Suchergebnisse

This article is a presentation of bureaucracy, its elements, the diverse forms it takes in developing countries, its rationality as political strategy and new theorists in the subjects. ; El artículo realiza una presentación de la burocracia, sus elementos, las diversas formas que adopta en los países en desarrollo, su racionalidad como estrategia política y los nuevos teóricos que la estudian.

This paper is about law, not laboratory animals or philosophical ethics. It proceeds from the premise that law is an appropriate, perhaps inevitable, instrument for dealing with ethical issues related to the use of research animals.

In this thesis an attempt was made to examine the period1965-1975, in Australia, in terms of the symbolic politics ofsocial change in certain fields of "protest", viz the anti-Vietnammovements, women's movements, environmental movements,Aboriginal movements, "permissiveness" movementsand (to a lesser extent) "ethnic consciousness" movements.There was a concern with both the instrumental and the expressivefunctions of these forms of protest.Particular reliance was placed on some of the conceptsdeveloped by Kenneth Burke, Hugh Dalziel Duncan, Orrin.E.Klapp,Murray Edelman, James Combs and Michael Mansfield. Theseconcepts were used in an examination of pamphlets, petitions,editorials, letters to the editor of newspapers and magazines,books, badges, stickers, posters and contemporary accounts of theactivities pursued by the movements referred to.This resulted in a classification of various forms ofprotest action. Within each of these classifications there wasexamination of both instrumental and expressive elements - andalso with paradoxes of unintended consequences. The protest formswere seen to be capable of developing a "life" of their own.One of the main conclusions reached has been concerned withthe need, on occasion, to use symbolic forms of protest/challengein order to place new items on the agenda, or to re-defineexisting agenda items. However, the very theatricality of thetechniques used not only attracts attention and gives reassuranceto followers: it can also produce unintended consequences.The study of the theatricalities of agenda - changing meritscloser attention by political scientists than it has traditionallyreceived. There is a need to develop new methods of analysis.

The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

In the light of mounting interest in, and manifestations of, ethnicity in most of the world today, it becomes important to work on the broader meaning of ethnicity from the comparative, historical and theoretical perspectives. The sheer persistence and the re-emergence of ethnic identities, and the relationship of ethnic movements and developments to economic and political realities, are certainly major research issues. In this context, we might be able to learn more about ethnicity per se, if we ask questions about the alternatives and opposites to ethnicity. Just as we can better understand the social meaning of conformity by examination of the variations of deviance, so may be treated the sociology of ethnicity. Furthermore, this approach, if valid, may differentiate not only between ethnicity and its absence, but also distinguish among degrees of ethnicity as well. It is, of course, a traditional approach in sociological theory, that of deviant case analysis, or of examining one kind of phenomenon in order to undestand its mirror image or images. In this paper, then, it is proposed to define ethnicity, ethnic culture and structure; and then proceed to examine the theoretical possibilities which emerge from a proposed four-fold classification of attachments to cultural and structural entities.

In 1964, a community of Swampy Cree and Metis in Northern Manitoba was forced to relocate when a hydroelectric dam constructed nearby caused a rise in the lake leve1 which flooded out the community. In order to effect the relocation, the Manitoba government created an administrative body, known as the Forebay Committee. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the long-term consequences of the relocation for the people involved, and to evaluate the effectiveness of the Forebay Committee in planning and executing this relocation. The relocation is viewed as involving a process of rapid, involuntary modernization in which a traditional, isolated, and relatively uncomplex native community was brought, almost overnight, within the realm of the larger regional and national social, political, and economic systems. The thesis concludes that, contrary to the assumptions of change agents involved in effecting relocations, such projects do not necessarily result in an improvement in the lives of the people involved.

Brief presented to the Minister of Social Services and Community Health, Dr. Neil Webber.

Brief presented to the Minister of Social Services and Community Health, Dr. Neil Webber.

Introduction; Value orientations and the assessment of change; Historical perspectives; Defining modernism; Previous value studies; Hypotheses; The study area; Data collection; Data organization; Developemtn of scales; Modernism and cross cultural contact; Education; Residence and birthplace; Geographic mobility; Military service; Use of mass media; Modernism and other reference characteristics; Age; Sex; Health; Primary household language; Willingness to commute and to relocate; Acculturation and assimilation; Occupational status and income; Summary analyses; Where change is occuring; Profiles of traditional and modern; Implications and applications of the modernism scale; Literature cited; Appendix A; Appendix B; Appendix C ; Bulletin containing research produced with the aid of Cooperative State Research Service Grants No. 4104-4 and 4104-8, and New Mexico Agricultural Experiment Station Projects No. 440 and 474. The bulletin contains the results of a study to determine any existing value orientation differences between Anglo- and Spanish-Americans in north-central New Mexico, and what effects those difference have in the economic situations of each population.

Mode of access: Internet. ; Reprinted from the original: The Harbinger in New York by Brooks Farm Phalanx (vols.1-4) and in Boston by the American Union of Associationists (vols. 5-8) [issued by Burgess, Stringer, and Co., N.Y. and Redding and Co., Boston.

Der Autor untersucht die Auswirkungen der Professionalisierung der deutschen Ärzteschaft Ende des 19. und Anfang des 20. Jahrhundert auf den langfristigen sozialen Wandel. Ausgehend von einer starken Zersplitterung der Ärzteschaft in einzelne konkurrierende Untergruppen bis Beginn der achtziger Jahre entwickelte sich nach Maßgabe des Verfassers eine durch Professionalisierung geprägte, akademisch ausgebildete homogene Ärzteschaft durch den gemeinsamen Widerstand gegen das Anwachsen des Einflusses staatlicher Gesundheitspolitik. Diesem Prozeß steht eine wachsende Akzeptanz und Hochschätzung der Ärzteschaft durch die Bevölkerung, vor allem durch die vom sozialen Wandel stark betroffene Arbeiterschaft gegenüber. Die ansteigende Professionalisierung bewirkte hiermit, so der Autor, eine stärkere Akzeptanz rationaler Wertemuster durch die wachsende Bedeutung der 'medizinischen Kultur' und war deshalb ein Beitrag zur Abschwächung sozialer Gegensätze. ; The professionalization of German medicine during the late 19th and early 20th centuries apparently develops its specific dynamics precisely in a phase of social development characterized by a threat to the privileges of the bourgeoisie and to the health sector as a whole, which exposed especially the medical profession to the pressure of increasing tendencies towards socialization. The imagination with regard to organization and planning of a great number of doctors was not however limited during this period to the consolidation of medical organizations as combat units to establish professional autonomy, for clearly defined and in the long run increasing social status, or for an income appropriate to that status. Rather, by participating in the development of the system of social welfare and health-related infrastructure, doctors contributed - as a number of authors have emphasized - to a remarkable extent to the medicalization process of the German population. This process can be seen in the rapid growth of receptivity of the population, especially the lower strata, for the so-called 'medical culture' and thus for rationalistic patterns of values and behavior. This function of the 'Hidden Curriculum' of the social insurance and infrastructure system, which physicians helped to shape, went far beyond profession-specific goals, although such goals - especially the expansion and stabilization of the market for medical services - were also attained. In this light, the doctors can be seen as unconscious propagandists and promoters of a type of society which has often - misleadingly - been called 'nivellierte Mittelstandsgesellschaft' (leveled/uniform middle class society). Since the late 19th century, the medical profession has again and again attempted to exclude itself as an elite cultural and income group from these 'leveling tendencies'. In this manner it has functioned as an exceptional agent for the patterns of values and behavioral orientations which support socio-structural homogenization.

On October 31 and November 1, 1979, The Anti-Cruelty Society hosted a conference on laboratory animal usage. It was a unique gathering that included not only humanitarians from near and far, but prominent members of the biomedical community as well. Day Two of the conference (November 1, 1979) opened with a presentation by Henry Spira. The following is a condensed and edited summary.

Change constitutes different things for the groups, as the position of one group may improve, but that of another deteriorate. Social change is a consequence of how the different groups act, and their actions again depend on their social and economic interests. In other words, there are groups in society (social classes, professional groups, the agrarian population, industrial workers), which come more or less openly in conflict with each other when looking after their interests. Thus this way of thinking is based on a conflict model. One sees social change as a consequence of people trying to protect their social and economic interests. Viewed this way even religious organizations and movements are involved in protecting the interests of social groups. However, the interesting point in this connection is that religious movements differ from political movements and groups, as the religious movements express the social interests of a group more indirectly than the political movements. The religious movements gather people from similar living conditions, and so to speak, prepare them for political work. They defend and justify the way of living of a group, and thus give ideological material for political groupings. They may also form coalitions with political groups and parties. The author analyzes Laestadianism from this point of view. Before going into the connection between religious dynamics and social change it is necessary to present a few general features of Laestadianism as a religious movement of the peasant population.

Virgil Crisafulli's remarks at the the New York State Conference regarding social and political strategies that should be taken to end unemployment and poverty in the Central New York areas.

Among the cognitive systems known to influence social behavior and social values, concepts of justice are of particular importance. They offer standards against which past and prevailing social orders, laws, regulations, demands, judgments, and the fate of other humans may be measured. Common experience teaches that the awareness of having been treated unjustly can be agonizing and under some circumstances even pathogenic. Attempts to rectify injustice may range from acts of charity to lawsuit; they may incite the individual to acts of revenge or the masses to political revolution. The desire to behave and be treated in a just manner, as well as the need to believe in a just social order - if only as a fictitious entity -are the determinants of a great number of actions and moral judgments (Lemer, 1977). Exactly what qualifies an action or judgment as just, however, is a matter of continuing debate. The standards of justice actually implemented vary according to the situation, the perspective of the observer, and the perceived quality of the social context (Deutsch, 1975). Concepts of justice change with societal change (Sampson, 1975) and they are known to vary as the individual reaches new stages in development (Berg &Mussen, 1975).