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This article studies ways in which the Slow Food movement creates spaces for political action and elaborates new normative systems, imagining new forms of economy. Taking quality consumption and production, respect for the environment, and the rights of small producers as its core aims, this movement has today become an actor in the larger debates concerning the problematics of food, agriculture and fishing. At the same time, Slow Food is a legitimate actor in spaces of political and social contestation and applies its philosophy of a sustainable economy (represented in the triad 'good, clean and fair') globally to defend local production. Slow Food makes gastronomic diversity an element of biological and environmental diversity. This article is based on fieldwork carried out since 2006 within the French and Italy networks of the movement and in its Italian headquarters. The article analyzes the interrelations between economy, legality and environment in some Slow Food projects such as the presidia projects. Through the presidia, the movement plays an active role in the production of new norms that permit the imagination of a moral economy of food.Keywords: Slow Food, norms, economy, typicity, food activism

A Amazônia possui incalculáveis riquezas naturais, as quais durante muito tempo foram exploradas de maneira desenfreada, resultando em grandes perdas que preocupam a sociedade. O território indígena Andirá-Marau sofreu grandes perdas com a exploração de suas plantas nativas. O objetivo geral desta pesquisa foi analisar os impactos socioambientais da utilização da certificação ambiental Slow food na gestão de base territorial do povo Sateré. A metodologia predominante neste estudo foram a pesquisa bibliográfica e a documental. Do ponto de vista de seus objetivos específicos, ela se caracteriza por ser descritiva. Os resultados apontam uma correlação entre os princípios da certificado Slow food e os princípios do Projeto Autônomo Integrado de Etnodesenvolvimento do povo Sateré-Mawé (PAIESM). Por fim, observou-se que a certificação Slow food indica a possibilidade de impactos positivos no território estudado.

Nell'ambito dei movimenti nati in risposta alla globalizzazione, Slow Food ha costruito, in circa trent'anni di attività, un esempio peculiare e di successo, incentrando la propria azione sulla difesa della biodiversità e dell'agricoltura familiare e, nel contempo, sulla formazione di un consumatore (co-produttore) maggiormente consapevole delle conseguenze delle proprie scelte. Il presente lavoro mira a fornire un contributo conoscitivo sul fenomeno Slow Food, approfondendolo sotto tre diversi aspetti: 1. Il profilo del Movimento e il suo impatto, sulla base dei riscontri della letteratura scientifica; 2. La caratterizzazione del socio Slow Food in Italia; 3. La giusta remunerazione (prezzo giusto) per gli agricoltori impegnati nella salvaguardia della biodiversità, attraverso il progetto dei Presìdi Slow Food. Il dibattito, ormai piuttosto ampio, attorno a Slow Food (capp. 1-4) ha messo in luce un movimento in crescita e in costante evoluzione, in grado di assumere un ruolo di rilievo anche a livello internazionale. Infatti, è ampiamente riconosciuto come Slow Food abbia spesso dettato tendenze che hanno finito per influenzare i consumatori, altri movimenti, ma anche ispirato iniziative a carattere imprenditoriale e, in alcuni casi, i decisori politici. Il successo di Slow Food è testimoniato anche dal fatto che questa influenza si è estesa in settori diversi da quello agroalimentare, dal turismo, all'architettura, fino all'ambito scientifico-tecnologico. Contestualmente, sono andate sviluppandosi diverse critiche al Movimento, le più importanti delle quali sono da ritenersi quelle di elitarismo, mercantilismo ma anche i rilievi relativi ai limiti organizzativi. L'indagine sul socio di Slow Food Italia (cap. 5), svolta mediante un questionario online, ha evidenziato un profilo con un'età media piuttosto avanzata, un livello di istruzione molto elevato e un'origine prevalentemente Settentrionale. Nel rapporto col cibo è emersa una forte condivisione dei valori associativi, la propensione ad informarsi attentamente sui prodotti acquistati ed a privilegiare i prodotti locali, mentre, in merito ai Presìdi Slow Food si è osservato un buon apprezzamento ma una conoscenza non sempre approfondita del progetto. Il socio Slow Food ha mostrato un orientamento aperto e progressista, attento alle esigenze degli altri, ma anche alla tradizione, mentre la propensione all'edonismo è risultata contenuta. Inoltre, è apparso evidente un atteggiamento di forte preoccupazione per il futuro della Terra e di critica al modello di produzione agroindustriale. Tutto ciò sembrerebbe sottolineare come il passaggio da movimento gastronomico ad ecogastronomico risulti pienamente realizzato, nella base associativa italiana. Lo studio sul prezzo giusto nei Presìdi Slow Food (capp. 6-9) è stato sviluppato a partire da un'indagine di campo che ha riguardato dieci casi studio italiani ed uno brasiliano. In entrambi i contesti, i risultati hanno mostrato come il percorso di valorizzazione innescato dal progetto Presìdi, anche se non sempre compiuto, abbia portato ad una più equa remunerazione del lavoro degli agricoltori familiari. Ciò, soprattutto, a fronte di una palese incapacità dei mercati convenzionali di garantire prezzi giusti per questa agricoltura. (EN) Among movements against the globalisation, Slow Food represent an unique and successful example. During approximately thirty years, it focused on the protection of biodiversity, family farming, on the training of consumers (co-producer) raising awareness about their choices. The present study work aims to improve the knowledge about Slow Food looking further into: 1. The Movement's profile and its impact on the base of scientific literature; 2. The characterization of the Slow Food members in Italy; 3. The fair remuneration (just price) for farmers involved in the protection of biodiversity, through the Slow Food Presidia project. The debate about Slow Food (chapters 1-4) highlights a growing and changing Movement able to take a major international role. In fact, it is widely recognized that Slow Food has often determined trends that influenced consumers, other movements, but also inspired entrepreneurial initiatives and, in some cases, policy makers. The success of Slow Food is also proved by its influence in other sectors out of the agri-food, such as tourism, architecture and scientific technological fields. At the same time, several critics grew up, in particular those about elitism, mercantilism, but also some related to organizational limits. The Slow Food Italy member survey (chapter 5), carried out through an online questionnaire, highlighted a profile with an advanced average age, a quite high level of education and a predominantly Northern origin. A strong sharing of the associative values, the propensity to seek carefully information about products purchased and the preference to local food was observed in relationship with food. As regard to Slow Food Presidia, a good appreciation but not always a thorough knowledge of the project was observed. The Slow Food member showed an open and progressive orientation, attentive to others, but also to tradition, while the propensity to hedonism was limited. Furthermore, an attitude of strong concern for the future of the Earth and criticism of the model of agro-industrial production was evident. All seems to underline how the transition from gastronomic to ecogastronomic movement is fully realized, in the Italian associative base. The study about the just price in the Slow Food Presidia (chapters 6-9) was carried out from a field survey that involved ten Italian and one Brazilian case studies. In both contexts, results showed that the Presidia project represent an added value resulting in a fairer remuneration for the work of family farmers. This particularly, in the face of an evident inability of the conventional markets to guarantee just prices for this agriculture.

In Australia, life without the automobile is no longer imaginable. Further, reliance on cars has done much to restructure the social practices & lifestyles of Australians, including their dietary habits. Based on fieldwork in rural New South Wales & the urban centers of Canberra & Sydney, this chapter considers discourses & practices that constitute Australia's fast & slow food car-centered diets. Jakle & Sculle (1997) argued that "fast food, mass produced, was a response to fast cars, mass produced." At first the car simply transported the diners to restaurants, but with the advent of drive-thru windows at McDonald's & other fast food chain outlets, the car, equipped with cup holders, became the dining room. The Slow Food movement has gained a lesser popularity in Australia, primarily in the form of farmers' markets. The authors visited the Good Living Growers' Market in Sydney. Producers drive long distances & fight heavy traffic to bring their wares to the market & then pay high prices for stalls, as do shoppers for parking places, though public transport is available. Then there is intermediate-pace food -- slow-food cuisine delivered, by car or van, to customers' homes or businesses. Thus, different types of foods & special-use vehicles appear to be rapidly co-evolving commodities in Australia. References. J. Stanton

Este artigo objetiva problematizar as utilizações de tempo no patrimônio e na alimentação por meio da análise de alguns modelos culturais em estudo de caso do movimento Slow Food. Para tal, estruturaram-se suas partes conceituais antes da análise do estudo de caso. A primeira parte pretende discutir como a construção do tempo é utilizada para as definições de patrimônio e como impacta as relações identitárias, memoriais ou no apagamento do patrimônio alimentar. A segunda problematiza a caracterização de tempo na lógica de mercado em contraponto à lógica substantiva, contestando o mercado como centro das relações humanas, ao reprimir o valor cultural pelo valor monetário. A pesquisa utiliza como procedimento metodológico a análise bibliográfica, para construção das categorias de análise do estudo de caso, realizado por intermédio de pesquisa documental do objeto em estudo: o movimento Slow Food. A pesquisa percebe uma alteração nos modelos culturais mais substantivos nas ações do Slow Food.

In der breiten Öffentlichkeit und in der Politik wird viel über Lebensmittel und Regionalität diskutiert. In der Debatte über regionale Produkte lässt sich beobachten, dass solchen Lebensmitteln in der Regel nur positive Assoziationen zugeschrieben werden. Regionale Produkte sollen etwas Besseres sein, als Lebensmittel aus industrieller Produktion. Wann ist aber ein Produkt eigentlich ein Regionalprodukt? Wie wird diese Regionalität, die einem Lebensmittel zugeschrieben wird, eigentlich konstruiert? Wie entsteht durch Regionalität eigentlich ein höherer Produktwert? Diese Fragen werden aber in Praxis kaum behandelt und genauer analysiert. In der vorliegenden Masterarbeit werden diese Themen genauer behandelt anhand einer praktischen Fallstudie aus der ersten Slow Food Travel Region im Gail- und Lesachtal. Dafür wird ein spezieller theoretischer Rahmen vorgestellt – die Akteur-Netzwerk-Theorie – mit der es möglich ist die Regionalität von Lebensmittel kritisch zu untersuchen. ; Thomas Stefan ; Masterarbeit Universität Klagenfurt 2021

This discussion of the slow food-fast food revolution in Mexico focuses on the tortilla, a staple of the country's peasant cuisine, an occasional part of the diet of most Mexicans, & today a global food, fried as the shell for tacos, sold worldwide by Taco Bell & other fast food franchises. For centuries, rural women rose before dawn to grind the corn into flour, combine it with water, knead the dough, shape it into round flat patties, & bake the tortillas -- all before the men left for the fields. Making good tortillas was a talent required of women. The first change came with a mechanical grinder, which was denigrated at first by the peasant women, but then accepted because it gave them time to engage in other work. Then small factories developed that made tortillas but also sold ground corn to those who wanted to make their own. With industrialization came the rise of Grupo Maseca, a multinational producer of masa harina, or corn flour. Still there were those who insisted that there was no substitute for fresh hand-ground corn flour. Eventually the fast food tortillas & tacos made their way back to Mexico. At present, slow food, moderate-speed food, & fast food coexist. References. J. Stanton