Suchergebnisse

In Germany, Turkish entrepreneurs & self-assured representatives of the migrant population enter the local stages of negotiation about social inequality. The upwardly mobile people of Turkish origin are challenging conceptions of natural privilege widely shared by their autochthonous Neighbours who consider the upper ranks of society as being reserved to them. The analysis of two urban quarters shows significant patterns of classification that arise out of this social constellation: By means of negative classifications, the autochthonous population devaluates successful descendants of Turkish immigrants who appear to be capable of reversing the social stigmatization. A new symbolic order of social inequality is emerging from the ensuing conflicts of classification. The article examines the impact of these interethnic struggles on social integration. 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

Even if much is made of the concept of a strong civil society: empirical data on the social and economic significance on the third sector structured in terms of civil society is severely lacking. The authors present initial findings of the project "civil society in numbers" which aims at closing a gap in the data-based measuring and description of the sector. As a first step, data from the company register managed by the federal office for statistics is evaluated. This allows for interesting observations on the relation between organisation size, employee numbers and activities and about the economic performance of the sector. But the authors also make clear that the basic classification data of companies only shed a limited light on civil society. Future projections need to provide information on the importance of civil society for social integration and democracy policy. Adapted from the source document

Prior to the debacle of 2008, Spain's economy was an object of particular admiration for Western commentators. In the context of the global crisis, however, Spain has been hovering on the brink of classification as a case for Eurozone bail-out, following Greece, Ireland and Portugal. We borrow from Robert Brenner's concept of "asset-price Keynesianism" in order to analyse the recent crash of the Spanish economy as well as its social and political consequences. The bursting of the Spanish bubble has torn the veil from a highly polarized social order, with a large proportion of the population deep in debt, many out of work and dependent on public services doubly hit by spending cuts and privatization. Adapted from the source document.

For several years, the social sciences experience an almost Copernican revolution: range and scope of social science data are increasing rapidly, research on computer-based methods for classification and analysis of existing large data volumes experiencing an interdisciplinary boom. The very much lamented lack of information about individual behavior or institutions has become - at least in part - abundantly wrong (King 2011). For this, a bit simplistic, but impressive example: The data collected as part of the German Election Study and the ALLBUS since 1949 can be easily put together on a gigabyte of storage. About the social media platform Twitter, which increasingly becoming the focus of scientific interest, will, over the rule of thumb, about four gigabytes of data generate - per hour. This illustrates not necessarily the rapid increase in political science relevant data - about the content some arbitrarily collated Tweet Collection for political science research let themselves worthy of debate - but probably the enormous potential of new data sources, as well as the extraordinary technical challenges are faced with the researchers, might study the social behavior on the World Wide Web. Adapted from the source document.

Several hypotheses try to explain the causes of secessionism based on the social background of the secessionists and their core beliefs. The causes of ethnic, national or regional frustration lead to different ways of conflict escalation. Secessionist movements of the 21st century are embossed by extensive violence, be represented by more parties than of 'liberation movements' and find more in wealthy than in poor regions of Europe instead. Adapted from the source document.

"Prior to the debacle of 2008, Spain's economy was an object of particular admiration for Western commentators. In the context of the global crisis, however, Spain has been hovering on the brink of classification as a case for Eurozone bail-out, following Greece, Ireland and Portugal. We borrow from Robert Brenner's concept of 'asset-price Keynesianism' in order to analyse the recent crash of the Spanish economy as well as its social and political consequences. The bursting of the Spanish bubble has torn the veil from a highly polarized social order, with a large proportion of the population deep in debt, many out of work and dependent on public services doubly hit by spending cuts and privatization." (author's abstract)

Is there a moral economy of capitalism? The term "moral economy" was coined in pre-capitalist times and does not refer to economy as we know it today. It was only in the nineteenth century that economy came to mean the production and circulation of goods and services. At the same time, the term started to be used in an explicitly critical tone: references to moral economy were normally critical of modern forms of economy, which were purportedly lacking in morals. In our times, too, the morality of capitalism is often the topic of debate and controversy. "Moral Economies" engages in these debates. Using historical case studies from the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries the book discusses the degree to which economic actions and decisions were permeated with moral, good-vs-bad classifications. Moreover it shows how strongly antiquity's concept of "embedded" economy is still powerful in modernity. The model for this was often the private household, in which moral, social, and economic behavior patterns were intertwined. The do-it-yourself movement of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries was still oriented towards this model, thereby criticizing capitalism on moral grounds

"The history of the politics of place in South(ern) Sudan, in which certain places have been assigned to specific groups of people, is long and has been accompanied by ethnicized violence. Starting with the colonial ethnic classification system, the post-colonial politics of place were reinforced by the policies of repatriation, which were implemented by International Organizations after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005. Refugees and displaced people have been assigned to specific places to which they are supposed to return. Accordingly South(ern) Sudanese living in the city of Khartoum have been constructed as displaced people - as people who are 'out of place' and need to be 'put in place'. The assumption that people belong to certain places is reflected in the debate on Juba, the capital of the new South Sudan state. Different groups are claiming that 'Juba is our place' and, thereby, are referring to different forms of belonging. Based on fieldwork conducted in Khartoum, Juba and Kakuma from 2006-2012, this paper takes the case of the Bari people. By highlighting different forms of belonging, this paper argues that there are different ways of imagining Juba. Juba is conceptualized as the place of the Bari people but it is also the place where the nation of South Sudan is imagined. Furthermore, places are not only places of identification but also physical locations in which people have experiences, create social relations and make memories. In the context of South Sudan, the different ways in which Juba is perceived are often contradicting. Finally, it can be observed that daily experiences within concrete places often become invisible and are superimposed by powerful discourses on belonging." (author's abstract)