India is a land of sacred cows. They are abundant in the fields, are present with gods in every temple, figure prominently in Parliament and Assemblies, are the deciding factor in elections, and are the subject of judgement in the highest court of India. The sacredness has attained such heights that social scientists from allover the world have made attempts;to find an approach to the study of sacred cows. Cultural ecologists (Harris 1966) and economists (Raj 1969, Heston 1971) have argued intensely in favour of the appropriateness of their respective approach to the problem. I attempt here to add yet another approach, which I call a sociological approach. The objective of this paper is to demonstrate the cultural meaning of cow, which is held in great reverence , by Hindus, and to show t):lat these values of sacredness are more heavily influenced by the socio-political system than by the economic system.
This paper is concerned with public finance and social welfare in Australia. Its purpose first of all, is to explore the background of public finance issues, giving the overall context of social welfare finance in our federal system. Second it examines the methods used by the Commonwealth Grants Commission and the implications of these methods in determining relativities among the States in the distribution process of federal funds. Third it examines methods of assessing social welfare need and social welfare expenditures in the States. Fourth it shows how the structure and pattern of federal grants has changed over the past decade. (1973 – 1983) The data reported here allow comparison between the States on a reasonably standard basis, and show some interesting results in the levels of distribution of social service and social welfare expenditures. Social services (broadly defined) involve a major cash flow in Australian society. Annual social welfare expenditure, (a small part only of the States' social services expenditures, but a large proportion of Commonwealth expenditures) for 1982-83 alone, would buy BHP, CRA, MIM, Westpac, CSR, Comalco and the ANZ Banking Group, and there would still be some change. In this paper we are certainly not dealing with trifling matters. We have attempted to look at broad issues of public finance, and relate these to social welfare. Chapter 1 outlines the roles and responsibilities of the Commonwealth and State governments in providing and funding social welfare. Chapter 2 deals with the role and methods of the Commonwealth Grants Commission review of tax sharing and its analysis of relative needs and costs in social welfare. Chapter 3 uses the standard budgets worked out by the Commonwealth Grants Commission to shed light on the relative levels and structures of social welfare expenditure in the States. Chapter 4 examines how financial arrangements have changed in the past decade, and how the taxation structure has had an impact on State finances and services.
The tradition which considers problems of social division of labour to be entirely economic should be defined more precisely. Social division of labour in the capacity of definite social "mechanism" which fixes the man to a special activity comprises not only economic but other aspects of social relations and therefore should be investigated in sociologic terms as well. Discrimination between its economic and sociologic problems protects both against distortion of the essence of social division of labour and of sciences studying it. ; Trumpame straipsnyje analizuojama darbo pasidalijimo sąvoka, išskiriami įvairūs jos aspektai, pabrėžiamas darbo visuomeniškumas, pateikiamos šio termino reikšmės. Teigiama, kad darbo pasidalijimas yra ne grynai ekonominis, o socialinis-ekonominis reiškinys. Analizuojant jį vien iš ekonominio taško, negalima apimti visų to reiškinio socialumo (visuomeniškumo) aspektų. Sutapatinant skirtingas darbo pasidalijimo puses, labai susiaurinama jo socialinė esmė, o visos darbo pasidalijime kylančios problemos imamos laikyti grynai ekonominėmis. Politinė ekonomija tiria ne visus, o tik tuos žmonių santykius gamyboje, kurie yra glaudžiai susiję su materialine-technine gamybos puse. Sociologija domisi gamybos procesu jo santykyje su visuomenės institucijomis, tiria, koks visuomeninis mechanizmas reguliuoja žmonių sąveiką darbe.
Sir Dugald Baird sketches the history of abortion legislation in Great Britain from the beginning of the century. In his views the 1967 Abortion Act has been one of the most important and beneficial pieces of social legislation enacted in Britain in the last 100 years. It has, however, brought problems both of administration in the hospitals and to individual doctors and nurses, particularly when the patients are young single women and even schoolgirls. One of the consequences of the Abortion Act has been a fall in maternal mortality and perinatal mortality rates. Abortion does not seem to be followed by serious emotional sequelae. Nevertheless recent changes in sexual mores have introduced new and serious social problems which are discussed in relation to the role of the doctor in his relationship with patients seeking abortion.
Law is of an essentially social character. The set of legal norms enacted by the legislator for the orderly regulation of social relationship between the several members of the community, serves to co-ordinate human activity. Therefore law should in no way be regarded as a static set of legal rules, but as a continuous socio-legal process. The study of law in this sense: as a continuous evolution, as found interpreted, applied created and evolved to the point when it acquires legally binding validity, ought to be encouraged. Such a study may perhaps lead us to a systematic knowledge of the impact of law on social conduct and may possibly show us how society, through its various manifestations, helps to fashion the legal norms which, in tum, come to be enforced by organized society. ; peer-reviewed
The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.
Le 5 mars 1955, dans une communication faite à l'Académie des sciences morales et politiques, le docteur Marie-Andrée Lagroua Weill-Hallé évoque un récent procès d'assises : un jeune couple vient d'être condamné à sept ans de prison, pour avoir laissé mourir, faute de soins, son quatrième enfant. Les circonstances du drame n'ont pas été jugées atténuantes. Pourtant, la jeune femme, infirme d'une main et atteinte d'une dépression nerveuse, attendait à vingt-trois ans son cinquième enfant. "Si nous avons tenu à évoquer devant votre illustre compagnie ce drame particulièrement douloureux, plaide le docteur "Weill-Hallé, c'est qu'il n'est pas à l'heure actuelle un cas isolé ". Elle suggère un remède : " Des centres d'eugénique où des jeunes .ménages pourraient demander conseil, aussi bien sur le plan de la psychologie et de la morale que :sur la planification de la famille et "les problèmes de stérilité et de fécondité". Elle conclut en disant que " ces centres pourraient entreprendre, à long terme, l'éducation de la population au sujet des problèmes sexuels, et si tant est. comme le pense Sauvy, qu'à l'heure actuelle en France c'est la stérilité qui est volontaire il y aurait lieu de substituer à cette conception celle plus constructive de " maternité volontaire " ". L'expression est employée pour la première fois, elle est le mot-clé d'une campagne qui aboutira à l'institution du planning familial en France. En effet, cette intervention, ou plus exactement les drames qui l'ont provoquée, semblent bien être l'aboutissement d'un demi-siècle d'anathème et de silence, et la conséquence des principes législatifs, moraux et religieux qui régissent les problèmes posés par la natalité depuis 1920. Les partisans du contrôle des naissances vont essayer d'interpréter la loi et demander ensuite son abolition partielle (.).
Le 5 mars 1955, dans une communication faite à l'Académie des sciences morales et politiques, le docteur Marie-Andrée Lagroua Weill-Hallé évoque un récent procès d'assises : un jeune couple vient d'être condamné à sept ans de prison, pour avoir laissé mourir, faute de soins, son quatrième enfant. Les circonstances du drame n'ont pas été jugées atténuantes. Pourtant, la jeune femme, infirme d'une main et atteinte d'une dépression nerveuse, attendait à vingt-trois ans son cinquième enfant. "Si nous avons tenu à évoquer devant votre illustre compagnie ce drame particulièrement douloureux, plaide le docteur "Weill-Hallé, c'est qu'il n'est pas à l'heure actuelle un cas isolé ". Elle suggère un remède : " Des centres d'eugénique où des jeunes .ménages pourraient demander conseil, aussi bien sur le plan de la psychologie et de la morale que :sur la planification de la famille et "les problèmes de stérilité et de fécondité". Elle conclut en disant que " ces centres pourraient entreprendre, à long terme, l'éducation de la population au sujet des problèmes sexuels, et si tant est. comme le pense Sauvy, qu'à l'heure actuelle en France c'est la stérilité qui est volontaire il y aurait lieu de substituer à cette conception celle plus constructive de " maternité volontaire " ". L'expression est employée pour la première fois, elle est le mot-clé d'une campagne qui aboutira à l'institution du planning familial en France. En effet, cette intervention, ou plus exactement les drames qui l'ont provoquée, semblent bien être l'aboutissement d'un demi-siècle d'anathème et de silence, et la conséquence des principes législatifs, moraux et religieux qui régissent les problèmes posés par la natalité depuis 1920. Les partisans du contrôle des naissances vont essayer d'interpréter la loi et demander ensuite son abolition partielle (.).
Se l'Umanita, come altre volte affermato, e pervenuta all'attuale grado di cultura e di progresso, cia e dovuto al contributo dei Maestri di ogni epoca, di ogni disciplina e di ogni astrazione politica. Cia ci rende riconoscenti e graci, consapevoli come siamo che gli schemi della cultura economica delle epoche passate hanno consencito queUe spinte evolutive che sono state capaci di rend ere piu facili le intese fra popoli e individui. ; peer-reviewed
The purpose of this thesis is to attempt to survey and analyse incomes policies in Western countries which have instituted them and to try to explain the economic problems that confront economies which apply them with the prime object of checking inflation. It is, moreover, important to consider whether the disappointing results flowed from policies which were basically inappropriate for the economies for which they were designed, or whether they were due to a lack of determination by the authorities to carry them out, in view of public hostility towards this kind of government intervention. Incomes policies can, of course, be taken to include many types of direct and indirect government controls and methods of distributing the national product. It is intended, however, to limit the survey to a consideration of their specific objective of controlling inflation, as distinct from their objectives such as reducing the disparity in incomes within a community or the social welfare aspects of pensions and unemployment. We shall, therefore be dealing in the main with incomes policies in the narrower sense "of the relationship between changes in real income and changes in the aggregate of money incomes taking place in the economy at the same".
The quest for security has been an integral part of human want ever since the dawn of civilization. Various methods have been developed to meet the need. Among them insurance is a dominant one at the present time. The origin of Chinese insurance is dated back to three to four thousand years before Christ. In the recent ten years, Chinese insurance business attracts mo re and more investors into the market. It is the purpose of this study to investigate the facts of the past Chinese insurance industry reaching to the present, and to attempt to express opinions based on these sound factual evidences, as to the possible Chinese insurance trend from the present into the future unknown. In the past decade, Chinese insurance business has experienced a favorable development in the history of the industry. Alongside this development come such problems as are incidental to the business. More complete governmental supervision over the industry and the further development of social consciousness on the part of the insurers and the establishment of a sound educational program are possible approaches to solve these problems.
In this essay in attempt is made to relate some aspects of Maltese social life to the policies implemented by the British Colonial Administration. The emphasis is on economic, political and religious institutions. The aim is to provide a sociological interpretation of certain processes and patterns of behaviour as these may relate to certain historical events. The evidence for these events is drawn from published secondary sources. Therefore in these respects, at least, there is no claim for originality. Nor does this account present a comprehensive assessment of the extent of British colonial impact on Malta's soda-economic life. Important areas which were deeply influenced by the exercise of colonial power structure, like education, health and sanitation are barely touched upon Or simply mentioned in passing. Certain concepts like that of "elites" or "culture" which are widely used in this essay are intended as usually understood by sociologists. Thus the former refers to a political, economic or status minority which may be entrenched at the top of a society, group, or other social category whether this is openly democratic or not. The latter refers to the ideas, values and norms influencing social behaviour, and defining inter-relations rather than simply to any artistic or literary heritage. ; N/A
Este trabajo revisa críticamente la visión funcionalista del liderazgo. La dimensión de control y eficacia es la característica predominante de esta visión cuantitativa del liderazgo. En cambio, hoy en día las acciones de liderazgo están dirigidas a la inclusión social de la diversidad de la población escolar como la meta más urgente en las políticas y acciones escolares. Así, estas dos visiones de la acción de liderazgo son contradictorias y origen de dilemas importantes: por una parte la visión estatal funcionalista y, por otra, la visión local sustentada en las raíces de la Sociedad Civil. La opción es un nuevo concepto denominado liderazgo social. En este trabajo se señalan sus características: interaccionismo inclusivo, organizaciones horizontales, toma de decisiones democráticas y acciones emocionales orientadas a la mejora del aprendizaje del alumnado. This paper is a critical review of leadership based on functionalist theory. Current literature emphasises a quantitative approach of leadership which main dimension are control and efficacy. But nowadays at primary and secondary school is more important to improve process of inclusion of the population diversity as main goal of schooling. The two visions, that is, State and Administrative approach of leadership and Civil Society development of local leadership are in permanent conflicts, contradictions and dilemmas. The option is a new leadership's concept: social leadership. In this concept I sketch some target actions: partnership interactionist, inclusiveness, flat organizations, democratic decision making and emotional action aimed to improve students' achievement.
Diffusion du document : INRA Station d'Economie et Sociologie rurales 65 rue de Saint-Brieuc 35042 Rennes Cedex (FRA) ; Quelques aspects récents de la politique des firmes laitières internationales. Tome 1 : Les grandes firmes laitières américaines
Thesis (Dr. of Education in Social Foundations)--University of California, Berkeley, June 1972 ; Bibliography: leaves [239̈-261 ; Mode of access: Internet.
