounter Ragusans practicing their merchant activity". According to some researchers, Ragusa was the third strongest force in the Mediterranean (after Genoa and Venice) in the 14th century. The Ragusan Republic was the first in the Mediterranean in the 16th century and, in terms of their trading ocean-going sailing vessels under Ragusan and foreign flags, it was the third in the world (after Spain and the Netherlands). In his work Nautica Mediterranea (Rome, 1602, pp. 4-5), Bartolomeo Crescentio said: "...among experts and master craftsmen for galleons are the most numerous, and the most capable in this (the Mediterranean Sea, observation of the author) are Ragusans", and Pantero Pantera in his work L'Armata Navale (Rome, 1614, p. 66) wrote down: "...while for navas and galleons building, masters of Dubrovnik, Portugal and England were highly esteemed"."Argosy", in fact, means "a Ragusan ship". Many endeavours and achievements in the art of shipbuilding raise the East Adriatic coast above the West one, since it had most frequently been a successful way in which ships and men reached di erent parts of the world.

The objective of this paper is to explore the initiatives and practices of different countries in truth seeking. Many countries during the post-conflict, colonial, slavery, anarchical and cultural genocide periods establish the Truth Commissions to respond to the past human wrongdoings: crimes and crimes against humanity. Enforced Disappearances (ED), killings, rapes and inhumane tortures are wrongdoings. Truth Commission applies the method of recovering silences from the victims for structured testimonies. The paper is prepared based on the victim-centric approach. The purpose reveals the piecemeal fact-findings to heal the past, reconcile the present and protect the future. The study covers more than 50 Commissions in a chronological order: beginning from Uganda in 1974 and concluding to Nepal in February 2015. Two Commissions in Uruguay were formed to find-out enforced disappearances. Colombian and Rwandan Commissions have established permanent bodies. The Liberian TRC threatened the government to submit its findings to the ICC if the government failed to establish an international tribunal. The Commissions of Bolivia, Ecuador, Haiti, former Yugoslavia and Zimbabwe were disbanded, and consequently, their reports could not be produced. No public hearings were conducted in Argentina and former Yugoslavia. It is noted that only 8 public hearings in Ghana, 8 national hearings in East-Timor and 15 in Brazil were conducted. Moroccan Commission held public hearings after signing the bond paper for not to disclose the names of the perpetrators whereas Guatemala did not include the perpetrators' names in the report. The Shining Path's activists are serving sentences based on civil-anti-terrorist court, but Alberto Fujimori is convicted for 25 years. Chadian Commission worked even against illicit narcotics trafficking. The UN established its Commissions in Sierra Leon, El Salvador and East-Timor, but failed to restore normalcy in Kosovo. Haiti prosecuted 50 perpetrators whereas Guatemala prosecuted its former military dictator. The Philippines' Commission had limited investigation jurisdiction over army, but treated the insurgents differently. In El Salvador, the State security forces were responsible for 85 percent and the non-state actors for 15 percent similar to CIEDP, Nepal. The TRCs of Argentina, East-Timor, Guatemala, Morocco, Peru and South Africa partially succeeded. Large numbers of victims have failed to register the complaints fearing of possible actions. All perpetrators were controversially granted amnesty despite the TRC recommendation in South Africa. The victims and people still blamed Mandela that he sold out black people's struggle. Ironically, the perpetrators have received justice, but the victims are further victimized. As perpetrator-centric Government prioritizes cronyism, most of the Commissioners defend their respective institution and individuals. Besides, perpetrators influence Governments on the formation of Truth Commission for 'forgetting the victims to forgive the perpetrators'. A commission is a Court-liked judicial and non-judicial processes body, but without binding authority except Sierra Leone. Transitional Justice body exists with a five-pillar policy: truth, justice, healing, prosecution and reparation. It has a long neglected history owing to anarchical roles of the perpetrators and weak-poor nature of the victims. Almost all TRCs worked in low budget, lack of officials, inadequate laws and regulations, insufficient infrastructures and constraints of moral supports including Liberia, Paraguay, Philippines, South Africa, Uganda and Nepal. The perpetrators controlled Governments ordered to destroy documents, evidences and testimonies in their chain of command that could have proven guilty to them.

The maritime and land trade of the City of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) and its surroundings has always been "the corner stone" on which the grandeur of Dubrovnik, its political and economical power and culture were built. As early as 1441, the Dubrovnik trade was considered to consist of 3/4 of the maritime and only 1/4 of the land based trade. In 1181, the comunitas ragusina - the Commune of Ragusa was mentioned for the first time; as the time went by, it became the City-state. It was named The Ragusan Republic in 1430. The treaty concluded with Turkey in 1442 was in force up to the twilight of the Dubrovnik Republic (1806). It was convenient for Ragusans to have a sole ruler and a single state in their neighbourhood, not to mention how stubborn and quite often wanton ones. In his work "Mari, Gol , Isole,." (1688.), Vincenzo Coronelli, the mapmaker, said about the Ragusans: ".They are the most ardent defenders of their freedom, putting in a great deal of effort to secure it, and at the same time, hating any kind of slavery.". The Ragusan vessels were attacked by the pirates from Rhodes from 1507-1509 and later on. The main reason for flourishing of Ragusan shipping and trade was based upon focussing on their public life within these domains. The Ragusan Republic depended upon its investments into maritime affairs and assistance offered through stimulations, interaction of processes and consequential strengthening of its own prosperity (its enriched citizens). The Ragusan Maritime Insurance Law (Ordo super assecuratoribus) of March 5th, 1568 is the oldest enacted law in the world, and in this way it was more than a century older than legal regulations on the maritime insurance - Ordonnance de la marine of 1681. Apart from the main shipyard in the old City port (in portu interiori Ragusii, in portu Ragusii), up to the construction of the new shipyard in Gruž (1526) there were shipyards in Ston and in the nearby islands of Lopud, Šipan (in Suđurađ) and Koločep (Kalamota) already in the 14th century. Palladius Fuscus (1450-1520), in his work De situ orae Illyrici (published posthumously in 1540) cited that "there was no such a secluded part of Europe or one so inaccessible to the newcomers, where you would not encounter Ragusans practicing their merchant activity". According to some researchers, Ragusa was the third strongest force in the Mediterranean (after Genoa and Venice) in the 14th century. The Ragusan Republic was the first in the Mediterranean in the 16th century and, in terms of their trading ocean-going sailing vessels under Ragusan and foreign flags, it was the third in the world (after Spain and the Netherlands). In his work Nautica Mediterranea (Rome, 1602, pp. 4-5), Bartolomeo Crescentio said: ".among experts and master craftsmen for galleons are the most numerous, and the most capable in this (the Mediterranean Sea, observation of the author) are Ragusans", and Pantero Pantera in his work L'Armata Navale (Rome, 1614, p. 66) wrote down: ".while for navas and galleons building, masters of Dubrovnik, Portugal and England were highly esteemed"."Argosy", in fact, means "a Ragusan ship". Many endeavours and achievements in the art of shipbuilding raise the East Adriatic coast above the West one, since it had most frequently been a successful way in which ships and men reached di erent parts of the world.

Who can save us from redemption? Some of the earliest accounts of the African slave trade claimed that slavery saved those marked by the "perdition" of soul, mind, and body (G. E. de Zurara). Postcolonial critics argue that colonization (F. Fanon), orientalism (E. Said), and even liberal democracy (T. Asad) have operated as violent projects of redemption. At the center of these modern politics of redemption, or of modernity as a project of redemption, is a racial figure of the human, what Sylvia Wynter calls Man. This dissertation, Opaque Redemption: Whiteness, Theology, and the Politics of the Human, clarifies how the modern racial ordo salutis originated and functioned, focusing especially on the destructive violence through which it operates. It then offers a constructive theological reframing of redemption and the politics of human life, giving special attention to the politics of solidarity. The dissertation is comprised of seven chapters, broken into three parts. Part I uses the writings of G. W. F. Hegel and Sylvia Wynter to narrate the historical breadth and underlying structure of the modern racial ordo salutis, noting especially the way it must but also cannot incorporate—include and literally endow with a (human) body— those it deems to reside at the limit or furthest remove of this politics of human salvation. This politics of "the human" or Man integrates the various modes of oppression and exploitation arranged around race, class, and gender/sexuality. Part II provides an interdisciplinary elaboration of a central concept taken from the black liberation theologian James Cone: the freedom of the resurrection. By making the relationship to the resurrected Christ central to what it means to be human, Cone offers a decolonial account of human freedom that traverses without being held or determined by any human project, including those organized through the production of (social) death and promises of developed, properly human life. Whiteness, for Cone, functions precisely as this attempt to hold and secure, and thereby re/produce, the proper form of human life. Cone's theological accounts of black liberation, black suffering, and black poetics alert his readers to material points of human life that exceed and are thereby "opaque" to whiteness, arguing that black life enfleshes an "eschatological freedom" in a way that "parabolizes"—points to and effects—the continuing presence of Christ in the world. The conversation partners in this section range from various theologians gathered around the work Karl Barth, especially Eberhard Jüngel, to the Black Arts poet LeRoi Jones, the continental philosopher Giorgio Agamben, and the black feminist writer Hortense Spillers, among others. Part III turns to the problems of whiteness and solidarity, arguing that white efforts at solidarity often function as projects of "white redemption." Instead of rendering whiteness something to be morally bettered or totally overcome, which are two iterations of redemption, these chapters offer a negative praxis of solidarity. Eschewing attempts to redeem whiteness, white people should work to concretely disrupt (negativity) the world that gives it meaning. The conclusion suggests that an anti-work politics (Kathi Weeks) oriented around the "demands" for a living wage and/or for a shorter work week with no decrease in pay can effectively disrupt the white world in which humanity is "equated" with work (Andrea Smith).

У статті розглядаються філософсько-правові концепції виникнення та розвитку правової держави в історії філософської думки. Робиться висновок, що в Україні збільшується впевненість у необхідності цього дослідження і реалізації цієї концепції на практиці. Конституція України забезпечує новий етап розвитку вчень про правову державу в Україні. ; The article considers the philosophical-legal concepts of the origin and development of law in the history of philosophical thought. It is concluded that in Ukraine increased confidence in the need for the study and implementation of this concept in practice. The Constitution provides a new stage of development of doctrines of legal state in Ukraine.The idea of a lawful state have arisen in Antiquity. Even the ancient Greek philosopher Plato in his famous dialogues «State», «Politician», «Laws» and the like wrote «I see close destruction of that state where the law has no force and is under someone's power». Accordingly, where the laws are in the interests of a few people, we are not talking about a state system, but only about internal disputes.A theory that inevitably comes, according to Plato, to replace democracy, «intoxicated» freedom is unwavering», when too much freedom turns into excessive slavery is the worst form of government. Where the reign of lawlessness, arbitrariness and violence. «Just there», said the Plato, where the law – the Lord over governors, and they are his slaves, I see the salvation of the state and all the benefits, which can only give the state the gods».Similar ideas, which laid the Foundation of the theory of the legal state, has developed Aristotle, Cicero, the philosophers of the middle Ages, and modern times. A special role in the development of the doctrine of the rule of law applies to the Grotius, Hobbes, D. Diderot, Montesquieu, T. Jefferson, J. Locke and others.One of the first who gave theoretical justification of a democratic state Would. Spinoza. Being bound by laws, the state provides a valid rights and freedoms of man. Spinoza argued that the state is powerful only when it guarantees to every citizen not only save lives, but also the satisfaction of its interests, and warned rulers against encroachments on the property, security, honour, freedom and other good subjects.With a philosophical basis for the theory of the legal state were made by Kant, who repeatedly pointed to the need for the state to rely on the law, to strictly coordinate its actions with the law constantly focus on the right. Hegel argued for this reason that such States precede the development of civil society.The concept of legal state adhered to by the supporters of legal positivism. Of great importance for the improvement of the theory of the legal state are the works of domestic authors. (О. P. Zayets, O. V. Skrypniuk, R. F. Grinyuk, I. Gumenyuk, S. I. Maksymov, M. Tsymbalyuk, etc.). But these studies are insufficient, especially because longstanding traditions of the legal state of Ukraine has not yet acquired. In Ukraine there is no tradition of a lawful state, however, the proclamation of her like this. ; В статье рассматриваются философско-правовые концепции возникновения и развития правового государства в истории философской мысли. Делается вывод, что в Украине возрастает уверенность в необходимости этого исследования и реализации этой концепции на практике. Конституция Украины обеспечивает новый этап развития учения о правовом государстве в Украине.

В статье представлена философско-аналитическая позиция А.С. Панарина по те трем ключевым вопросам: 1) о причинах и факторах, которые привели к распаду страны (в этой связи Панарин ставит нетривиальный вопрос о том, кто же потерпел поражение в холодной войне СССР или Россия?); 2) об изоляции России от окружающего мира или, как определяет это феномен Панарин, её глобальное одиночество (здесь Панарин излагает свою оценку отношений России с «сообществом цивилизованных государств», прежде всего в контексте современного ему этапа строительства Европейского дома); 3) о качествах правящей элиты, её интересах и намерениях. Статья представляет собой несколько сокращенный текст одного из последних публичных выступлений Панарина доклада, прочитанного преподавателям и студентам Государственной академии славянской культуры, научного и образовательного центра, в создании которого Панарин принимал самое деятельное участие. Текст подготовлен к печати В.Н. Расторгуевым по стенограмме. ; Electronic Scientific Almanac Space and Time presents Alexander Panarin's article devoted to estimating contemporary political situation around Russia. This is text of one of the latest Panarin's lecture at State Academy of Slavic Culture (this scientific and educational center was established through Panarin's active involvement). In his speech (and in this article respectively), Panarin raises three key problems of understanding the current geopolitical moment and analyzed them based on his civilizational paradigm. The first key problem is causes and factors that led to the disintegration of Soviet Union. In this respect, Panarin asks nontrivial question: who lost in the Cold War, the USSR or Russia? Answering his own question, Panarin criticizes an idea of democracy's victory in its 'uncompromising battle against totalitarianism' (under this approach, communism is one of the most dangerous forms of totalitarianism). The second key theme is the isolation of Russia from the outside world, or as Panarin defines this phenomenon, Russia's global loneliness (this theme run like a golden thread through the last Panarin's books Orthodox Civilization in a Globalized World and Strategic Instability of the Twenty-First Century ). It is impossible to conceal this loneliness from those who penetrate into Russian history and tries to estimate the relationship between Russia and the "community of civilized states", especially at the present stage of the European House construction. Finally, the third theme is an assessment of the quality of ruling elite, its interests and intentions. Panarin conclude the Liberal program was a fiasco. It proved to be utopia, more absurd than the communist one. Liberal presumption of welfare (underlying this program and grounded in aspiration to turn all into owners) is absolutely untenable, even in theory. A liberal society is a society of minorities. Therefore, the main question is how to rehabilitate the poorest majority of the world, how to return to those who are not owners, human dignity and social rights. Panarin emphasizes that the old archetype of Russia (an old Russian idea) is that Russians are with poor, with the oppressed majority. This is an old Russian idea, and our future lies with this idea. Without this idea the world will turn into a new slavery, and it will be new barbarism for Russia. Russian idea, which requires to rehabilitate the weak and to return them human dignity, is a world-historical idea. This idea has no alternative, if humanity does not want to die. Therefore, Russian mission will be demanded, Panarin says. Based on Panarin's lecture verbatim, Prof. Valery N. Rastorguev finalized it for publication.

Zen Buddhists have long given the following advice to attain liberation: "Eat when you're hungry. Sleep when you're tired." In other words: "Freedom" is the "knowledge of necessity" (Hegel, Marx, and Engels). Early Islamic communities dealt with the challenge of internal warfare and tyranny and concluded that, "sixty years of tyranny is better than one day's anarchy." In other words, the worst-case scenario is a war "of every man against every man," (Thomas Hobbes) and all theories of statecraft are built upon that premise. Ever since the dawn of colonialism, indigenous peoples have been struggling for self-determination. Many, such as Comanche thinker Parra-Wa-Samen, lived and died for the right to move across a land without state or borders. In other words, "Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death!" (Patrick Henry). How is it then that an English textbook could possibly focus on "freedom" as a universal value and simultaneously exclude all non-European traditions and perspectives? Why should conversations about "freedom" begin with Hegel, Hobbes, and Henry rather than the earlier examples of Zen, Islam, and indigenous peoples? If "freedom" concerns everybody then do not the conversations in academia about "freedom" by scholars (as well as rising economists, planners, and politicians) affect everybody? If democratic inclusivity entails the demand that all people affected by decisions are to be included in those very decision-making processes then contemporary academia has a problem when talking about "freedom." In selling the term "freedom" as a universally applicable but uniquely European (and sacrosanct) idea most of the planet has been excluded from these conversations. This means that control over the idea and how it is interpreted has been determined by a very narrow range of persons, from the mid-1600s to mid-1900s: almost exclusively white, male, heterosexual, property-owning, able-bodied, and, not uncommonly, racist. This thesis argues that the problem goes deeper than white supremacy and patriarchy and cannot be resolved with quota systems to ensure inclusion on the basis of race or gender. Instead, the problem is two-fold: (1) dominant conceptions of "freedom," as the opposite of "slavery," "tyranny," or "constraint," are seen here as bound to a mentality and language of domination, and (2) "freedom," as a central value in social orders, perpetuates white supremacy and patriarchy. Focus on "freedom" contra "unfreedom" obscures, disguises, or denies those "unfreedoms" upon which "freedom" is necessarily bound. Once those "unfreedoms" are exposed or recognized (whether violence, obligation, responsibility, dependency and interdependency, equality and inequality, needs, justice, limitations, etc.) the conversations about "freedom" can be spoken in a language that all cultures can understand in order to participate as equal parties. Toward these ends, this dissertation engages in stories from three contemporary empirical contexts in the U.S.: the Unitarian Universalist Association, the MOVE Organization, and taqwacore. Through a blend of text analysis, ethnography, storytelling, and personal experience, the purpose of this thesis is to imagine what more inclusive conversations might look like. Using the term (un)freedom to transcend the false binary of "freedom" and "unfreedom," three potential types of (un)freedom are conceived to further the aim of democratic inclusivity: Negotiating the Limits of Language, Shouldering Incalculable Responsibility in Community, and Feeling an Obligation to Challenge Injustice.